History of Greece, Macedonia, and Syria (2024)

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{{Template}}History of Greece, Macedonia, and Syria (1852) by William Roe Lyall, ‎Edward Poco*cke, ‎Jacob Henry Brooke Mountain

PREFACE.In this volume will be found successive notices of the gradual decadence of Hellenic power throughout its internal relations. Its agency,however, is still powerful, but the centre of its vitality is changed.The Peloponnesian battle-field is the birth-place of the Greek soldierof fortune-the patriot loses his distinctive character. Henceforth,the martial energies of Greece are expended on her external lifeXenophon and Agesilaus are the pioneers of the great captain-generalof Greece. The kingdoms of Macedon, Syria, and Egypt, not lessthan the Indo-Greek dynasties, are now seen to contribute their respective groups to the crowded historical canvas; and although, with theexception of the great Macedonian Hero, no figures are seen repletewith the political or warlike grandeur of Solon, Miltiades, and Pericles;yet these chieftains are, even amidst the quarrels of dynastic ambition,replaced by an age of more practical and utilitarian tendencies. Theperiod embraced by the following pages is profoundly instructive tothe statesman. He cannot but perceive that the noblest physical andintellectual endowments, called into exercise on the narrow base ofindividual and jealous isolation-strengthened by no comprehensivefederalization and guided by no controlling hand-must ever fall aprey to ambitious intelligence. It is impossible not to be struck withthe small circle of Athenian or Spartan influences, when viewed incontrast with that mighty political machine which, wheel withinwheel, revolved in ceaseless energy under the master mind of Alexander. Never was there an era when denationalization, multiform andrapid, became the source of a new nationality so vast and so uniform.Greece, Egypt, Syria, Persia, and India lost for a time their exclusiveness of type, only to form separate portions of a magnificent workviii PREFACE.of art, wherein the portraiture of the political world was once morerecast by the intellectual grandeur of the MACEDONIAN. In no instancehas an individual possessing such a remarkable aptitude for war, soeagerly and so felicitously laid the foundations of commercial prosperity. The reader will find ample illustration of this fact in the lastchapter of this volume, under the history of " The Indo- MacedonianKingdom." In connection with the latter subject, I take this opportunity of making my acknowledgments for the very valuable information supplied by " Ariana, " the admirable work of Professor Wilson,which unites the rare merit of a thorough classification of the highestauthorities, Classical and Oriental, with deductions from Indian archæology and numismatics of scarcely less importance in an historicalpoint of view. The valuable and lucid work of H. Prinsep, Esq. , onthe " Bactrian Coins, ” has also been of much assistance.It has been usual to close the history of Greece with the last ofAlexander's successors, Perseus king of Macedon, a period when thiskingdom merges in the Roman Republic. Considering such a contracted point of view, however, as inconsistent with the comprehensiveness of the historical scheme which Oriental scholarship haslately achieved, I have considered it not unimportant to sketch thelast outlines of Hellenic civilization whose relics are still visible onthe banks of the Indus and the highlands of the Parapomisus.E. POco*ckE.London, Sept. 1 , 1852.NAMES OF CONTRIBUTORS.WILLIAM ROE LYALL, D.D.CHAPTER I. State of Parties in Greece at the conclusion of the Pelopon-""nesian Wars.V. The Age of Agesilaus.JACOB HENRY BROOKE MOUNTAIN, D.D.CHAPTER II . Xenophon.X. Aratus. ""XI. Cleomenes." " XII. Philopomen.GEORGE CECIL RENOUARD, B.D.CHAPTER III . The Thirty Tyrants.- CLELAND, Esq., M.A.CHAPTER VI. Epaminondas.E. POco*ckE, Esq.CHAPTER IV. Socrates." " XV. The Indo- Macedonian Kingdom.MICHAEL RUSSELL, D.D., D.C.L.CHAPTER VII. Philip of Macedon.VIII. Alexander the Great.IX. Alexander's Successors.XIII. Syria.XIV. Perseus, King of Macedon.

CONTENTS.PageCHAPTER I.-STATE OF PARTIES IN GREECE AT THE CONCLUSION OFTHE PELOPONNESIAN WARS . 1CHAPTER II.-XENOPHONCHAPTER III.-THE THIRTY TYRANTS 42CHAPTER IV.-SOCRATES 55CHAPTER V.-THE AGE OF AGESILAUSCHAPTER VI.-EPAMEINONDASCHAPTER VII.-PHILIP OF MACEDONCHAPTER VIII.-ALEXANDER THE GREATCHAPTER IX. -ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORSArrhidæusMacedoniaAntigonus, Protector of AsiaThe SeleucidæSyria and Asia MinorEgypt ·CHAPTER X.-ARATUS .CHAPTER XI.-CLEOMENES•6271120. 166• 225225• 246· 261. 271. 289• 308313334xii CONTENTS.PageCHAPTER XII. -PHILOPMENCHAPTER XIII.—SYRIA, FROM THE REIGN OF ANTIOCHUS THE Great,TO THE TERMINATION OF THE DYNASTY OF THESELEUCIDECHAPTER XIV. —PERSEUS, KING OF MACEDONCHAPTER XV.-THE INDO- MACEDONIAN KINGDOMCHRONOLOGICAL TABLES: -INDEXGREECE, B. C. 403-145MACEDONIA, B. c. 359–323MACEDONIA AND THRACE, B. C. 323-147SYRIA, B. C. 321-62ASIA MINOR, B. C. 323-36PARTHIA AND BACTRIA, B. C. 250-97351• 365391• 400• 437443• 446. 448• 452454. 455LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.PTOLEMY II., PHILADELPHUS, AND HIS WIFE ARSINOE, DAUGHTER OF LYSIMACHUS. Visconti, Iconographie GrecquePageVIGNETTE. Rossi's Gemme AnticheATHENS. THE ACADEMIC GROVES.XENOPHON ·• · ·G. F. SargentARTAXERXES, KING OF PERSIA. Visconti, Iconographie Grecque SLINGERS. G. F. Sargent •GREEK PRIESTESS. Real Museo BorbonicoDEATH OF THERAMENES. G. F. SargentATHENE, in Car. Tassi's Catalogue of GemsVignette on Title· xii141224· 41• 4254· 55· 56· 586267• 70· 71. 81· 85• 91· 98·. 105DEATH OF SOCRATES. G. F. Sargent, after a picture by L. David SOCRATES. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueLYSIAS. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueRAISING A TROPHY FOR THE VICTORY OF CORONEA. G. F. SargentAGESILAUS. Reiske's German edition of Plutarch .GREEK WARRIOR. Hope's Costumes ofthe Ancients DEATH OF EPAMEINONDAS.COIN OF THEBES • .G. F. SargentCOIN OF LACEDEMON. Hunterian MuseumCRESCENT OF TROOPS. G. F. Sargent COIN OF ATHENS: Tetra drachma. Hunterian MuseumSTADIUM OF MESSENIA. G. F. Sargent ·PHILIP, SON OF AMYNTAS. Museum Florentinum .AMPHIPOLIS. L'Univers Pittoresque •ARISTOTLE. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueCOIN OF PHOCIS. Hunterian Museum. 120· 128129. 135.xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.DEMOSTHENES. Visconti, Iconographie Grecque •ESCHINES. Visconti, Iconographie GrecquePage · 144145ISOCRATES. Bottari, Il Museo CapitolinoALEXANDER THE GREAT. Canini, IconografiaAMPHISSA, the Modern CRISSA, on Mount Parnassus, looking up the Vale of Salona. G. F. SargentCHÆRONEA. WilliamsVIGNETTE. Mural Painting at Herculaneum ALEXANDER THE GREAT .THEBES IN BOTIA. G. F. Sargent•PASSAGE OF THE GRANICUS. G. F. Sargent, after a picture by LebrunHALICARNASSUS. From L'Univers Pittoresque, by G. F. SargentBATTLE OF ISSUS, BETWEEN ALEXANDER AND DARIUS. From the Mosaicdiscovered at Pompeii in 1831 ALEXANDER AND THE FAMILY OF DARIUS.150• 159· 160164· 166· 167• · 176181• 184• • • · 194G. F. Sargent, after a pictureby Lebrun THEBES, IN EGYPTALEXANDRIA. Museum FlorentinumJUNCTION OF THE TIGRIS AND EUPHRATES AT CHEBARTHE DEFEAT OF PORUS. G. F. Sargent, after a picture by LebrunTHE CASPIAN SEA. G. F. Sargent • ·HALL OF XERXES, PERSEPOLIS. Restoration. G. F. Sargent, after Botta 224 BABYLON. Martin and CorbouldPYRAMIDS OF EGYPT. Bonomi225· 238·. 248. 197202• 202• 204· · 216· • · 221CASSANDER. Museum FlorentinumCAPTIVE JEWS. Rosellini ·ANTIGONUS. WinckelmannSITE OF SUSA, THE CAPITAL OF SUSIANAPTOLEMY SOTER. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueBERENICE, WIFE OF PTOLEMY SOTER.. 254· 259·. 262· 263Visconti, Iconographie Grecque •. 263• • •. 265• . 269DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueBATTLE WITH ARABSPASS IN PETRA (IDUMÆA)SELEUCUS I. , NICATORCOIN OF RHODES. Hunterian Collection •·€ 270271. 276RHODES 277PYRRHUS, KING OF EPIRUS. Akermann's Numismatic Atlas ·SELEUCUS NICATOR GIVING HIS WIFE STRATONICE TO HIS SON ANTIOCHUS··· 280·282283•€ 290• • 292· 293· 293. 295Visconti, Iconographie Grecque • 295· 296SOTER. G. F. Sargent, after a picture by Gerard Lairesse LYSIMACHUS. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueANTIOCHUS SOTER. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueANTIOCHUS THEOS. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueCASTLE OF TIRIDATES. Sir R. K. PorterPTOLEMY EUERGETES.COIN OF THE TIME OF PTOLEMY EUERGETESSELEUCUS CALLINICUS.ANTIOCHUS HIERAX. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueVisconti, Iconographie GrecqueLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. XVPage PTOLEMY PHILOPATOR. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueOVERFLOW OF THE NILE. BonomiATTALUS I., KING OF PERGAMUS.PTOLEMY EPIPHANES.BERENICE EUERGETES. Visconti, Iconographie Grecque• 300. 301Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueVisconti, Iconographie Grecque. 303. 305·. 309KING RETURNING WITH CAPTIVES 310GREEK SOLDIER BEFORE THE STATUE OF ATHENE. Museum Florentinum 312CORINTH FROM ACROCORINTHUS. G. F. SurgentTHE TESTUDO. G. F. SargentACHAIA. G. F. Sargent, after WilliamsCLEOMENES, KING OF SPARTA.· 313. 317333· 334G. F. Sargent 350 · 364Visconti, Iconographie Grecque THE ASSASSINS OF PHILOPEMEN SACRIFICED AT HIS TOMB.KING OF THRACE. Name unknown. Museum FlorentinumPALACE OF SELEUCUS AT ANTIOCH. G. F. SargentANTIOCHUS THE GREAT. Canini, IconografiaEUMENES II. , KING OF PERGAMUS.. 365365Visconti, Iconographie Grecque ·. 368. 369· 372HANNIBAL. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueCATO THE CENSOR. From a gem in the Ursini CollectionATTALUS II. , KING OF PERGAMUS. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueSCIPIO AFRICANUS. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueHELIODORUS DRIVEN FROM THE TEMPLE. G. F. Sargent, from a pictureby Solimene · • · .ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueDEMETRIUS I. AND LAODICE. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueALEXANDER BALAS. Visconti, Iconographie Grecque. 374376. 380• 381• 384384CLEOPATRA, WIFE OF DEMETRIUS NICATOR. Visconti, IconographieGrecque · · · ·ANTIOCHUS VIII . , GRYPUS. Visconti, Iconographie Grecque TIGRANES. Visconti, Iconographie GrecqueCLEOPATRA SELENE. Museum Florentinum·5 385• 387. 389389PHRYGIA, A ROMAN COLONY: Emblematical figure . Real Museo Borbonico 390PERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON. Iconografia da Canini •PHILIP V. OF MACEDON. Visconti, Iconographie Grecque VIGNETTE. Museum FlorentinumTOPE OF MANIKYALA. Wilson's ArianaTOPE OF BIMARAN. Wilson's ArianaEUTHYDEMUS. Wilson's ArianaEUKRATIDES THE GREAT. Prinsep's Historical Results COIN OF THE KANERKA DYNASTY. Wilson's ArianaTUMULUS OF KOTI-KHAIL. Wilson's Ariana• 391• 392•€ 399400• 409· 422· 425· 428434

GEJARCENAthens. The Academic Groves.CHAPTER I.STATE OF PARTIES IN GREECE AT THE CONCLUSION OF THEPELOPONNESIAN WARS.B. C. 404.THERE are no æras in Grecian history which assume greater prominence, none which present a moral of greater significance, than thosewhich stand in immediate connection with unity of direction aided byconfederate power. The headship of Miltiades, not less than theenergies of Xenophon and the sway of the son of Philip, the great"Captain-General of Greece," bears witness to the power of disciplineand the advantages of enlightened combination.The Mythologic, the Heroic, and the Democratic periods of GrecianHistory have already passed in review before us, and we have nowarrived at the last of its great leading epocha. The interest which isexcited in the mind of the reader for that extraordinary people, bytheir heroic resistance to the overwhelming force which had beenpoured against them by Persia, as recorded by Herodotus, is wellsustained by Thucydides in the narrative which he has left us of thedomestic wars among the different States which arose, after the cessation of all danger from without; but after the conclusion of the[ H. G.]B2 CONCLUSION OF THEState of parties in Greece.ofthis period.Peloponnesian contest, the interest and the instruction to be derivedfrom Grecian history rapidly diminish . It has been well observed,that the proper point of view in which we ought to consider thatobstinate and protracted war, is in the light of a civil contention.It was not the ambition of Athens disputing with the pride of Spartafor political ascendancy; but it was the turbulence of the many arrayedagainst the prescription of the few, it was a question between the Democratical party in the several States, which composed the Grecian confederation, and that of the Oligarchical; and it is in this circ*mstance,that we must trace the cause of that deep interest which every readeris made to feel in the progress of the contest, and which is so disproportioned to the magnitude of the stake, and so greatly superior tothat which is commonly excited by the ordinary details of war andconquest. Mankind have few sympathies to spare, except where they are personally concerned in the occasion, for mere ambition and lustof power, whether exhibited in the history of nations or in that ofindividuals; and unless our interest on one side or the other can beexcited in the cause for which the respective parties contend, and ourmoral feelings and attachments be put into motion, it is seldom thatany strong and permanent hold can be gained upon the imagination,merely by eloquence of description.Xenophon The truth of this is strongly felt, when we close Thucydides, and peculiarly take up the continuation of the history of Grecian affairs , which has adapted for the historian been left us by his accomplished successor. If ever there existed anindividual, whom natural talent and actual circ*mstances of everykind would have pointed out for the office of historian of the transactions which happened during the age in which he himself lived, it wassurely Xenophon. Distinguished by genius and skill in warfare, perhaps, even above the very greatest of the captains whose exploits hehas recorded; having access to means of information, which no individual beside himself could probably have commanded; with a tastethe most refined, and an understanding strengthened and enlarged,not merely by an experience of mankind and of public affairs, such asfalls to the lot of few, but also by the instruction of the father of allthat is sound and elevating in philosophy-we may safely take forgranted, that he has imparted to the history which he has left us ofthe affairs of Greece, all the interest and value of which the facts thathe had to record were properly susceptible. And yet while the workof Thucydides is known almost by heart by every scholar, and quotedby every writer as the great repository of political wisdom and historical illustration, the work of Xenophon, which as a piece of composition is one of the purest specimens of Attic taste, which has beenspared by the destructive hand of time, is almost unknown to thegeneral reader, and not always read even by those who feel ashamedto confess their ignorance of Livy or Herodotus.Post- republican Greece,The fact is, after the submission of Athens to the will of the conqueror, that which follows of the history of Greece, until the rise ofPELOPONNESIAN WAR. 3the Macedonian power, when a new state of things begins to arise, islike that part of a drama which is protracted after the catastrophe.Some curiosity is perhaps felt to know what afterwards became of theseveral cities and states; just as in a novel, we linger to be told thefinal destiny of the persons of the story; but our curiosity is merelyadventitious-it is unconnected with any hopes or fears-it is a meredesire to know, without regard to any wish that we seek to gratify.On this account, we may the less regret that the knowledge which we possess ofthe events that intervened between the fall of the Athenianpower, and the rise of that of Thebes under Epaminondas, is, in manyrespects, imperfect. The principal events themselves are indirectlyknown to us by means of Xenophon and Diodorus; but the reader isoften puzzled in what way they ought to be interpreted. Wars arise;jealousies and heart-burnings are manifested; alliances are cemented orbroken; but what that particular state of things may have been in theseveral states from which they originated, or by what accidents thatconstant revolution of parties is brought about, which is for ever happening at Corinth, at Argos, at Thebes, and, to a certain point, evenat Sparta itself, we are, for the most part, left only to conjecture.From these circ*mstances the narrative is broken, as it were, into Its recordpieces, without any clue being left to us by which to connect the disjointedevents with each other. How detrimental this necessarily is to the factory.interest of the story needs not be pointed out; and what is perhapsno less important, the instruction to be derived from this part ofGrecian history, is diminished in a still greater degree. When everything appears accidental and capricious, and to be the result simply ofa disorganized state of politics and parties, it is difficult to reasonfrom any general principle; the only moral which a philosophicalreader is able to deduce, is a strong feeling of the discomfort andinsecurity which belong to all forms of government, be they of whatdenomination they may, the principles of which are not laid upon thefoundation of hereditary institutions.For these reasons we propose to pass over with rapidity that periodwhich ensued in the interval between the termination of the Pelopon- nesian war and the rise of the Theban power. The only prominentincident in this part of Grecian history, was the expedition of theGreeks under Cyrus, in the rebellion of that prince against his brotherArtaxerxes. This event may be considered as having ultimately ledto the overthrow of the Persian monarchy, by opening the eyes of theGrecians to the internal weakness of that large and ill-cementedempire. The details of the expedition also, as they have been handeddown to us by Xenophon, at once the historian and the leader of thatunfortunate but marvellous achievement, throw no inconsiderablelight upon the manners and customs of the times, both in the east andamong the Greeks themselves. This interesting and celebrated event,which forms perhaps the most curious episode in the annals of Greece,will form the subject of the following chapter.and unsatisB 2NICFSARCENT. ONEXenophon.M GOULD.Early years of Xenophon.CHAPTER II.XENOPHON.Of the origin and early years of Xenophon, the Athenian, our information is extremely scanty: the political party to which he wasattached, the interest which Socrates took in the formation of hisprinciples, the high connections which he formed wherever his fortunecast him, and the resources which he appears to have commanded, allconduce to establish the probability that he was well born and welleducated; but history affords us no positive intelligence, further thanthe name of his father, Gryllus, and that he belonged to the Archiandivision of the Egeid ward. The date of his birth has been the subject of much ingenious discussion; and the result of accurate investigation, which determines the commencement of his military career tohave been about his twenty-fifth or twenty-sixth year, and which, conB. C. 427. sequently, would place his birth about B. C. 427, does not differ materially from the statement of Diogenes Laertius that he became of age( kμale) Ol. 94. 4. B. c. 400, and subsequently joined the expeditionof Cyrus. The last-mentioned author insinuates, that Xenophon inhis youth by his youth was not exempt from the vices of his age and country; andit is probable, that before he became acquainted with Socrates he hadnot given much attention to the duties of morality. " He was, " saidDiogenes, "well mannered, and finely formed to a miracle, and toAccount ofDiogenes Laertius.XENOPHON. 5duction tothese advantages were added extraordinary vigour of body and hardihood of constitution. His introduction to the great philosopher towhom he became so deeply indebted and so affectionately attachedwas highly characteristic of the abrupt, yet winning, manner of theteacher, and of the ingenuous docility of the pupil. " It is saidthat Socrates, meeting him in a narrow gateway, extended his walk- His introing-stick across it so as to hinder his passage, inquiring how a man Socrates.could acquire the means of profit? and upon receiving a suitablereply, he inquired further, how men could attain to virtue and honour?Xenophon being at a loss for an answer, the philosopher added," Follow me then, and learn.” And from that time he became ahearer of Socrates, and was the first who took notes from his lectures,which he afterwards published , with the title of memoirs. This connection, however favourable to his future happiness, and to his fame,did not conduce, at the moment, to render his situation at Athensmore comfortable. It appears probable that he was, from his birthand family, attached to the aristocratical party, which suffered at thatperiod all the exactions and mortifications which the low tyranny ofthe mob, exulting in successful sedition, could inflict; and it had forsome time been more than suspected, that the disciples of Socrates were trained in notions unfavourable to the continuance of an unbridled democracy—a suspicion which, more than the alleged accusation of impiety, or the virulence of the rival sophists, contributed tothe condemnation of that philosopher, by the jealous temper of thesovereign people. About a year before this judgment, which cast soindelible a stain upon the Athenian character, an event occurredwhich gave a new turn to the prospects of Xenophon, and deprivedhis country of his services and of his example. Cyrus the younger, Cyruswho, on the death of his father Darius, had been left commander-in- bychief of a district of vast extent, was, soon afterwards, at the suggestion of the perfidious satrap Tissaphernes, seized by his elder brotherArtaxerxes, the new king, and condemned to death; but, at the intercession of Parysatis, the queen-mother, who appears to have beenpartial to her younger son, he was liberated, and restored to his Is released,command. Indignant, however, at the insult, and made sensible ofthe insecurity of a younger brother's state, under Eastern despotism, andhe became guilty of that crime of which he had been, perhaps destructionunjustly, accused, and entertained a design against the throne and life ofhisof the king, under the too-well founded impression that both couldnot continue in safety.imprisonedArtaxerxes.meditatesthebrother.to executeWith this view the Persian prince exerted himself to win popularity The means by a splendid and liberal hospitality; and he laboured to strengthen he employshis forces by every means in his power, without awakening the suspi- his design .cions of the royal court; seeking, under pretext of differences with theneighbouring satraps, to engage in his service a formidable body ofGrecian heavy-armed mercenaries, of which he had taken care to¹ Memorabilia, Diogenes Laertius.6 XENOPHON.Proxenusinvites Xenophonto join Cyrus,who applies to Socrates,consults the Pythian oracle.exhibit a specimen at Susa, when he travelled thither shortly beforethe death of Darius, and had carefully observed the effect producedupon the minds of his countrymen by their formidable appearance.Among those whom he now entertained, Proxenus, a Theban ofrank, pupil of the Leontine Gorgias, who brought him a reinforcement of one thousand five hundred heavy-armed soldiers, and fivehundred targeteers, or light infantry, was received into his confidence,and treated as his personal friend: he being intimately connected withXenophon wrote to him at Athens, inviting him to share the prince'sfavour, and to join the projected expedition as a volunteer. Xenophonshowed the letter to Socrates, and desired him to be his counsellor onthe occasion. The conjuncture was important: Cyrus was the ally ofLacedæmon, and, consequently, in the hostile spirit of the times, considered as the enemy of Athens, although nothing had passed to provethat he had any designs inimical to the republic; to follow his fortunes would, therefore, be to incur the suspicion of Laconism, anoffence at this time nearly synonymous with the crime of being anaristocrat, and likely to be punished by a sentence amounting to banishment for life.The philosopher, who probably saw in his youthful friend talentsand energies for the exercise of which his situation in his own countryafforded him little opportunity, and who could not but feel the questionable nature of the proposed adventure, declined giving judgmentand finally himself, but recommended a reference to the oracle of Apollo atDelphi. Xenophon, in compliance with this suggestion, undertook ajourney to that celebrated temple, and very probably secured the favourof the Pythia by well-timed liberality; but instead of inquiringwhether or not he should accept the invitation to Sardis, he merelyput the question under what auspices, and with what sacrifices, heshould prepare for the expedition? to which a direct and favourableanswer having been returned , he informed Socrates of the result, who,after mildly reprimanding him for his departure from the advicewhich he had solicited, bid him set out under the direction of thegod.XenophonAs Xenophon must have passed his eighteenth year, sometime previous to the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war, it is likely that hewould, in compliance with the laws of his country, have seen someservice, although the part which he took in it is nowhere recorded;but many circ*mstances concur in rendering it probable that he servedwith other Athenians of rank in the cavalry, and employed himself inacquiring information on military subjects; for he does not appear tohave been received at the court of Sardis like a raw recruit, and hisestablishment there, as we afterwards incidentally learn, was peculiarlyequestrian.On his arrival, he found that the prince had engaged a Grecianjoins Cyrus. force of about eleven thousand heavy-armed troops, and two thousandlight infantry, principally under the direction of Clearchus, a LacedæXENOPHON. 7monian exile, in whom he placed great confidence, and to whom hehad entrusted a sum of ten thousand darics (nearly 8,000l. ) , for thepurpose of clandestinely raising troops among the HellespontineThracians. He had also employed, in a similar service, Aristippus, Cyrus'sa Thessalian, who had been driven from his home by one of those generals.violent factions so common in Grecian states, and had availed himselfof the asylum and ready aid which Cyrus afforded to all warlike fugitives, to reinstate himself and his party by force of arms. Proxenus,the Boeotian, to whom Xenophon owed his introduction, had beenengaged to raise an army under pretext of chastising the Peisidians forsome inroads upon the government of the prince; while Sophænetusof Stymphalus, with two associates, ( Socrates of Achæa, and Pasionof Megara, ) was directed to enlist all the soldiers he could meet with,for the avowed purpose of prosecuting the dispute with Tissaphernesrespecting the Milesian territory.warlikeAt length, thinking himself sufficiently prepared for his great un- He dertaking, Cyrus ordered Clearchus immediately to join with all his commencesforce, and Aristippus to make terms with his citizens, and to send him operations.the troops he had collected under the command of his countryman Menon. He also sent to Xenias, the Arcadian, who had beforeaccompanied him to Susa, and who afterwards commanded theforeign forces in his garrisons, to bring him all who could safely bespared from that service. He recalled the generals who were conducting the siege of Miletus, and commanded the Milesian exiles tojoin him in the pretended exhibition against the Peisidians; otherGrecian reinforcements received a route to meet him on the road; andhis whole disposable Persian army accompanied him. It is probablethat he hoped to have so deceived the king, with respect to the objectof his march, as to have taken him quite unprepared, and to haveovercome him almost without a battle; but the wily Tissaphernes,exasperated by former enmity, as well as by recent aggression, perceived at once the disproportion between the means provided and theobject professed; and taking five hundred cavalry as his body guard,set off, with the utmost speed, to Susa, and thus enabled the king tomake preparations for repelling the approaching invasion.The army set out from Sardis in the month of April 401 B. C. with B. C. 401 .all the pomp, and much of the luxury of a Persian camp, only it wasill provided with money, Cyrus having probably exhausted his treasury in enrolling so great a force, and depending, according to the system ofthe times, upon the voluntary or forced contributions of thecountries through which he was to pass, and upon the hopes of speedysuccess and immense booty.It will not be necessary to detail all the minute particulars of amarch, which Xenophon relates without taking any occasion to makemention of himself, but with an attention to the topography andnatural history of the various districts through which he travelled,which suggests a conjecture, that the idea of writing the Anabasis8 XENOPHON.Cyrus in distress for treasure;is relieved by Еруаха.was entertained from the first, and might possibly have been proposedto him by his friend and adviser Socrates; some incidents, however,must not be omitted , which throw considerable light upon the character of those Grecian mercenaries on whom the fate of empires nowbegan to depend, as well as upon the resources to which their leaderswere driven to supply those deficiencies of pay, which the poverty ofthe Greeks, and the mismanagement of the Persians, so often occa- sioned. More than three months pay was in arrear, when Cyrusarrived at the plain of Caystrus, where he halted for five days, havingleft Sardis little more than seven weeks; and the soldiers, saysXenophon, "went frequently to the door of his lodging to demand what was due to them. He put them off alleging the great prospectsbefore them; and showing the vexation which he really felt; appealing to their experience that it was not his habit to fail of paymentwhen he had it in his power."At this critical period he received a visit from Epyaxa, the wife ofSyennesis, whom Xenophon calls the king of the Cilicians, but whowas nevertheless a tributary of the Persian empire, and subject to theimperial sceptre of Artaxerxes. It was currently reported, that thislady not only brought the prince a large supply of money, but grantedhim still more costly favours; and he was enabled, besides discharging the demands of his army, to gratify the soldiers with a month's pay in advance. The princess continued some days with the army,either from political or other motives, and at her request Cyrusreviewed his troops at Tyriæum, which Xenophon distinguishes as"an inhabited city," with reference to the frequent occurrence throughout the Persian empire, of " cities great and fair, without inhabitant,"in consequence of the system of spoil and plunder, by which the pettywars between the satraps were conducted, and of the weakness of theimperial government, which was unable to protect its dependencies ormaintain subordination in the provinces.The lady appears to have been more frightened than pleased withthe display of Grecian warfare; but Cyrus derived additional hopesfrom the alarm which the brilliancy of their armour, the exactness oftheir discipline, and the vigour of their charge, produced among the natives of the east. In this review, Menon, at the head of his Thessalians, occupied the right wing, and Clearchus the left. The formerhad afterwards the honour of reconducting the Cilician princess with an escort to her residence. He appears to have been in high favourwith Cyrus, though Xenophon speaks of him in strong terms of disapprobation, and relates some circ*mstances much to his disadvantage;it is hinted by Diogenes Laertius, that he had some personal reason to dislike him.When they arrived at Tarsus, the metropolis of Cilicia, a negotiation ensued between Cyrus and Syennesis, in consequence of whichanother large subsidy was provided for the pay of the troops; buthere a new cause of discontent arose, which speedily broke out intoXENOPHON. 9open mutiny, and threatened to destroy all the schemes of Cyrus, by the dissolution of his ill- compacted army.march, buton byThe soldiers had for some time entertained suspicions, that the real The soldiersdesign ofthe prince was against the king, and they now declared, that refuse toas they were not enlisted for that service, they would proceed no are prevailedfurther. Clearchus attempted to enforce obedience to his commands, Clearchus.and his horse beginning the march, were stoned, himself narrowlyescaping with life. Finding subordination at an end, he desisted;and having called a general assembly of the troops, where the extraordinary spectacle of a Spartan general in tears commanded silence , headdressed them in a speech probably more laconic and less skilful thanthe harangues put into his mouth by Xenophon, but which had theeffect not only of restoring satisfaction and obedience among his owntroops, but even of inducing more than two thousand men who hadhitherto served under Xenias and Pasion, to transfer their arms andbaggage to the camp of Clearchus, a striking instance of the want ofmilitary discipline, arising from the prevalence of republican principles.By these and other arts which the deficiency of authority compelledhim to adopt, he induced the assembly of soldiers to send a deputationto Cyrus, in order to ascertain the real objects of the expedition. Theprince, who was suffering the most extreme uneasiness on account of their defection, could not venture to announce his actual intentions,and replied to the deputies that an enemy of his (Abrocomas, satrapof Syria), was then on the banks of the Euphrates, distant only twelvedays' march from Tarsus; and that he desired to proceed against him.The assembly were not so deceived by this feint, but that the designagainst the king was still suspected; but in the difficulty of returningwithout pay, and against the will of their leaders, through an enemy'scountry, and apprehensive that Cyrus might turn his arms againstthem, if prevented from pursuing his original plan, they resolved tofollow him, on condition of receiving an augmentation of one-third totheir pay. And thus this alarming sedition was effectually quieted.Pasion return All, however, were not satisfied; and the two generals, Xenias and Xenias andPasion, mortified by the secession of their troops, and the acquiescence home.of the prince in it, availed themselves of the opportunity soon afterwards afforded, by their arrival and stay at Myriandrus, a Phœniciansea-port of some commercial importance, where the united Lacedæmonian and Persian fleets met the army, to take their passage home;and Xenophon has acknowledged that he was tempted to follow theirexample, but was withheld from it by the dictates of prudence andhonour. Cyrus was the first to announce this desertion to the Greeks,and he availed himself of the circ*mstance to gain popularity by adisplay of magnanimity, not only abstaining from pursuit, which withhis swift galleys would have been certain of success, but assuring thesoldiers, that the wives and children of the deserters, who had beenleft in his power at Tralles, as pledges of their fidelity, should be restored to them in safety.10 XENOPHON.Cyrusarmy of his intended enterprise.They murmur,No further difficulties arose till they reached Thapsacus, a large andrich city upon the right bank of the Euphrates; where, having haltedfor five days, Cyrus sent for the Grecian generals, and avowed hisinforms the design of marching to Babylon against the great king, desiring themto exert their influence to prevail on the soldiers to follow. A generalassembly being called, the communication so long secretly expectedwas made; the soldiers, as usual, showed reluctance, and accusedtheir officers of having deceived them, with a view of extorting afurther increase of pay or gratification, and they demanded the samesum which had been given on a former occasion to the Greek mercenaries, who attended the prince on his visit to his father, and whowere exposed to no hazards of battle. Cyrus immediately promised agratuity of five minæ of silver (about 167. ) to each man, on theirarrival at Babylon, and undertook to continue their monthly pay at theincreased rate at which it then stood of three half darics, till theirreturn to Ionia. The greater part of the army were engaged by thisoffer; but while they were yet deliberating upon it, the artful Menondrew his men aside, and advised them to take that opportunity of ingratiating themselves with the prince by crossing the river first, whilethe rest were hesitating. This being done, they immediately receivedthe thanks of Cyrus, and the promise of a liberal reward, and Menonand cross the himself was honoured with splendid presents. The whole army soon Euphrates.followed, and found the Euphrates easily fordable; an event whichthe flattery of the Thapsacenes attributed to the homage paid by theriver to its future king; alleging that it had never before occurred inthe memory of man, and that Abrocomas was supposed to have effectually prevented the passage by removing all the vessels upon thebut finally agree,Dissension between the troops,stream .Soon after this, the army having encamped in some deserted works,nearly opposite the populous town of Carmanda, on the Euphrates,and being employed in transporting provisions on temporary floatsmade of skins from the market, a violent quarrel arose between asoldier serving under Clearchus, and one belonging to Menon's division;and the former general, deciding that Menon's man was to blame, in- flicted stripes upon him, in that hasty and arbitrary manner, whichthe deficiency of an established discipline frequently occasioned. Thecomrades of the culprit so warmly resented this interference, thatwhen, on the same day, Clearchus happened to pass from the marketthrough their quarters, with few attendants, one of them whowas employed in cleaving wood flung his hatchet at his head, and was supported by the rest with stones and similar missiles. Escaping to his own camp, he called to arms; and but for the timely intervention ofProxenus, would have led his Thracian horse to action; during thediscussion which ensued, Cyrus opportunely arrived, and rushing withinterposition his suite into the midst of the confusion, cried out, " Clearchus andProxenus, and you Greeks who are present, you know not what youare doing; if you fall out among yourselves, I shall this day be cutchecked by theofCyrus.XENOPHON. 11off, and you not long after; for if mynative troops see anything amissbetween us, they will instantly become more dangerous than the forcesof the king." This remonstrance brought Clearchus to himself, andall parties laid down their arms.detectedThis storm was scarcely appeased, when a new alarm was excited Treacheryby the treachery of Orontas, a relative of the prince, who was dis- of Orontascovered holding a correspondence with the king, and to have arrangeda plan for deserting with a chosen body of cavalry. Being apprehended, he acknowledged his crime, and admitted that having twicebefore been pardoned, after similar offences, he could never hope tore-establish his character. Cyrus unwilling to appear despotic, askedClearchus for his judgment, having admitted him as first in rank of theGrecian army to his council on this occasion: Clearchus, without hesitation, declared his opinion for death, and all present, even the rela- and tives of the criminal, assented to its propriety. Cyrus, therefore, con- punished.demned him to suffer he was respectfully led out, and seen no more.The time for action now approaching, Cyrus took care to animatehis Grecian troops by renewed and splendid promises, and to warnthem of the immense superiority of numbers with which they wouldhave to contend, encouraging them, at the same time, with assurancesthat they would find the Persian soldiers less than women.66He assigned the Greeks a position on the right of his army, flanked Cyrus'sby the Euphrates, and directed Clearchus to command their right wing, of his army.dispositionand Menon the left. And here for the first time Xenophon makesmention of himself. Cyrus rode along at a moderate distance surveying both armies, looking now at the enemy, now at his friends.Xenophon the Athenian, seeing him from the Grecian line, riding outto meet him, inquired if he had any commands for him. He stoppinghis horse informed him, and desired him to tell them all, that the Xenophon'ssacrifice and victims were favourable. While he was saying this, he first mention heard a clamour through the ranks, and asked what it was. Xenophon told him that they were exchanging a fresh watchword. Hewondered who could have given it out, and asked what it might be.Xenophon replied, that it was Jupiter the Preserver and Victory.Cyrus having heard it, said I accept it; let it be so, and having said this he rode off to his station."The minuteness with which a circ*mstance, in itself so little important, is related, is highly characteristic of a young man ambitiousof notice, and gratified by the honour conferred upon him. At thesame time it seems to imply, that Xenophon had hitherto taken nopart in the conduct of the army, and had not been invited to thecouncils of the prince; for had he been accustomed to converse familiarly with Cyrus, he would scarcely have recorded the present inter- view.The battle of Cunaxa, which followed immediately after the anecdote that has just been related, and in which Cyrus was slain and hisof himself.12 XENOPHON.Battle of army completely defeated by Artaxerxes, belongs to the history of Cunaxa, and Persia, rather than to the life of Xenophon, or to the affairs of Greece. death of Cyrus.Spirited reply of Clearchus to Ariæus.640Artaxerxes, King of Persia.Visconti, Icon. Grecque.The native troops in the army of Cyruswere totally routed and dispersed;but in that part of the field in whichthe Greeks fought, the forces of Artaxerxes were driven from the fieldin every direction, and almost withoutresistance. These last were pursueduntil the Grecians at length, weariedwith slaughter and fatigue, returned to their camp. As they had goneinto battle without dinner, it was nosmall mortification to them, on theirarrival, to find that their quarters hadbeen plundered; nevertheless, as theysupposed that a great victory hadbeen gained, their spirits were raised,and they waited patiently, hopingthat the morning would bring themintelligence and orders from Cyrus. When day dawned, the generals, surprised at receiving no communication, resolved to marchforward in the hope of falling in with him; but at sunrise, twoofficers of distinction, Procles, the governor of Teuthrania, who wasdescended from Demaratus the Laconian, and Glous, the son of Tamus, admiral of the fleet, informed the Greeks that Cyrus was dead;and that the remainder of his army had fled to their camp under theconduct of Ariæus their general, who desired to inform the Greeksthat he would wait for them that day, but on the morrow shouldmarch homewards for Ionia. This intelligence was received by thewhole army, officers and men, with the deepest consternation; butClearchus, with true Spartan spirit, replied, " I would that Cyrus hadlived to profit by our victory; but since it is otherwise, we are notless masters of the field, and but for your arrival, should have beennow on our march in pursuit of the king; wherefore tell Ariæus thatif he will return hither, we will set him upon the throne of Persia,since they who conquer have a right to reign." Having thus spoken,he sent them back, and desired Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian andMenon to accompany them; the latter, indeed, had himself proposedto undertake the embassy as the friend and xenus, ' or guest, ofAriæus.In the mean time, Clearchus was too good a general to neglect provision for the immediate wants of his army. He ordered a number of1 There is no English word in any degree corresponding with the Greek terms evos and evia, in that sense in which they are here and frequently used. It was aright of friendship, arising out of a contract of reciprocal hospitality, and a remnant of the manners of the earliest age of Greece.XENOPHON. 13demands thedraught oxen and asses to be killed, and gathering up the darts and wicker or wooden shields of the barbarians, and breaking up some unnecessary waggons for fuel, they fed that day upon boiled meat. Afterdinner, when they were, according to the manner of the Greeks, as- Artaxerxessembled together to spend the heat of the day in conversation, some surrender ofheralds arrived from the king and from Tissaphernes, (among whom the Greeks.was a Greek named Phalesius, in the service of the satrap, and highlyesteemed by him, ) demanding in the name of the king, that they should ground their arms and surrender at discretion . Clearchusmerely replied, that it was not usual with the victors in an action tosurrender their arms; and leaving the other generals to return a moreexplicit answer, he went out to attend a sacrifice, promising speedilyto return. During his absence, several of the principal Greeks tookpart in the discussion; but having had no previous consultation on a Debate ofmessage so unexpected , they spoke as their different tempers and in- generals.terests led them, some with indignant contempt, others with a disposition to accommodation, and a few with offers of mercenary servicein Egypt or elsewhere; among the rest, Xenophon thus addressed themessenger:-the Greciananswer to "With us, Phalesius, as you may perceive, nothing is of value but Xenophon'sour arms and our honour. As long as we preserve our arms, we can Phalesius,rely upon our own valour; but in parting with them, we should be the messenconscious of betraying ourselves. Think not, therefore, that we will gerofthe king.resign our only remaining property, but rather we will use them infighting for yours. " Phalesius laughed heartily at this set speech, andreplied, "You appear to be a scholar, young gentleman, and what yousay is pleasant enough; but I would not have your inexperience somuch deceive you, as to set your boasted valour against the power ofthe king."1caution toClearchus having, probably, under the usual pretext of a sacrifice,taken time for private consultation , now returned to the assemblyand inquired what had been determined. Phalesius having replied,that the rest had said some one thing and some another, and that hehoped for a definitive answer from him alone, Clearchus desired him, as Clearchus of Grecian extraction, to say what Greeks ought to do in their situa- replies withtion. The question being evaded, Clearchus boldly took upon him- Phalesius .self to send the following message to the king. "If we are to beconsidered as the king's allies we shall be more worthy of his servicewith our arms; if we are to fight for our safety, we cannot spare them.""This answer," said Phalesius, " we will report; but the king hasalso commanded us to declare that he will keep truce with you whilstyou remain here, but will consider you as enemies if you either advance or retreat; say, therefore, whether you choose truce or war.""Say," replied the general, " that we consented to the proposition of1 It is wonderful that notwithstanding this contemptuous speech, recorded by Xenophon himself, two distinguished critics and historians, Spelman and Dodwell,should have contended that he was at this time about fifty years of age.14 XENOPHON.Clearchus counsels areturn.Retreat of the Ten Thousand.the king."—" But is it truce or war?" urged Phalesius. "A truce,if we remain-war, if we advance or retreat. " And the questionbeing repeated, he returned the same answer, and refused to declarewhat were his intentions; and with this answer, the messengers wereconstrained to depart. Soon afterwards, Procles and Cheirisophusonly returned from Ariæus, declining the offer made him on accountof the inferiority of his birth to that of many Persian nobles; andstating that if the Greeks should not join him that night, he shouldmarch in the morning without them. Clearchus, in his usual manner,desired that they would do as they thought best, and declined to inform them what were his own intentions. He appears, however, tohave considered the matter deeply, and to have determined wisely;and knowing the effect which the belief in divination still had upon theminds of the soldiery, he employed it, as other generals and statesmen of that age usually did, to confirm his own authority. Calling theofficers together after dusk, he assured them that having sacrificedwith a view to pursuing the king, the victims had appeared unfavourable; and that these indications were well founded was proved byintelligence since received, that the king had passed the Tigris,whose stream was not fordable, and had removed all the boats. Toremain where they were encamped, without supplies, was manifestlyimpossible; the victims were altogether propitious to the Cyreian partyfor a return; he proposed therefore, that they should retire to supas well as they could; and that upon the sounding of the bugle, whichusually dismissed them to bed, they should pack up their baggage;upon hearing it repeated they should load their beasts of burden; andwhen it should sound a third time, the march should begin, takingcare to keep the baggage between the river and the army. To thisarrangement the officers all submitted in silence; not, says Xenophon,because they had elected Clearchus their leader, but from feeling thathe alone had the talents and skill requisite for the occasion, and thatthe others were inexperienced in such emergencies.Here then commences the celebrated " Retreat of the Ten Thousand,"as it has been somewhat loosely termed by the moderns, but betterknown to the ancients as the " Return of the Cyreian Greeks." Thearmy was now encamped at the distance of sixteen thousand and fiftyfurlongs from the city of Ephesus in Ionia, which they reckoned astheir rendezvous, or, to compute distance by time, ninety- three days'march. By their resolution to remove, they had in effect declaredthemselves at war with the king, in the very heart of an enemy'scountry, who could at any moment pour down upon them with fiftytimes their numbers, and cut off all the sources of supply; and theironly allies within two thousand miles were a defeated band of rebelbarbarians, whose weakness and cowardice they knew, and whose fidelity they had every reason to suspect; conducted by a man whoappears to have possessed neither spirit in rebellion, nor honesty inobedience. To add to the difficulty and dangers of their situation,XENOPHON. 15the Greekstheir own numbers were thinned by desertion as soon as it was dark,and there was too much reason to apprehend that the deserters hadcarried intelligence to the king. Marching with the remainder, Clearchus reached his first encampment adjoining that of Ariæus aboutmidnight; and immediately laying aside their armour, the generalsand principal officers waited upon the Persian commander, and asolemn compact was made between the Greeks on one part, andAriæus and his chief officers on the other, to observe mutual fidelity,and to afford mutual assistance; the Persian further covenanting toact faithfully as the guide of the army. The ceremony consisted in Mutualslaughtering a boar, a bull, a lynx, ' and a ram, and their mingled blood compact ofbeing poured into a shield, the Greeks dipped into it a sword, and and Persians .the Persians a spear, and thus took the prescribed oath. Clearchusthen desired Ariæus to give his opinion respecting the route homewards. It is difficult at this distance of time, to form any opinionrespecting the real intentions of Ariæus in making this league withthe Greeks; and Xenophon gives no hint of any insincerity in theadvice which he now offered them—to avoid the road by which theyhad come, on account of their want of supplies, and of the barrennature and exhausted condition of the country, and to return home bya longer way through a rich and fertile district: it was, however, evident that by taking the Greeks into a totally strange land, he hadthem more completely in his power than while they pursued a trackalready known to them.It was agreed, nevertheless, to follow his recommendation, whichwas certainly supported by cogent arguments, and to lose no time ingaining ground on the king's forces, who, it was argued, could notovertake them with a large force, and dared not attack them witha small one. Upon this arrangement, Xenophon makes a verycharacteristic remark, observing that it clearly acknowledged thenecessity of retreat, at least, if not of flight; " but fortune," hesays, " played the general more honourably;" for it shortly happened that the royal troops came in sight, but were afraid to attackthem, and actually removed to a safer distance during the night;a caution principally attributable to the Spartan spirit of Clearchus, who with a dignified indifference continued his march in theirview, neither caring to attack, nor seeking to avoid any engagement.These circ*mstances led to an intercourse, and finally to an arrange- Treachery ofment between the parties, the terms of which were so favourable to Ariæus.the Greeks, that they ought to have excited suspicion; and whatevermight have been the original intentions of Ariæus, there can be littledoubt that he now bought his own pardon at the expense of concurring in a scheme of cunning treachery for the total destruction of his¹ This is usually translated a wolf; but as the lynx was with the Persians adomestic animal kept for the purposes of hunting, as hounds are with us, and as the occasion could only admit of sacrificing such animals as were at hand, it seemsmost probable that auxòs here signifies, as it is supposed to do in Homer, a lynx.16 XENOPHON.Policy ofthe Persian com- manders.The Greeks and Persians have an interview,Grecian friends. To this he was induced by the persuasion of the unprincipled and politic Tissaphernes, who had been appointed to succeed the unfortunate Cyrus in his great command, and was, in consequence, preparing to pursue the same journey towards Sardis with apowerful army.It was obviously for the interest of the Persian empire, that theCyreian Greeks should not return in safety, to excite the cupidity oftheir formidable countrymen, by relating the facilities of their march,the imbecility of their adversaries, and the immense booty to be obtained by a successful invasion; and it was at the same time, extremelyhazardous to attempt their destruction by force, even with that vastsuperiority of numbers which the king could command. In the history which follows, we shall trace a deliberate design to mislead, todisorganize, and ultimately to annihilate the Grecian army, foundedupon the knowledge which the Persians had acquired of its strengthand of its weaknesses, and so artfully contrived, and in part executed, asto have insured success, but for the extraordinary talents and prompt decision of Xenophon.The boldness and independence which the Greeks had shown, bydetermining to march homewards in defiance of the king, and theproud style which their leader assumed in every communication withhim, had taught the Persian court that little was to be effected byhaughtiness and intimidation; and Artaxerxes, or they who acted inhis name on this occasion, wisely laid aside the lofty tone of orientaldespotism, and not only submitted to the rough manners of Clearchus,but acceded to all his demands, and supplied him liberally with provisions; insuring by such compliances the peaceable behaviour of histroops both towards the king's forces, and the country at large, theformer of whom dreaded nothing so much as an attack from a smallphalanx of Greeks, and the latter knew too well the dreadful consequences to be apprehended from Grecian cruelty and rapacity in pillage.Of the treachery intended against them, Clearchus appears to haveentertained some idea; for Xenophon mentions, that in conducting histroops, under Persian guides, to the place assigned them for refreshment, he thought it necessary to push forward as rapidly as possible,observing that the numerous canals and drains across which they wereled, by means of portable bridges, were much fuller of water than atthat season would ordinarily have occurred, and fearing that theremight be a design of entangling them in the fens, and inundating thecountry. If such was the intention, it was frustrated by the expedition with which the Greeks traversed these intricate marsh lands;and on their arrival at the villages, they were abundantly refreshed,and well entertained: and here, partly for rest, and partly from policy,they remained three days.During this repose, Tissaphernes, accompanied by the brother ofthe queen, and three Persians of rank, and with a great train, had aninterview with the generals, in which he displayed all that finesse, andXENOPHON. 17ready perception of character, which characterize an accomplisheddiplomatist; and which proved that they, whom the Greeks with somuch contempt termed barbarians, though less warlike, and generallyless vigorous in mind and body, were in fact more highly civilized,more polished in manners, and more adroit in negotiation than themselves. The result of the present discussion was a reference to theRoyal Council, whose reply the Greeks awaited two days in greatanxiety. On the third day, Tissaphernes returned, and the treaty was at whichsettled on the following terms. That after the army, which was to certainaccompany the new satrap, should have joined that of Ariæus, this made.united force should march towards Ionia, and act as guides to theGreeks; that they should provide them a market for purchasing provisions at their different stations on the road; that in failure hereofthe Greeks should be allowed to seize in the villages as much asmight be necessary for present consumption, but without committingwaste; provided always, that whenever a market could be procuredthey should not plunder the country.This being agreed, Tissaphernes returned to court to complete hispreparations, and the Greeks encamping near Ariæus awaited hisreturn about three weeks. During this period the symptoms of alienation became so strong on the part of the Persians, that the Greeks tookalarm, and pressed Clearchus to remain no longer; but that prudentgeneral, though he acknowledged that he participated in their uneasiness, would not consent to begin the rupture by departing from theterms of the treaty; alleging his total ignorance of the country, andespecially of the rivers they might have to cross, the formidable superiority of the Persian cavalry, and his own total want of that speciesof force, as sufficient reasons for avoiding open hostilities.treaties areTissaphernes at length arrived, accompanied by Orontas, the satrap Tissaphernesof Armenia; who is supposed to have been the son of that Orontas arrives.executed by Cyrus, and to have received the king's daughter in marriage, as a compensation for the death and disgrace of his father incurred in the royal cause. Each of the satraps led a great power,principally of horse, and Orontas brought his bride with him . Theclose connection which immediately appeared to subsist between Tissaphernes and Ariæus, strengthened the suspicions and increased theuneasiness already prevailing in the Grecian army, and although theterras of the treaty were formally observed, yet all friendly intercoursewholly ceased, precautions against surprise were adopted with thesame jealousy as in the face of an enemy, and some blows passedamong the lower servants of the two camps.A few days afterwards the evil intentions of the Persian generalsbecame apparent, by a feigned communication made to Proxenus andXenophon, of some intended treachery against the Greeks, the objectof which appears to have been, by exasperating the jealousy of thearmy, to excite them to defection , or to some violation of the treaty;and so great was the consternation of Clearchus that the plot would[H. G.]C18 XENOPHON.The treachery of Tissa- phernes.Seizure ofthe Grecian generals,possibly have succeeded, had not the penetration of Xenophon pointedout an inconsistency in the story of their pretended friend, which considerably relieved him from the apprehension of any immediate attackby the Persians. This circ*mstance, however, added to other causesof discontent, induced Clearchus to demand an explanation of Tissaphernes, in the course of which that wily and accomplished statesmanprevailed upon the Spartan to lay aside his suspicions and his caution,and by artful insinuations transferred to Menon the whole blame of thelate differences; so that Clearchus was induced to propose, that him- self and the principal officers of the army, should wait upon the satrap,and that a cordial reconciliation should take place; after which heremained to supper, and was treated with the most engaging hospitality. There were not wanting in the Grecian army persons who distrusted these professions, and we may gather that Xenophon himselfadvised the general against committing himself to the faith of his doubtful allies; but Clearchus, blunt and honest by nature, fell into thesnare; and taking with him four other generals, and twenty inferiorofficers, and being followed by about two hundred soldiers or volunteers all unarmed, ' he repaired to the Persian camp.On their arrival,the five generals Clearchus, Proxenus, Menon, Socrates, and Agiasthe Arcadian, were immediately admitted, the other officers waiting without; and not long after, upon a signal given, those within werearrested, and those without were cut to pieces, while a body of horsescouring the plain, slew all the mixed crowd which had followedthem; and so complete was the destruction, that the Greeks who hadobserved the confusion from the camp, and were at a loss how to act,were only informed of the truth by a single fugitive who escaped mortally wounded. All flew to arms, expecting an immediate attack;but the policy of Tissaphernes was not to fight, but to wear them out,and accordingly he instantly despatched three persons supposed tohave been well affected towards Cyrus; Ariæus, Artaozus, and Mithridates, and, as was reported, his own brother, with a well-armedescort of three hundred horse, to demand an interview with the remaining officers, and to endeavour to practise upon them the sameartifices which had been so successfully played off upon Clearchus.Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian next in rank to Clearchus was absent,and the only generals in the camp were Sophænetus, and Cleanor ofOrchomenus; these, having taken proper measures to secure theirsafety, went out to meet the Persians, and Xenophon accompaniedthem that he might, if possible, ascertain the fate of his friend Proxand death of enus. Ariæus then declared that Clearchus, having broken the treaty,had suffered capital punishment, but that Proxenus and Menon, whohad given information of his treachery, were received among the Persians with high honours; the king, he added, demands that you shouldgive up your arms, which, having been the property of Cyrus, has, in course, escheated to him.Clearchus.1 So we may understand the phrase ὡς ἐις ἀγορὰν.XENOPHON. 19hasThis demand, which amounted in fact to an unconditional surrender,was answered by Cleanor with becoming indignation, and with anappeal to the honour and generosity of those friends of Cyrus who hadinvolved themselves in the perfidity of Tissaphernes, which could onlyhave failed of effect with bad hearts and depraved understandings.Ariæus merely reiterated his charge against Clearchus; upon whichXenophon, with his characteristic acuteness, observed,Clearchus Reply of then, if indeed he has violated his oath, and broken the treaty, Xenophonsuffered justly (for it is right that perjury should be punished with Persians.death); but since our generals Proxenus and Menon have deserved wellof you, send them back to us, for it is manifest that they who arefriends of both parties, can best advise for our mutual advantage. "To this fair and able proposal the Persians could not contrive a reply,and after considerable discussion among themselves, they retired without coming to any conclusion.It does not appear that there was the least ground for the chargepretended against Clearchus, or any of the five generals, unless theexcessive avarice, the shameless selfishness, the gross debaucheries, andthe total want of principle, which Xenophon attributes to Menon,and his known attachment to Ariæus, might raise a suspicion that hehad tampered with the Persians, and offered to assist in betraying hiscountrymen. But if he were thus guilty, he received the due rewardof his crimes; for the other generals having been conducted alive into the presence of the king were honourably beheaded, while Menon wascondemned to one of those ignominious punishments too well knownin Persia, which destroys life after many months of lingering torture.Xenophon sums up his account of this extraordinary transactionwith a handsome tribute to the military genius and high character ofClearchus; and briefly notices the brilliant talents and engagingqualities of his young friend Proxenus, whom he represents as capableof conducting affairs of the greatest moment, but too desirous of beingbeloved among his soldiers to inspire awe or maintain due discipline;his approbation was valued by the well disposed; but his only censure,the withholding his accustomed praise and encouragement, was lightlyregarded by the disorderly.to theGreeks andIt is highly probable that the satraps produced the five generals at Contrastcourt as prisoners of war, and claimed the credit of having defeated the between theGrecian army in action, and effectually prevented its return home; an the Persians.event evidently much dreaded by the Persian government, aware ofthe enterprising habits and daring genius of the Greeks, and of thegreat superiority which personal hardihood, exact discipline, and impenetrable armour must give them over any number of Persiansoldiers. These troops, though often brave, and not deficient inaddress and activity, were, from the nature of their accoutrements,and the delicacy of their habits, equally incapable of being madeeffective in close action, and of sustaining the fatigues and privationsof a protracted campaign. The politic arrangement of the Persian C 220 XENOPHON.Republican sentiments ofGreeceto militarycourt differed little from the general character so remarkable in orientaldespotism while a veneration scarcely short of idolatry was ostentatiously paid to the person of the great king, his authority was set atnought with impunity, and the grossest frauds were practised upon hisrevenues; a system of profound deceit and treachery was veiled underthe most courtly manners; and the servants of the crown, often toopowerful to be controlled, were secretly encouraged in a system ofprivate warfare, that the king might keep up a shadow of power bybalancing them against each other. It was this weakness in the head,and division among the members, of the empire, which opened to theenterprising genius of Cyrus those great prospects which his personalrashness nipped in the bud: had he survived , it seems probable thathe would have changed the face of that vast dominion , and have givena new energy to Persian councils and Persian arms, for he had all thequalities which command respect, and many which engage affection,and he entertained enlarged and liberal views of the political andmilitary institutions of European Greece.It has already been observed, that the republican sentiments whichpervaded Greece were extremely unfavourable to the adoption of anunfavourable effective military discipline. Where the council of war consists of thediscipline. whole army, and the deliberations are conducted as in a popularassembly, it is impossible that there should exist anything like secrecyof design or promptitude of execution; and where the leaders owetheir authority to the election of the troops, or the consent of theinferior officers, their operations must generally be controlled, andtheir opinions often overruled; and as such a mode of appointmentprecludes a regular gradation of rank, there is commonly no secondready, on any emergency, to supply the place of the commander-inchief; so that the success of every action depends upon the life of oneman, and the conduct of the whole campaign upon every casualty towhich he is liable. Hence it is , that in reading the history of Greecewe are so frequently surprised to find the most brilliant victories followed by no material consequences, and the greatest advantages overlooked and unimproved.Despair ofarmy.There is perhaps no instance upon record of an army so situated as the Grecian that of the Greeks, after the loss of their five generals; for of thethree who remained with that rank, not one appears to have possessedtalents or experience, or to have thought himself either capable of thegreat command now vacant, or called upon to provide for the commonsafety. All gave themselves up to despair. They felt that theywere still two thousand miles from the nearest part of Greece, closeto the vast armies of the king, and surrounded on all sides by tribes ofhostile barbarians, who would supply them with nothing but at theexpense of blood: they had no guide acquainted with the country, noknowledge of the deep and rapid rivers which intersected it , and nocavalry to explore the road or cover their rear on the march. As ifdiscipline and hope had ended together, the roll-call was scarcelyXENOPHON. 21attended to, the watch-fires were scantily, or not at all , supplied;even their principal meal was neglected: where chance led, they threw themselves down to rest, but not to sleep-for sleep wasbanished by thoughts of that country and those friends, whom theynow no longer expected, and scarcely dared hope to behold again.on thethe army.But the army had among them a man, little known indeed, but of Xenophon'sfar greater talents and bolder energies than any general under whom meditationsthey had served; and probably the only man who could have extri- situation ofcated them from their present situation of unparalleled difficulty anddanger. Xenophon had hitherto held no rank; had been attached tono division of the army; and had appeared only as the friend ofProxenus, but not in any way serving under him. He, like the rest,lay awake, suffering from grief and alarm; but his mind was not of atemperament to suffer without seeking a remedy, and he representshimself as having been encouraged by a dream during a momentarydoze, which he has, in his usual manner, so related and interpreted, asto leave it doubtful whether his remarkable attention to omens andsacrifices was the result of sound policy or of sincere belief. Rousinghimself from slumber, he began to reflect on the folly and rashness inwhich all participated . The night was far spent; the enemy wouldprobably be upon them with the dawn; submission could only conduct them through suffering and disgrace to an ignominious death: noone provided for the emergency; despair produced the effect of security; " and from what people among them, thought he, can I expecta general, fit for this business? or why should I hesitate to act onaccount of my youth? If I thus without an effort give myself up to the enemy, I shall never reach a more mature age."leader,with oneFull of these thoughts he rose, calling together the officers belonging Consults withto the division of Proxenus, he set before them, in an animated speech, the officers,the certain ruin and destruction which must ensue from their submission; the grounds upon which he trusted for success, from strenuousexertion and prudent counsel; and concluded with assuring them thathe was at their service in any capacity; and that if they thought fit toinvest him with the command, his youth should only pledge him tomore vigorous exertion. Upon this, the officers unanimously declared and is chosentheir readiness to serve under him, with the exception of one Apollonides , who, speaking in the Baotian dialect, recommended that dissentientthey should seek safety by submitting to the orders of the king.To this proposal Xenophon, with well-timed warmth, replied thatsentiments so base ought to be punished by degradation to servileduties; an expression which led to the discovery that the officer inquestion had actually been a Lydian slave, and retained the marks ofslavery on his person. He was accordingly cashiered, and the example proved of the greatest advantage, for it infused a new spiritinto the rest, who, on the suggestion of Xenophon, immediately proceeded to summon a general council of all the surviving generals andofficers, to the number of nearly an hundred. By this time it wasvoice only.22 XENOPHON.Appointmentgenerals .midnight, and the Boeotian officers, to save time, requested thatXenophon would open the business, by repeating what he had stated to them.He accordingly made another judicious and encouraging speech, inwhich he strongly reprobated the idea of placing the smallest dependence upon anything but their own prudence, courage, and unanimity;and recommended, as the first step towards providing for the expectedattack, that they should instantly proceed to supply by election theplaces of the commanders whom they had lost.Cheirisophus, the Lacedæmonian, immediately rose, and compliof the other mented Xenophon in the highest terms upon his conduct and hiseloquence; and proposed, in order to carry his advice into effect, thatthe herald Tolmides, elsewhere celebrated for his stentorian powers,should call a general assembly of the whole army, without which, itappears, that no election of commanders could take place. Thisbusiness consumed the remainder of the night; Timasion of Dardanum being chosen to succeed Clearchus, Xanthicles taking theplace of Socrates, and the troops of Agias being committed toCleanor; Philesius, of Achæa, was appointed to lead the Thessalians,instead of Menon, and Xenophon supplied the loss of his friend Proxenus.Zeus Soter.As soon as it was day, the new commanders, placing piquets inadvance, again assembled the army, and exhorted them to takecourage, to maintain discipline, and to rely on the favour of the gods,who would not fail to avenge themselves upon the perfidious Persians.Xenophon in particular, having armed himself with a splendourbecoming his present rank, endeavoured to raise hope and inspire sentiments of honour; and fortunately the favourable omen of sternutationoccurred in the midst of his speech; upon which the soldiers, all withone accord worshipped Jupiter the Preserver, from whom the omenwas reputed to proceed; and Xenophon, breaking off his harangue,Sacrifice to proposed a sacrifice to the god, desiring those who approved of themotion to hold up their hands: the show of hands being unanimous,the sacrifice was formally vowed, and an hymn sung; after which heresumed his discourse, and at great length set before the army, nowfull of hope and cheerfulness, the system which they must adopt toinsure a safe and honourable return to their native country, and especially enforcing the necessity of a strict adherence to discipline, too oftenthe great deficiency of Grecian troops, and of all troops in a retreat,when it becomes doubly necessary. His proposals were unanimouslycarried, as before, by a show of hands. Theywere principally directedto the means of facilitating the march, by burning the unnecessarytents and carriages, throwing away the most cumbrous part of thebaggage, and even allowing a very limited quantity of necessaryutensils; to the establishment of close order and an exact obedience;and to the settling a regular line of march, by conceding the lead toCheirisophus, as being a Lacedæmonian, allotting the command of theXENOPHON. 23wings to the two oldest generals, and reserving the charge of the rear to himself and Timasion, as being the youngest. Thus, withoutassuming any superior authority, he in fact acted as commander- inchief, and was readily and cheerfully obeyed; the whole army feelingthat they were indebted to his energy and genius for their presentsafety, and depended upon him for their future hopes.Whilst the soldiers were at dinner, previously to commencing theirmarch, Mithridates made his appearance with a small escort, andendeavoured once more to entrap them by professions of friendship;but the generals were now on their guard, and perceiving that thiskind of intercourse led to desertion, they gave strict orders that everystranger should be treated as an enemy, without further declaration ofhostilities, during their passage through the enemy's country.Greeks andIn the afternoon they crossed the Zabatus in good order, keeping the Skirmishbaggage and servants in the centre of their hollow square; when between theMithridates again appeared at the head of two hundred horse, and four Mithridates.hundred well-appointed archers and slingers. He approached as nearas he thought proper with indications of friendly intentions, and thuspoured his missiles into the rear of the Greeks to their great annoyance; for their own bowmen were inferior to the barbarians, who,having discharged their arrows, retired behind the horse for protection.Provoked at this, Xenophon, with his rear-guard, attempted to pursuethem; but he could not separate himself far enough from the mainbody ofthe army to render pursuit effectual, and only exposed his ownmen to the arrows which the enemy discharged as they retired. Asthe Greeks moved to rejoin the march, the enemy in turn pursued, andthus the whole day was occupied in a harassing skirmish, and the progress made was only three miles. This was sufficiently discouraging,and Cheirisophus, with the older generals, found fault with Xenophon'sconduct, who ingenuously acknowledged his error, but at the sametime amply atoned for it, by a display of all the resources whichcharacterize a great commander. "We have to-day experienced,"said he, 66 on a small scale, the mischiefs to be apprehended from theenemy; and they are such as we can easily obviate; the superiority oftheir missile weapons may be met by offering encouragement to theRhodian slingers in our army, who can hurl leaden bullets, much moreeffective than stones; and my horses, and those left by Clearchus,added to such as are used as beasts of burden, will mount a tolerablebody of cavalry, who will enable us to keep the enemy at a greaterdistance. "The sagacity of this arrangement was at once perceived, and thatvery night two hundred slingers were enrolled, and the next morning,about fifty horse were duly equipped under the command of theAthenian Lycius. This business consumed the entire day, and on thenext, they began their march at an early hour, passing in safety aravine, where they had apprehended an attack. Soon afterwards,however, Mithridates appeared with a force of ten thousand horse, and24 XENOPHON.Mithridates receives acheck.four thousand archers and slingers, having been encouraged by his latesuccess to undertake the capture of the Greeks. But he met with areception very different from his expectations; the new cavalry immediately charged, and, supported by the slingers and a body of heavyarmed in the rear, put the whole Persian force to flight, and followingthem closely, made considerable slaughter of their infantry, whileeighteen horse, entangled in the ravine, were taken. The bodies ofthe slain were shockingly mangled by the Greeks, with a view ofinfusing terror into the enemy; but this piece of barbarity was com- mitted without orders. After this, they proceeded without molestation to a deserted Median city on the banks of the Tigris, where they halted for the night.GFS.Tissaphernes endeavoursSlingers.The check they had received deterred the Persians from any furtherto obstruct attempt for two days, but on the third, Tissaphernes, with the unitedthe march of force at his command, appeared, hovering on their rear and flanks.the Greeks.Adhering to his plan of avoiding close action, he ordered his archersand slingers to commence the attack. But the Greeks had already gained experience from the missile weapons of the enemy, and hadbegun to use those which they had taken from them with sure aim anddeadly effect; and the slingers having fortunately obtained a supply ofgut and lead, did great execution, so that Tissaphernes hastily retiredbeyond the range of the shot, and the whole army followed hisexample, pursuing the Grecian troops the rest of the day at a safe distance.This intermission gave time to the generals to correct the deficiencyof their hollow square, which was found very inconvenient in passingdefiles or bridges in face of any enemy; and they so arranged it, as tomarch in column, protected by six piquets of a hundred men each,who were to move either to the front or rear, as the occasion mightrequire; the column being so managed as by a ready evolution to beformed into a square when necessary. These dispositions effectuallyprevented any further annoyance from the enemy on the plain; andthe Greeks, on the seventh day since the commencement of openXENOPHON. 25hostilities, joyfully perceived that they were approaching a moun- tainous country, where the enemy's horse would be unable to act inlarge detachments. But the Persians having occupied the heights, soharassed them with missiles, that the targeteers were forced within theprotection of the heavy-armed troops, and thus rendered useless; andso many were wounded that it became necessary, on halting for thenight, to appoint eight surgeons.the Persians.The design of the Persians being to harass rather than to fight, they Designs ofcontinued to annoy the line of march for many days by desultoryattacks, chiefly with missile weapons; and they carefully avoided allsuch measures as might render the Greeks desperate, and bring on ageneral action; so that they neither laid waste the country, norattempted to intercept the supplies. And the Greeks, by commencingtheir march later in the day, and thus keeping the Persians at agreater distance, from the fear of being assaulted by night, obtained atlength two or three days of uninterrupted peace.theBut the satraps now began to entertain serious apprehensions, that perseverance and courage of this handful of men would break alltheir fine-drawn measures; and a determined attempt was made toarrest their progress by preoccupying with bowmen and slingers aheight under which they must necessarily pass; and at the same timepressing on their rear with the cavalry. But here again their schemewas defeated, no less by the prudent advice, than by the personalvigour and intrepidity of Xenophon, who, with a select body of heavyarmed troops, and the corps of targeteers, succeeded in gaining aheight which commanded the position of the enemy, and immediatelydislodged them. While he was encouraging his men on this service Vigorousto use their utmost exertion, a surly fellow reproached him with riding Xenophon.policy ofat his ease on horseback whilst others toiled on foot. Upon which,Xenophon sprung from his horse, and taking his shield from the malcontent, pushed vigorously forward, till the indignation of the soldiersagainst the offender again induced him to mount, and restore the foot- soldier's shield.This mode of attack being rendered abortive, Tissaphernes now atlength attempted to lay waste the country, and actually set fire to some villages, which occasioned great alarm among the Grecian soldiers,who began to apprehend a want of provisions; but Xenophon, ridingalong the line, humorously observed to them, that " by this act thePersians clearly acknowledged themselves conquered, for they ceasedto treat the country as the territory of their king." And Cheirisophussarcastically proposed to begin burning also, in order to see whichparty would " first cry, hold, enough."But though the cheerfulness of their commanders infused confidenceinto the troops, they had yet great difficulties to overcome; for theyarrived at a pass where precipitous mountains on one hand, and a riverwhich they could not fathom with their spears on the other, seemed tobar all further progress. After some delay in retrograde movements,26 XENOPHON.and some time spent in examining the captives, it was at lengthresolved, in the council of the generals, to force a passage through the Passage Carduchian' mountains, inhabited by a wild and fierce race of savages,of the Carduchian whose hereditary hostility to the Persians, it was hoped, might renderMountains. them favourable to the Greeks. And with this hope they abstainedfrom pillage, and took only such supplies of provision as were indispensable. Finding, however, that no friendly demonstration met withany attention, but that, on the contrary, the Carduchians appearedeverywhere disposed to molest them, Xenophon represented to thearmy that nothing but activity and expedition could enable them totraverse the mountains with tolerable security, and advised a stillfurther sacrifice of their baggage, and especially of their slaves andcattle, the most valuable of the spoil they had acquired. And such isthe influence which talents for command have in seasons of publicdanger, that no one ventured to dispute the propriety of the orderwhich was made; the males accordingly were mostly dismissed, butdiscipline was not powerful enough to make the soldiers part withtheir women.The difficulties encountered on the march.The Carduchians were found much more troublesome enemies thanthe Persian forces had been; for, with equal disposition to mischief,they had the advantage of rugged precipices, up which the Greeksclimbed with difficulty, while they rolled down vast rocks, and hurledabundance of smaller stones with the force of slings, and in some casescontrived to throw the men themselves down the precipices; theyalso shot arrows of uncommon length from their huge bows, which,drawn by the foot, carried much further than those of the Cretans inthe Grecian army, and with such force as to pierce helmet, shield , andthorax; so that the march was a continued fight for seven days,attended with considerable loss and many severe wounds. In allthese dangers Xenophon bore a prominent part, and displayed thosetalents for command which are always readily obeyed in seasons ofdistress: he preoccupied the heights; he caught savages for guidesand interpreters; he led the van, conducted the piquets, or kept orderin the rear, as circ*mstances called him: he was always accessibleduring the hours of meals or rest; and upon him the whole army feltthat they depended for deliverance from their difficulties. Fortunately,the towns were unfortified and well supplied, and the mountaineersleft them undefended, having stipulated, in return for permitting someslain to be buried, that the Greeks should not burn them. Here theyfound repose; and on the last day, coming in view of the river whichterminates the Carduchian country, and seeing the plains of Armeniabeyond, they betook themselves to sleep in the villages, as if all theirtoils were ended. But at day- break it was found that the oppositebank was occupied by their old enemies the Persians, under Orontas,who had arrived in his satrapy before them, to dispute their passagethrough it: the river, just fordable, was rapid, and its bottom uneven.1 The modern name is Curds.XENOPHON. 27The Carduchians, occupying the heights which the army had justquitted, watched a favourable moment to commence their attack on the rear.Here Xenophon again encouraged the almost-broken spirits of thearmy by relating a dream, the interpretation of which was evidentlythat he should extricate them from their perilous situation; and soonafterwards he announced information which he had received of a shallower passage lower down, with a landing-place, where the Persianhorse would be unable to act against them. The usual sacrifices andlibations to the gods having been performed, the whole army sung thepæan, and prepared to cross the river. The Persians, astonished probably at their apparently undiminished numbers and resolution , offeredno effectual resistance; and the mountaineers being held in check bythe judicious dispositions of Xenophon, made little impression on the rear. So complete indeed was the success, that the first division ofthe Greeks actually captured some booty from the Persian troops.Armenia,The fertile plains of Eastern Armenia were then passed without They reachopposition in five days' march. And on the arrival of the army atTeleboas, which forms the boundary of the Western Armenia, thesatrap, Teribazus, sent to offer them a free passage and necessary supplies through his country, on condition that they should not plundernor destroy the property ofthe inhabitants. These terms were gladlyaccepted; but the soldiers suffering severely from the change ofclimate and season, notwithstanding the attentions of Xenophon toprovide fuel and unguents, were unavoidably quartered in the houses to protect them from the heavy falls of snow. Hence it happenedthat some buildings were burnt; and Teribazus, considering the treatyas violated, prepared to entrap the army in a defile. Suspicion havingarisen, and a prisoner being taken to gain information, the generalsprepared for defence, and their preparations alone sufficed to put thePersians to so hasty a flight, that their camp, with the tent ofTeribazus himself, and all his rich furniture, became the prey of the Greeks.three days more, and cross the Euphrates.they reached the In their subsequentThe next day they passed the defile, and inmarching through a desert covered with snow,Euphrates near its source, and easily crossed it.march, they suffered dreadfully from snow and frost, so that the menfell down benumbed with cold, and the cattle perished . The sufferings ofthe army became extreme, and it required all the art and allthe authority of Xenophon and the other generals to preserve the menfrom yielding to the severity of the climate and to fatigue. At lengththey arrived at some of the habitations of the natives, where, pretending to be in the service of the king, and on their way to join thesatrap, they were peaceably quartered in the villages, and obtainedrefreshments in abundance. Xenophon having a particular villageallotted him, immediately invited the chief magistrate, or comarch, tosup with him; and treating him with the greatest kindness, assured28 XENOPHON.him that he need apprehend nothing for his person or property, if hewould only undertake to be their guide to the limit of the king'sdominions, his son being detained as an hostage for his fidelity. ThisImprudence advantage, however, was lost, after three days' march, by the rudeness sophus. of Cheirisophus, who so offended the comarch, that he deserted,leaving his son to his fate..ofCheiriview of the sea.Xenophon warmly resented this imprudent violence, and it occasioned the only quarrel he ever had with Cheirisophus. The courseof the Phasis was now their guide, till, coming opposite the passagethrough the mountains to the plain beyond, they diverged from itacross the country, and at the foot of the hills were met by the Chalybes, the Taochians, and the Phasians in arms. After some discussion, the advice of Xenophon was adopted; the enemy were circumvented, and the passage forced: in the plain on the other side,they found " villages plentifully stored with good things."Hence they marched through the country of the Taochians, whohad taken care to collect their property within their fortifications,which they defended with desperate resolution, dashing themselveswith their wives and children down the precipices rather than fallalive into the hands of the Greeks, whom want of provisions compelled to storm their strong places. The next people whose territorythey invaded were the Chalybes, a well-armed and ferocious race, whoso successfully opposed them, that they were forced to subsist uponthe cattle which they had taken from the Taochians; and to be continually acting on the defensive, till they reached the level country ofthe Scythians, where, after four days' march, they found rest and foodin some villages. From this place, in four days, they reached thelarge and wealthy town of Gymnias, the governor of which offeredto conduct them, in five days, through a country which they mightplunder and waste as much as they should think fit, to an eminencefrom whence they could behold the Euxine Sea; declaring his willingness, if he should fail of his undertaking, to suffer death.His proposition being accepted, on the fifth day they arrived at thesacred hill called Thece, and as soon as the first division reached theThe Greeks summit, the view of the sea occasioned such a shout, that Xenophon,arrive within who still commanded the rear, imagined that they were attacked, andpressed forward to give assistance; but the real cause of the clamourbeing ascertained , all order, all discipline, for the moment, was at anend-generals, officers, and soldiers, in a transport of joyful tears,embraced each other, and the animating cry, " The sea! the sea! " wasre-echoed through the broken ranks. When the first tumult of delighthad a little subsided, they collected a quantity of large stones, andforming them into a rude column, hung upon it, as a kind of trophy,the arms of the barbarous nations which they had taken on the march.The guide, as might be expected, was magnificently rewarded, and honourably dismissed.The next morning, some hostile demonstrations were made by theXENOPHON. 29Macrones, through whose thick woods their road lay; when anAthenian slinger coming to Xenophon acknowledged that he hadoriginally been a slave, and that these people were his countrymen;offering at the same time to go to them, and bring them to terms.This being granted, and the Macrones, being assured that the Greekswere hostile to the Persians, readily entered into treaty, rendered themevery assistance in their power, and conducted them to the borders ofthe Colchians.Colchians.Here opposition was expected; and Xenophon, in a speech to the Attack onthegenerals, strongly recommended forming the troops in column ratherthan in phalanx, on account of the inequality of the ascent through themountains; and having carried his point, he rode from left to rightalong the ranks, crying out, " My men, these barbarians whom younow see, are the last obstacle to our reaching the destination wehave so long laboured for; let us, therefore, by all means, make anexample of them." The Colchians were easily defeated; but a delayof several days was occasioned by the unwholesome effects of somehoney, the produce of the country, of which many of the soldiers had eaten.When they were sufficiently recovered, they resumed their march,and in two days reached Trapezus, ' a Greek town on the coast of theEuxine Sea, having occupied about ten months in the expedition andretreat. Here they imagined themselves at home, and supplyingthemselves with plenty by ravaging the adjoining Colchian country,they continued a month among the Trapezuntines, who willinglyfurnished them with a market, besides making them many presents.During their abode at Trapezus, they performed the vows which theyhad addressed on the march to Jupiter the preserver, and Hercules,celebrating the respective sacrifices and games, in the best mannerwhich their present situation would admit.The army, now tired of marching and fighting, was desirous ofpassing into Greece by sea, and Cheirisophus undertook to go toAnaxibius, the Lacedæmonian admiral, for the purpose of solicitingtransports. In the mean time, Xenophon endeavoured to providefor the security and supplies of the army during his absence; and fortheir journey homewards by land, in the event of their failing to obtain vessels sufficient to convey them all . But he had the mortification tofind, that the assembly of the troops, in which, according to the democratic principles of Grecian government, the supreme power resided ,although they readily adopted all his measures for present convenience,refused their assent to every proposal that tended to provide for amarch.Disappointed in this, he sent messengers to the different states Foresight ofthrough whose territory he foresaw they must ultimately proceed, Xenophon.advising them by all means to prepare good roads, guides, andmarkets, that the passage of so large and unruly a body might be as 1 Trebisond.30 XENOPHON.The army reaches Cerasus.Greek military and moral notions.rapid and as little burdensome as possible; and his recommendationwas thankfully adopted.In the meanwhile, the army was to be supported by the mostiniquitous and perilous plunder of the neighbouring countries, till thereturn of Cheirisophus with a supply of vessels far short of their wantsand expectations: this, together with the failure of other expedientsto procure any considerable number of ships, at length brought thesoldiers to their senses; and they agreed to send the sick, the women,and children, all above forty years of age, and all unnecessary baggage,by sea, and that the rest should travel by land.On the third day oftheir journey they reached Cerasus, a Grecian townon the Euxine, where they held a general muster, and found the wholeloss of the heavy armed since their departure under Cyrus, exclusive ofdesertion, to be about 1,400. " These," says Xenophon, “ died inbattle, or in the snow, and perhaps a few from sickness." Here alsothey divided the money arising from the sale of their various plunder,and consecrating the produce of robbery and murder, they devoted atenth of the spoil to Apollo and to Diana of Ephesus, which was intrusted to the generals in shares to be appropriated to the service ofthe gods. The use which Xenophon made of the portion committed to him will be seen hereafter.The army then resumed their march, the transports keeping aparallel course along the coast, and landing as they halted; but thewant of discipline which prevailed among the troops, rendered thesituation of Xenophon (who was now acknowledged as their leader,Cheirisophus not having rejoined) extremely delicate and difficult.Straggling parties of plunderers were cut off by the natives, and thewhole line of country rendered hostile by the impossibility of keepingthe soldiers from committing devastation wherever they arrived; andindeed the principles of Xenophon, the disciple of Socrates, himselfmoralist and a philosopher, appear to have been strangely warped bythe military notions of his time, which considered the plunder of allbarbarians as a regular and legitimate mode of paying and supplyingan army, and were not nice even with respect to Grecian property,unless protected by special treaty, and insured by a species of hospitality resembling the black mail of our own northern marauders.aThe evils resulting from this barbarous mode of travelling, becamesensibly felt on their arrival at Cotyora, another Sinopian colony onthe same coast; and the inconvenience which they experienced, againinduced the troops to wait above six weeks, in the hope of obtaininga passage by sea. This season of leisure suggested to the active andstatesman-like genius of Xenophon, who knew the impossibility ofprocuring transports for all, the idea of founding a new colony, in avery advantageous situation not far from their present quarters. But,whether his pecuniary resources began to fail him, or the private inclination of the soothsayer was too strong to be overruled, he did notin this instance succeed in procuring the favourable indications fromXENOPHON. 31sacrifices and omens which his prudence usually commanded. Andperhaps it was not probable that men so long accustomed to predatoryhabits, and acquainted with the wealth and luxury of Persia, could beinduced to settle quietly to hard labour and simple modes of life, surrounded by continual temptations to resume those irregular practices,so congenial to the idleness and the restlessness of our nature.However this might be, the project was extremely unpopular, andexcited universal alarm and indignation, not only in the army, butamong all the neighbouring colonies, who justly dreaded the establishment of so overwhelming a power, actuated by motives and principlesof which they had already seen too much. Those who were jealousof Xenophon's authority, or hostile to his views, took the opportunityto inflame the discontent of the soldiers and the apprehensions of thenatives; and it required all his energies and all his eloquence toappease the rising mutiny, which threatened the dissolution of allremaining discipline.Finding it absolutely necessary to give up for the present all idea Xenophon restores the of colonization, he resolved to profit by the present conjuncture to discipline of represent to the army, in a long and apparently candid speech, his real the army.wishes and intentions; and to point out to them in strong language,the difficulties to which they exposed him, and the ruin and disgracethey were preparing for themselves, by their disregard of discipline,and by the looseness of their conduct. The remonstrance had thedesired effect; and not only were better regulations adopted for thefuture, but a strict inquiry was instituted into past delinquencies,from which the generals themselves were not exempt; and some ofthem were punished by fines for neglect or peculation. Xenophon was himself accused of violence towards the soldiers under his command; but the accusation was supported only by a single witness, amuleteer, who had been guilty of gross inhumanity, and who wasuniversally thought, upon the case being fairly stated, to have beenpunished too leniently. No other complainant, after this, venturing to appear, Xenophon took occasion to remind the soldiers of all thathe had done and suffered for them; insisting upon it that he hadnever punished any man unnecessarily, much less unjustly, and appealing to their recollection of continual acts of kindness and benevolence.Ingratitude is not among the vices of a military life; and it was rareamong the bold and generous though licentious soldiery of Greece:the troops were deeply touched by the affectionate reproof of theirleader, and acquitted him by acclamation.Sinope.From Cotyora, the army passed by sea to Sinope, having been pro- The armyvided with ships by the different people who desired to be delivered reachesfrom their presence. The Sinopians received them with hospitality;and here they were at last joined by Cheirisophus with some triremes,but with no supplies of any kind, and bringing nothing from Anaxibiusbut empty compliments, and a vague promise, that if they should reachthe Propontis, he would take them into pay as mercenaries. Thus,32 XENOPHON.Xenophon refuses theof general- in- chief.as they approached their own country, their difficulties seemed toincrease; and in the apprehension that divided councils, and want ofdiscipline, might expose them to their enemies, and alienate theirfriends, they came to a resolution to elect one general, who shouldhave full power over all the movements of the army, and the sole direction of all their measures.The choice falling unanimously upon Xenophon, he was powerfullyappointment tempted to accept a situation so suitable to his talents, and so calculated to extend his fame and popularity; but prudential considerationsinduced him to decline it , and finding the army unwilling to take arefusal, he had recourse to their superstition, and informed them, thathaving understood their intentions, he had previously consulted thegods, and that the sacrifices were decidedly against his undertakingthe command offered him. Upon this Cheirisophus was elected, andimmediately they set sail for Heraclea, a Megarensian colony, wherethey were received with extraordinary kindness. But Cheirisophus,though a respectable soldier, and a brave man, was no statesman; inless than a week his influence was at an end, and his command formallyabrogated. The malcontents to the number of 4,500 , chiefly Arcadians and Achæans, separated themselves with the intention ofplundering the barbarians on the coast, and elected ten new commanders. Cheirisophus, heartily disgusted at the misconduct of thewhole army, refused to take the command of any troops beside theThracians formerly raised by Clearchus, about 1,400 heavy armedand 700 light infantry; there remained with Xenophon only 1,700heavy foot, 300 targeteers, and all the horse, in number now about 40.Cheirisophus proceeded along the coast, and did not long survive hismortification. The mutineers commenced their system of plunder, andwere overpowered by the barbarians, a large part of their number beingslain, and the rest surrounded on a hill, and in hourly apprehension ofbeing cut off to a man. Xenophon had taken an inland road, whenhis horse, who preceded the party as scouts, brought in some messengers from the Arcadians, who informed him of their perilous situation. Xenophon immediately saw the danger that would result tohis own little troop, from the annihilation of so large a Grecian forcein the neighbourhood; and addressing his soldiers, exhorted them tomarch to the relief of their late companions. By a skilful stratagemhe induced the barbarians to retire in the night, and having ascertainedthat they had actually fled, he marched instantly to join Cheirisophusat the harbour of Calpe, lest he should be overwhelmed by the numbersof the enemy; on the road he fell in with the Arcadian and Achæanforces, whom he had thus delivered from the most imminent danger,and a cordial reconciliation took place between the two parties. Ontheir arrival they found Cheirisophus already dead, and his commandconferred upon Neon; and a decree was unanimously passed, in thetrue spirit of a Grecian popular assembly, that if any one should hereafter attempt to dismember the army, he should be punished withMarches to the relief of the Greeks.XENOPHON.33333death. But a spirit of discontent and suspicion yet remained; thesoldiers, apprehensive that Xenophon had not sincerely abandoned hisdesign of founding a colony, refused to be encamped in the favourablesituation which his military eye instantly selected for them, lest theyshould be entrapped into a permanent residence. But Xenophon hadmanaged to regain his influence over the prophets, and no auspiciousomens could be obtained for marching, or even for foraging, till thearmy complied with his commands. In the meanwhile Neon, whohad succeeded to Cheirisophus, affecting to compassionate the distressof the soldiers unable to procure provisions, offered to conduct aforaging party; and about 2,000 men turned out to follow him;but this unhandsome conduct served only to confirm the authority ofXenophon; for the party under Neon were defeated by the barbarianswith the heaviest loss that had ever been sustained by the army;above 500 men were slain, and the rest so surrounded by the enemy,that Xenophon was obliged to go in person with all his force to bringthem off; the barbarians following closely, and lurking in the thicketsabout the camp till dusk, when they attacked and carried the outposts, drove in the piquets, and obliged the whole army to pass thenight under arms.The reasons of Xenophon for pitching upon a strong natural site Prudence offor the camp were now apparent, and his wisdom so generally ac- Xenophon.knowledged, that no further opposition was offered to fortifying thespot he had selected , and transporting thither all their baggage. Immediately the omens were all favourable, and a vessel arrived with acargo of provisions.The next morning, leaving the baggage, and the soldiers aboveforty-five years of age to guard the camp, under the orders of Neon,Xenophon marched out, taking all those precautions which indicatedthat he expected to be attacked; and after having buried the slain ofthe preceding day, a ceremony to which Grecian superstition attachedpeculiar importance, he soon afterwards discovered a large body ofBithynians, sent by the satrap to defend the country, advantageouslyposted on a hill with a ravine in front. Some of the officers dissuaded an attack, on account of the strength of the position; butXenophon overruling their objections by the prevailing argument of afavourable sacrifice, after a smart action , defeated and dispersed theenemy; who, finding themselves unable to cope with the Greeks inthe field, contented themselves with removing all that was mostvaluable up the country; leaving to Xenophon and his army the undisturbed possession of a wide district abounding with provisions;so that they patiently awaited the arrival of Cleander, the Lacedæmonian governor of Byzantium, who was expected to bring transportsto convey them all into Greece. His arrival, however, miserably disappointed their expectations; he came with only two triremes, andone Dexippus in his train, who having dishonestly left the CyreianGreeks at Trapezus, had artfully contrived to infuse into the minds[H. G.]D34 XENOPHON.Haughty conduct of the Spartan governor.both of Anaxibius, the admiral, and of Cleander, strong prejudicesagainst the whole army, especially against Xenophon and Agasiasthe Arcadian, who had always been Xenophon's friend.Cleander happened unfortunately to land when the greater part ofthe troops were absent on forage; and a small detachment was justthen returning with some sheep which they had been plundering.Fearful of losing their booty, and aware of the corruption ofDexippus, they offered him any share of the spoil to secure the re- mainder to them. He eagerly embraced the proposal, but othersoldiers coming in, and objecting to the bargain, and a tumult beginning to arise, he appealed to the governor, who ordered the soldierwith whom the objection had arisen to be arrested.This manhappened to belong to the division of Agasias, who, coming up atthe moment, and treating Dexippus with merited contempt, rescuedthe soldier; a scene of confusion followed, in which stones werethrown, and Cleander himself was exposed to some danger, andbetrayed evident symptoms of alarm. Xenophon and the othergenerals arriving at this juncture, instantly restored order, and endeavoured to pacify Cleander. But fear generates anger; the governor, in the true tone of Spartan insolence, declared that unlessAgasias and the arrested soldier were given up to him, he wouldorder every city in Greece to treat the Cyreian army as enemies;and no doubt appears to have been entertained that this arbitrarycommand of a provincial governor would have been generally obeyed.The conduct of Xenophon in these trying circ*mstances was politicand just. He allayed the irritated feelings of the army, and persuadedAgasias voluntarily to surrender himself to the governor; who, after ahaughty display of official dignity, was at length persuaded of thebaseness of Dexippus, and received Xenophon into his confidence,and honoured him with his friendship . But finding that the command of such a force, under such circ*mstances, was at once difficultand hazardous, and that all the neighbouring states, Grecian and barbarian, were anxious to be rid of a numerous body, subsisting byplunder, he declared that, as the sacrifices were not propitious forhis marching at their head, he would go by sea to Byzantium, andprepare for their reception. Xenophon also had intended to sail aboutthe same time for Athens, in the hope that he might, by his eloquenceand interest, prevent the sentence which he apprehended from theviolence of the people; but at the earnest desire of Anaxibius hecontinued in his command of the army, till they should arrive atByzantium. On their arrival at that first European town, and entering, as they had reason to conclude, into the service of the sovereignstate of Greece (for by that title the contemporary historian, himselfan Athenian, does not hesitate to designate Lacedæmon) , the Cyreiansfancied themselves once more at home, and congratulated themselveson the end of all their wanderings: but the power of Cleander wasmuch greater to injure than to serve them; and Anaxibius (bribed, asXENOPHON. 35it was suspected, by Pharnabazus, the satrap of Bithynia, and possiblyby other neighbouring powers) , not only defrauded them of the promised pay, but by an unfriendly stratagem excluded them from thecity, and ordered them on a distant service. Enraged at this treatment, the soldiers seized the town, and but for the timely interference The troopsof Xenophon would have possessed themselves of the harbour and seize thefleet, with the intention of making him their chief, and establishing anindependent power.Anaxibius gladly availed himself of the influence of Xenophon toallay the storm thus raised by his own ungenerous rashness; andhaving by his means once more excluded the army from the walls, hesent a creature of his own to delude them by offers of mercenaryservice, and to draw them to a greater distance. Deprived of theguidance and wisdom of their leader, who was preparing to sail forAthens, the Cyreians could no longer be kept together; but theirnumber was daily thinned by the secession of small parties, some ofwhom obtained a passage home; whilst others settled in the country,or entered into foreign service.A sudden change, however, in the politics of Lacedæmon, inducedAnaxibius, who had now been superseded in his command by Aristarchus, to desert that party at home which was desirous of maintaining peace with Asia; and he made an unexpected proposal toXenophon, who was still with him, to return once more to thearmy, and to lead them, in the service of Lacedæmon, against therich satrapies of Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes. Xenophon, whoknew how popular such an expedition would prove, readily undertook it, and was received by the soldiers with unbounded joy; butupon leading them to Perinthus, with the intention of embarking forAsia according to the instructions of Anaxibius, he was roughlytreated by Aristarchus, who had sold for slaves all the Cyreians inByzantium, to the number of 400, and would have arrested Xenophonhimself, had he not been put upon his guard by a friendly intimationof the design against him.town.service ofMeeting with nothing but treachery and ill treatment from all The armyparties, and finding themselves universally the objects of dread and enters thesuspicion, the army now placed all their hopes upon Xenophon thus Seuthes.unexpectedly restored to them. His genius, always fertile of resources, could suggest nothing better than to avail themselves of therepeated offers of Seuthes, a deposed Thracian prince, who had beeneducated under the hospitable roof of Medocus, king of the Odrysians;and who, desirous of regaining his father's throne by force, proposedto engage the Greeks in his service, with a promise of present pay,and of ample remuneration in the event of his reducing by their assistance his rebellious subjects.Neon alone of the generals, being a Laconian, seceded from thisproposal, and drew off with him about 800 men, with whom hejoined Aristarchus. The rest of the army consenting to followD 236 XENOPHON.Seuthes recovers hisXenophon even in a winter campaign, in the rigorous climate ofThrace, he went with the principal officers by night to the camp ofSeuthes, where he was received with high honour, but at the sametime with extraordinary caution, and speedily arranged the terms onwhich the Greeks should enter into his ' service, which were highlyfavourable to them, and to Xenophon himself.The remains of this gallant army proved an overmatch for the undominions. disciplined fierceness of the rebel barbarians, and Seuthes was notonly reinstated in his paternal dominions, without any loss, in lessthan two months, but was enabled to make great additions to hisancient dominion. But he unfortunately had in his service, and in hisconfidence, an artful unprincipled Greek named Heraclides, who infusedinto him a distrust of Xenophon, and a jealousy of the army, and persuaded him to withhold the remuneration which he had agreed tobestow upon them. The troops immediately murmured againstXenophon because they were unpaid, and Seuthes was offended withHis breach of him for pressing the payment of their due; and to such a length didengagement. these unpleasant discussions proceed that an open rupture was apprehended, and all friendly intercourse was actually suspended .Lacedæmo- nians desireGreeks.The situation of Xenophon and his army was becoming extremelythe aid of the critical, when the arrival of two Lacedæmonian officers improved theaspect oftheir affairs. A change of administration in the Lacedæmonian councils had effected that alteration in their policy, on whichAnaxibius had prematurely acted; and they were consequently anxiousto secure the aid of the veteran troops of the Grecian army in invadingthe Persian dominions. The officers who came into Thrace upon thisbusiness were received by Seuthes with great hospitality, while nonotice was taken of Xenophon or of his officers; but when thepurport of their journey was explained, the Thracian prince alteredhis tone, and admitted the leaders to an interview, when the manlyand decided conduct of Xenophon, the remonstrance of his bettercounsellors, and the dictates of his own honour prevailed: the demands of the army were fully satisfied, and harmony was restored.There was little hesitation in accepting the offers of the Lacedæmonian government, and the army, joyfully anticipating the plunder ofAsia, crossed over to Lampsacus. It seems probable, that in thearrangement with Seuthes, Xenophon had abandoned his privateinterest to secure the general advantage; for meeting at Lampsacuswith an old Athenian acquaintance, Euclid, the Phliasian soothsayer,after mutual congratulations and inquiries, he acknowledged himself tohave so completely exhausted his pecuniary resources as to be obligedto part with his horse and furniture to provide necessaries for theexpedition . Euclid affected incredulity, but the Lampsacenes havingsent in their contribution, and some of the cattle being slain for asacrifice, the prophet, who attended upon his friend, was convinced,as he pretended, by the symptoms of the victims, of the reality of hispoverty, attributing it to his own imprudence, and to the wrath ofXENOPHON. 37Jupiter Meilichius, whose worship he had neglected . The next dayXenophon, arriving at Ophrynium, offered holocausts of swine, afterthe Athenian manner, to that deity, " and the same day," he tells us,the army received their pay from the Lacedæmonians, and he washimself gratified by their presenting him with the favourite horsewhich he had been obliged to sell at Lampsacus. It is deserving ofremark, that although Xenophon on many occasions evidently directedthe responses of the soothsayers, and therefore could not be the dupeof their craft, yet, in conformity with the opinion of Socrates, hethought it right to uphold the popular belief, as a salutary check uponthe licentiousness of the times; and not only speaks ofit with uniformrespect, but relates all the circ*mstances relating to divination, with adesign to impress its veracity upon the minds of his readers. In thepresent case he proceeds to tell us, that he had no reason to complainof the god; for that being hospitably received at Pergamus, by thewife of Gongylus, the Eretrian, that lady suggested to him a schemeof nocturnal plunder against the castle of a Persian nobleman, Asidates,whose wife, children, and property she proposed that he should seize.The diviners having declared that this project was favoured by heaven,Xenophon adopted it without scruple; and though he met with acheck on his first attempt, and his friend Agasias was wounded, hesucceeded at length to the extent of his wishes, and became possessed,as he informs us, "of horses and carriages, and other things, so that Xenophonhe could now afford to be generous." Soon after this adventure he joins thejoined the main army under Thimbron, the Lacedæmonian general, Thimbron .and followed him in the campaign against the Persian satrapies, tillthe period of his recall, Ol. 95, 2. B.C. 398, when he was succeeded в. c. 398.by Dercyllidas, under whom the Cyreian troops still continued in thepay of Lacedæmon, and became so incorporated with their other forces,that the particular events relating to them and to Xenophon areabsorbed in the general history of the Asiatic war, related by him (inthe Hellenics) with that peculiar and picturesque interest which canonly be given to narrative, by an eye-witness and principal actor in the scenes he describes.After more than two years spent in active, and generally in successful enterprise and plunder, the army was put under the commandof Agesilaus, the friend, as he afterwards became, and companion of our historian, and to whom he is indebted for much of the honourwith which his name has been handed down to posterity. On therecall of that illustrious prince, he still followed his fortunes, and 'fought by his side at the celebrated battle of Coronea, B.C. 394, afterwhich it is impossible to trace any further the distinct existence of theCyreian army. Disbanded with the rest of the forces under Agesilaus,the individuals who composed it were reunited no more. Xenophonhad, in consequence of his engagements with Lacedæmon, been sentenced to death at Athens (about the time that a similar sentence was' His own phrase is συναγωνισαμένος.army ofB. C. 394 .38 XENOPHON.Deposits hisexecuted upon his master Socrates) , at the suggestion of Eubulus, the very person who many years afterwards obtained a decree for hisrecall. Having, therefore, no home in his native country, he resolvedto settle himself under the protection of Lacedæmon; and to this end,quitting Agesilaus after the disbanding of the army, he repaired toScillus, a town in the Eleian territory, which appears to have beenassigned to him to be held under the crown of Lacedæmon, by a kindof feudal tenure, probably through the interest of his royal patron.He was accompanied in his retreat by his wife, and by his twin sonsGryllus and Diodorus; but whether this lady was the mother of theyoung men is not recorded: from the manner in which she is mentioned by his biographer, " a little female, by name Philesia," itseems likely that she was their stepmother.It is probable that, in the course of his Asiatic campaigns, Xenophon, though by nature expensive and generous, had amassed considerable wealth; and it will be recollected that he was one of thegenerals who were intrusted with the tenth dedicated to Apollo andthe Ephesian Diana, on the division of the spoil among the CyreianGreeks at Cerasus; a trust not only honourable, but the source also ofan ample revenue. Xenophon remitted the portion designed forApollo to the temple at Delphi; and, on his leaving Asia to returnwith Agesilaus into Greece, he deposited the other portion withwealth in the Megabyzus, the treasurer of the Ephesian temple, desiring that, if he temple of Ephesus. should fall in the approaching contest with the Thebans, Megabyzushimself should perform the solemn act of dedication in such a manneras should be most pleasing to the goddess; but that if he should survive, the money should be returned to him; for in the insecurity ofall property in Greece, the safest depository for money and theprecious metals was the treasury of a temple, where superstitiongenerally effected what better principles failed to do elsewhere; andhence the Grecian temples, especially that at Delphi, were generallyused both as public and private banks.When Xenophon was securely settled at Scillus, Megabyzus tookthe opportunity afforded by the Olympian games to restore the depositto him, with which he purchased an estate for the goddess, andbuilt upon it a temple and an altar; reserving a tenth of the produceof the sacred land as the rent due to her as proprietor, and leavingthe residue to be enjoyed by the occupier of the soil , on condition ofdischarging his duties as manager of the festivals, and guardian ofthetemple; thus securing to himself and to his family a splendid demesneand handsome income, under the protection of reputed sanctity.The situation of the estate was dictated by the oracle of Apollo, atthe suggestion, doubtless, of Xenophon himself, and appears to havebeen studiously selected with a view to make it a counterpart of thesacred territory of Ephesus. "The river ' Selenus," he informs us,This name is variously written. The form which coincides with Σsλń may perhaps be thought the most proper.XENOPHON. 3966 runs through the estate; as a river, also the Selenus, runs by thetemple of Diana at Ephesus; and there are fish and shells in both,Around the temple is a grove of garden fruit-trees; and the templeitself, to compare great things with small, is built on the plan of thatat Ephesus; and the image differs only in being of cypress instead ofgold. "On a column in front of the temple was the following inscription:-THE SACRED DEMESNE OF DIANA.Whoever holds and enjoys this estate must reserve a tenth of the yearly producefor sacred purposes, and out of the remainder must furnish the temple. If any oneshall neglect so to do, the goddess will take care to avenge herself on him.The yearly festival was celebrated with an entertainment to all theinhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of both sexes. The guestsbeing arranged in temporary arbours, pastry, bread, wine, ' and dessertwere set before them, as well as meat fed in the sacred pasture, andtaken in the chase. For the neighbourhood of Scillus abounded withgame; and the servants of Xenophon, and of the other citizens, wereemployed in hunting for this occasion, such other persons as chose itjoining in the sport, and catching wild boars, wood goats, and venison.And even the cattle and horses of the guest were fed in the groves andhills belonging to the goddess.retirement.In this delightful retreat, under the protection of the temporal sove- Picture ofreignty of Lacedæmon, and the spiritual tutelage of Diana, Xenophon Xenophon inforgot the toils of wars, in a state of as much enjoyment as can fall tothe lot of a man whose happiness must depend upon sublunary circ*mstances. He seems to have been precisely what we should now call aliterary country gentleman, diversifying the more refined pleasures ofhis studious hours with the active amusem*nts of the field; breakinghis dogs, training his horses, and attending to the breed of stock; andso much interest did the philosopher, historian, and commander, takein these healthful pursuits, that they became the subject of more thanone treatise from his immortal pen; an example to scholars in all agesthat they should not disdain to refresh their vigour and renew theiranimation, by allowing the faculties to recreate themselves freelyin country sports, and exercise themselves agreeably in country business.From the period of his settlement at Scillus till after the destructionof the Lacedæmonian sovereignty, by the event of the battle atLeuctra, Xenophon appears to have enjoyed uninterrupted quiet, andto have employed himself in composing those works which exaltedhim to be the rival of Plato in politics and biography, as well as ofThucydides in history. It is said that the emulation between the twodisciples of Socrates occasioned a pitiable jealousy and alienation from1 Many editions add żgyógı , which properly signifies small coins; but, when it became customary with the great to throw sweatmeats among the people instead of silver, the name was probably extended to them also. Inadvertence to thisseems to have occasioned some perplexity.40 XENOPHON.each other; but Diogenes relates to the praise of Xenophon that hegave to the world the history of Thucydides in the name of the author,when he might easily have made it his own. The list of his otherworks, given us by the same biographer, proves that we have beensingularly fortunate in their preservation: " He wrote about fortybooks, though others reckon them differently. The Anabasis, in whichhe wrote prefaces to the several books, but none to the whole work:Works of the Cyropædia: the Annals of Greece: the Memoirs (of Socrates):Xenophon. the Symposium, or Table-talk: the Economics: the Treatises onHorsemanship and Farriery, and on Field Sports: the Apology forSocrates the Essay on Public Revenue: Hiero, or Monarchy: thePanegyric of Agesilaus; and two discourses on the Athenian and onthe Lacedæmonian states , which Demetrius the Magnesian asserts notto have been composed by him."From this literary and rural enjoyment of peace and security, hewas not to be tempted by the reversal of the decree against him, whichpassed on the change of Athenian politics some time after the battle ofLeuctra. Athens was of all places the most dangerous for men inany way eminent, but especially for those who possessed property andtalents; and in the continual changes of system which characterise therepublics of Greece, the fickleness of the despotic mob, who hadbanished and recalled him, might at any moment confiscate his property, and take away his life. When, therefore , the protection ofLacedæmon could no longer avail him, and the dissensions whichagitated the surrounding states rendered even the sacred territory insecure, he sent his family to Lepreum, and is related to have gone inperson to Elis, to plead with the Eleians (now once more masters ofScillus), for immunity, on account of his having accepted the fief froman hostile power. It appears that the prayer was readily granted, andthat he returned in peace to the possession of his property; butwhether the commotions of the times rendered a country residenceless desirable, or the decline of life brought with it a disinclination forbodily exertion, he appears, in his latter years, to have lived principally at Corinth, and to have died there in a good old age; but atwhat precise date has never been satisfactorily ascertained.His two sons, Gryllus and Diodorus, however (as soon as the alliance between Athens and Lacedæmon removed the dilemma inwhich they had hitherto been placed, between the native country oftheir father and the state which had protected and enriched him), tookthe opportunity which offered itself of serving in the Athenian cavalry,and were both engaged in the battle of Mantinea. Diodorus came offsafe, without having done anything to distinguish himself; but toDeath of his Gryllus, who fell on the field of battle, was attributed the first meritson Gryllus. in the action, the Mantineans giving him the preference above Cephisodorus, the Athenian master of horse, and Podares, their owngeneral.When the news reached Xenophon, he was in the act of offering aXENOPHON. 41festive sacrifice, and was, according to custom, crowned with a garlandof flowers. Upon hearing that his son was slain, he observed, with more of Spartan nonchalance than of Athenian vivacity, " I knewthat he was born mortal; " but in consideration of the mournful tidings,he laid aside his gay chaplet; the messenger, however, proceeding torelate the circ*mstances of his glorious death, the military ardour ofthe veteran prevailed over his family feelings; he resumed the sacrificial costume, and completed the ceremony. The delight which hefelt in the fame of his son was heightened by the numerous testimoniesof honour for his memory, which the poets and painters of the timewere eager to present to the father; and the evening of his life seemsto have been as honoured and tranquil as his early years were distinguished by harassing difficulties and tumultuous enterprise.Xenophon.His character is best painted in his life and writings. He was Character ofbrave, generous, and affectionate; punctual and vigilant on duty;sagacious and enterprising in command; prudent and eloquent in council; a sincere friend; a magnanimous adversary; a liberal, enlightened, and upright statesman. His excellence as an author is too wellappreciated to be the subject of criticism. As an historian he hasbeen thought deficient in attention to chronology; but his fairness andcandour are universally acknowledged; and his political wisdom andmilitary science have assisted in forming the ablest negotiators and themost skilful commanders of succeeding ages. His philosophy is thatof Socrates, and approaches more nearly to the truth of Christian prin ciples than that of any ancient writer, Plato alone excepted. Thebeauty of his style pervades all his works, and adorns every subject of which he treated.edyGreek Priestess. Real Museo Borbonico.Death of Theramenes.CHAPTER III.THE THIRTY TYRANTS.B. C. 404.B. C. 404. UPON the surrender of the Athenians to Lysander, the particulars ofwhich we have already related, the democracy was subverted, and the supreme power of the state, which had been before vested in theassembly of the people, was committed into the hands of thirty individuals, elected by the Lacedæmonians, to manage for the future theaffairs ofthe republic. In all other respects the laws of Athens werepermitted to continue in force; nor were the ancient magistrateschanged; but the holders of all the offices of the state, those by whomthe laws were to be administered, and the will of the new master tobe executed, were for the most part removed, and their places filledby persons who, from party connexions or other causes, were supposedto be favourable to the Lacedæmonian influence; or, at least, whowere known to have disliked that order of things which the Lacedæmonians had put down. Xenophon has given us the names of the"Thirty," as they were called, to whom the administration of therepublic was committed, of whom only two appear to have been menof superior weight of character; these were Critias and Theramenes.Character of Critias.Ofthe former of these little more is known than what is related ofhim as president of the " Thirty," and prime instigator of all the actsand measures of that rash and desperate usurpation. Except in theTHE THIRTY TYRANTS. 43course of this part of the Athenian history, we believe the name ofCritias is only to be found in the account which has been left to us byXenophon of the " Memorable Things of Socrates;" and even there itis probable he would not have found a place, had it not been for thecelebrity which he obtained as having been placed by the Lacedæmonians at the head of their faction. It seems a charge had beenmade against Socrates of being a teacher of bad morality, from thecirc*mstance of Critias and Alcibiades having both of them been hispupils. These reproaches Xenophon retorts in an ingenious andpleasant manner; and, in the course of his remarks, gives us to understand that Critias inherited one of the largest fortunes, and was of oneof the most illustrious families in Athens (his paternal grandfatherwas brother to the great lawgiver, Solon); but that for his arrogance,and other unpopular qualities, he had been banished by the people,and had resided in Thessaly, where his associates were of very different pursuits from those which Socrates would have approved. Thisinjustice (as probably it was) had soured his temper, and stronglyindisposed him to all popular forms of government; and we may conclude that the knowledge which the Lacedæmonians had of his disposition in this respect, was that which recommended him to them as afit person to be placed at the head of the oligarchy, which it was theirusual practice to establish in every city in which their influence or power prevailed. 'Of Theramenes something more is known. He was one of the Character of Theramenes .generals who commanded at the battle of Arginusæ; and more particularly distinguished himself as leader in the prosecution of his colleagues. His conduct on that occasion was marked with so muchviolence and injustice, that even the death to which he afterwardsexposed himself, from the resistance which he made to the tyrannicalmeasures of the " Thirty," cannot redeem his character from the blotwhich he then fixed upon it. The name of Theramenes, also, is conspicuous in the account which is given in the 8th book of Thucydidesof the proceedings which led to the overthrow of the government ofthe " Four Hundred." On that occasion , the historian tells us, thatTheramenes and his associates established a constitution, the form ofwhich " was upon a better footing than any within his memory;a mixed government being established, with the authority judiciously divided between the few and the many." In this concise eulogy iscontained the whole insight which Thucydides has afforded us of theconstitution which he so much approved, and for which his fellowcitizens appear to have been entirely indebted to the wisdom andcourage of Theramenes. It would therefore be in vain to conjectureas to its particular provisions; and almost equally difficult is it tocollect from either of the features in his political conduct, which wehave just been pointing out, what could possibly have been the1 Xenoph. Mem. lib. i . c. xi. s. 12.2 Xenoph. Hell. lib. i. vii .3 Thucyd, lib. viii, xcviii.44 THE THIRTY TYRANTS.Oligarchy established.motives of the Lacedæmonians for associating with Critias, in thegovernment of Athens, a man whose whole public life would appearto have been at least as strongly opposed to oligarchical tyranny as todemocratical oppression. He had shown himself, indeed, an enemyto the licence of mere popular authority, in the government which heset up on the overthrow of the " Four Hundred;" but his oppositionto the last-mentioned usurpation was, at least, a clear proof that hewas no friend to oligarchy; and his behaviour on the disgraceful occasion of the horrible cruelty exercised towards six of the unfortunatecommanders, who had gained the victory of Arginusæ, was completelyin the spirit of a true Athenian demagogue. Moreover, though ofillustrious descent, yet Agnon, his father, the founder of Amphipolis,had been a man high in favour with the people; so that his party connexions were certainly such as would have led him to associate himselfwith those who were adverse to the principles of Lacedæmonian interference. But upon this, as on a great many other occasions, ourignorance of everything that happened at Sparta, further than is tobe collected from the naked statement of the acts by which herconduct to foreign states was marked, forms a perpetual occasion ofperplexity in any attempt to unravel the principles of her policy; andin the present instance no account can be given of the circ*mstance which recommended the several individuals whom she selected to formthe council of the Thirty. The only authority for the facts connectedwith this particular point of history is Xenophon, who simply recordsthe names of the Thirty, without alluding in any way to any discussion, by which the choice of these may be supposed to have beenpreceded.As soon as the long walls and those of the Piræus were demolished,as had been stipulated by treaty, the Lacedæmonians quitted the terri- tory of Athens, and left the administration of affairs in the hands ofthe party whom they had vested with the supreme authority. It wasnot customary in the policy either of Athens or Sparta to place garrisons in those towns which they wished to retain in subjection; butavailing themselves of the factions into which every state in Greecewas divided, it was found that the safest as well as the cheapest modeof securing their respective interests, was merely to take the arms outof the hands of one party and to place them in those of their opponents.An oligarchical form of government was so strongly in contrast withthe institutions and habits of the Athenians, that the Lacedæmonianswere well aware that those who composed it would necessarily becompelled to depend upon their support for the maintenance of theirauthority. This was so strikingly the fact in the present instance,that the Spartan king had hardly returned to Peloponnesus when ambassadors were despatched from Athens to Sparta, demanding theassistance of a Lacedæmonian garrison, which was sent accordingly,under the command of Callibius . So violent were the proceedings,so utterly irreconcileable with all justice and equity were the measuresTHE THIRTY TYRANTS. 45the Thirty.which the " Thirty " appear to have resolved upon for the consolidationand extension of their authority, that they seemed to doubt the power,or at least the willingness, even of their own party to co- operate withthem in many of their acts; but encouraged by the strength which aforeign garrison threw into their hands, they laid aside all their fears,and openly avowed the principles on which they intended to carry onthe government. Paying all possible court to Čallibius, in order thathis report at Sparta might be favourable , and implicating him in theirviolence, by inducing him to execute their orders, they seemed to consider themselves as placed as much above the precautions of commonprudence, as of all considerations of common shame and decency.TheThirty," it would seem, had been originally appointed, not Tyranny ofas forming a definitive part of the government, but rather as a council who were to act as commissioners for the establishment of a constitution, founded upon such principles as the Lacedæmonians shouldapprove. Their first step, accordingly, was to publish a catalogue ofthree thousand citizens, selected by themselves, who were to partakeof the sovereign power, ' and to be competent to the magistrature. Bythis decree, all other Athenians were at once reduced to the conditionof subjects, nominally of the " three thousand," but virtually of theThirty." The next step was to proclaim a review of the citizens,who were directed to assemble in arms, the " three thousand " in theforum, but all the rest at a distant place, which was named. As theselast marched to the place of review, from the different quarters of thecity, the avenues were occupied by the Lacedæmonian troops, andother confidential adherents of the " Thirty;" the arms of those not inthe catalogue were then taken from them as they passed, and placedsafely in the citadel, under the custody of the garrison.6666 All effectual opposition being in this manner precluded, theThirty " now threw off the mask at once. Xenophon tells us thathitherto they had apprehended and subjected to death only such as during the democracy had subsisted by the trade of informers, andhad been a nuisance to honest men; but from this period no man'slife or property was safe, whose name did not happen to be found inthe list of the privileged citizens whom the present rulers had selected;and all who, it was supposed, would never be brought quietly toacquiesce in their violent proceedings, or who had influence enough,had they so wished, to raise a party against them, were at once apprehended and put to death.Theramenes. Critias and Theramenes had at first acted with great friendship and Opposition ofunanimity; but their union soon began to be interrupted, and shortlyproceeded to open contention. Theramenes had, in the first instance,protested against the nomination of the three thousand."66 " It wasan absurdity," he said, "for men, who at first proposed to form agovernment in which the power should be vested only in the hands ofthe best and wisest men of the community, to draw up a list con1 μεθέξοντας τῶν πραγμάτον.46 THE THIRTY TYRANTS.ן עsisting of three thousand, as if that number necessarily implied thatall of them were men of worth and honour; and that whoever didnot belong to it was necessarily unworthy to have any share of power.But I plainly see," he added, " that you are intent upon reconcilingtwo schemes of government, which will be found upon trial to beutterly inconsistent with each other; a government to be supportedby violence, the agents of which are nevertheless to be much lessconsiderable in point of power than those who are to be governed."The effect of these expostulations, however, on the part of Theramenes, was not only to convince Critias of the danger with which theline of policy which he was determined to pursue was necessarily surrounded, but to induce him in consequence to resort to measuresmore and more violent, for securing himself against the machinationsof the disaffected . It would, indeed, be difficult to believe even theexpress testimony of Xenophon to the desperate shamelessness incrime to which Critias and his colleagues now proceeded, were itnot that his account is corroborated by two other contemporarywriters.Reflections In reading the history of Greece, it is often difficult to decide which upon Greek political form of republican government is most unsuited to the growth of civilgovernment. liberty. No sooner is our strong disapprobation of the democraticalform excited, by some act of injustice on the part of the Athenianmob, than we find ourselves stopped in our inclination to prefer the government of the few, by some equal atrocity exercised either by theLacedæmonians against their dependents, or by those rulers whom theLacedæmonians had set up, against their fellow-citizens. The only firm conclusion is, that all governments, be they of what nature theymay, whether monarchical, democratical, or oligarchical, that arefounded upon usurpation, are necessarily prone to violence andoppression. In such governments the supreme power is always in the hands of a faction , who are compelled to seek their safety inkeeping down their opponents. Equal justice is here impossible,because the duty of self-preservation supersedes all other claims.Every act of violence creates the necessity for some further act, in order to obviate the discontent which the first had produced; thisagain, entails the necessity of a third; and thus cruelty and oppressiongo on, in an infinite series, until the force of compression is met by anequal force; and matters are righted by one of those political explosions which are attended with more or less ruin to individuals, according as the character of those by whom the resistance is conducted, are men of violence, or of virtue and moderation. Such was the progressof affairs at Athens, under the " Thirty." They proceeded in theircourse of violence, until human nature could no longer endure theweight of their oppression; and until the Lacedæmonians were ashamedto stand forward in their defence; and then by the firmness and virtueof an individual, things were restored to their old foundation, and theXenoph. Mem. lib. ii . c. iii .1THE THIRTY TYRANTS. 47legitimate government of her citizens re- established without a singleact having been committed that could stain their triumph.the Thirty.The first act to which the " Thirty" proceeded, was dictated to Measuresthem by the necessity of providing funds for the pay of their Lacedæ- pursuedbymonian guards; for this purpose they made a decree, " that eachperson of the Thirty might apprehend one of the sojourners residing in the city, might put him to death and appropriate his wealth." Thisis briefly stated by Xenophon, as one of their measures; and the barefaced iniquity of it is so great, that we might be tempted to doubt,whether there was not some error in the statement, if the authority ofthe historian were not borne out by that of Lysias, who was himselfa Metic, or sojourner at Athens, and who, in one of his orations , hasrelated the circ*mstances attending what happened to himself on theoccasion.connectionsThe father of Lysias, we are told by the orator, in his speech Lysias.against Eratosthenes, was a Syracusan, who had been driven from hiscountry by the violence of party; and had, in consequence , migratedto Athens. Being possessed of a large fortune, he had enjoyed thefriendship of Pericles and Socrates, and it has been supposed, that hishouse in the Piræus is the scene of some of Plato's dialogues. Lysias History andhimself had gone when a boy to Italy, with the historian Herodotus, at of Lysias.the time when Thurium was settled under the patronage of Pericles,upon the ruins of Sybaris. He had lived at Thurium for thirty years,until it became a place in which a person who was not content to liveunder the Lacedæmonian protection, could no longer remain in safety.Accordingly Lysias collected his fortune together and returned toAthens, where, in partnership with his brother Polemarchus, he established a manufactory of shields , in which, the orator tells us, he employed at one time no less than a hundred slaves.He was, as he relates, entertaining some strangers at supper, whensome of the Thirty entered, commanded the guests to withdraw andhimself to remain a prisoner. Committing him then to the care ofPison, one of their number, they proceeded to take an inventory of his effects, of which his slaves composed a principal part. He, in themean while, fearing for his life, began to tamper with his keeper, andhad agreed to pay a talent for his promise of safety; when having toopen a chest in which he kept his money, in order to pay the price down, the whole contents to the amount of three talents in silver, withcyzicenes and darics, the gold coin current in Greece, in all about1,2007. was immediately seized; and he himself with great difficultyescaped with his life to Megara; in this respect being more fortunate than his brother Polemarchus, who was executed by order ofthe Thirty,by being made, after the Athenian manner, to drink a draught of hemlock. Melobius, one of the Thirty, tore from his wife the goldear-rings which she wore; and other acts of violence are mentionedby Lysias, which even making all allowances for oratorical exaggera1 Xenoph. Hell , lib. ii. 3.48 THE THIRTY TYRANTS.the Thirty Tyrants.tion, are sufficient to explain why Theramenes, according to Xenophon,should have made the conduct of the Thirty to the Metics, a groundof particular opposition to their measures.66We learn, however, from a speech which Xenophon puts into themouth of Theramenes in the senate, that it was not the Metics onlywho were exposed to the oppression of the Thirty. Niceratus, theson of Nicias, a man of large fortune and always opposed to democratical violence, Antiphon, and Leon of Salamis, all three of them men,whose blameless and public-spirited lives had, in a particular manner,recommended them to the esteem of their fellow-citizens, were alsotyrannically put to death. And in the Memorabilia, ' Xenophon hasgiven us a curious account of what passed at an examination ofSocrates before the Thirty, in consequence of a saying of his whichwas noised abroad, comparing the tyrants to keepers of cattle, who,instead of preserving the herd entire, took every pains to diminish itsnumber, by putting the animals under their care to death. BeingSocrates and called before them, and having heard the charge, and the prohibitionwhich had been issued , in consequence, forbidding him to teach theart of reasoning, and to discourse, as had been his custom, with theyoung men of Athens, Socrates begged to know whether he might asksome questions in order to be sure that he understood the sense ofthis prohibition. Being answered in the affirmative. " I declaremyself," he went on, always ready to obey the laws. But lest Ishould transgress through ignorance, I would expressly know fromyou, whether you forbid me to teach the art of reasoning, because you judge it to consist in saying what is right, or what is wrong. For ifit consists in saying what is right, then you clearly forbid me fromsaying what is right; but if it consists in saying what is wrong, then,undoubtedly, I ought always to endeavour to say what is right."Upon this Charicles, one of the Thirty, began to be angry, and toldhim “ that the prohibition was so worded, as to make it impossiblethat he should mistake its meaning, for it forbade him to hold anydiscourse at all with the young men at Athens. " - " But," said Socrates, " in order to prevent the possibility of my falling into anysnare, who am I to understand by young men? to what age do youdeem men young?"—" Till the age prescribed for entrance into thesenate," said Charicles; " hold no discourse with persons under thirtyyears of age."-" Suppose, " replied Socrates, " I want something ofa tradesman who is under thirty, must I not ask him the price ofwhat I want?” —" Ay, ay, certainly you may," said Charicles;" but it is your way, Socrates, to ask questions about points respecting which you do not wish to be informed. You are to ask no suchquestions as those. ”—“ Suppose, then, a person should ask me whereCharicles lives, or where Critias may be found, am I forbidden to give him any answer?" Here Critias interposed. " You are to holdno discourse about shoemakers, carpenters, and braziers, for they have ¹ Lib. i.THE THIRTY TYRANTS. 49been already sufficiently vexed by your perpetually making them the subject of your comparisons."-" Am I, " said Socrates, " to abstainalso from talking about the conclusions that follow from my comparisons, respecting justice, and piety, and things that are right andproper?" " Yea, by Zeus, you must," said Charicles, " and alsoabout your keepers of cattle, mark me; or beware that you do notbecome one of those cattle, who you say are put to death." Wehave selected this anecdote from another work of Xenophon, becauseit illustrates the spirit of a wicked government, even more stronglythan an occasional act of arbitrary power might do. What must thatgovernment have been, in which discussions about morals were thoughtinconsistent with the safety of its rulers!against Theramenes.Having thus either imposed silence, or banished , or put to death Conspiracyevery one whose virtue or wisdom, it was thought, must reprobate,or whose riches would supply the coffers of this iniquitous council,the next step of Critias and his followers was to get rid of a manwhose power and influence they dreaded even more than his knowncourage and ability; this was Theramenes. He had constantly opposed the measures of Critias; he had on every occasion pointed out thedanger and folly, as well as the iniquity, of the line of policy whichthey were pursuing, and, to the utmost of his power, had thwartedtheir designs; he was, however, too powerful, and retained too manyadherents, even among the party of the Thirty, to be destroyed by the same summary process, that had been resorted to on the occasion ofthe other individuals whom we have mentioned. It was resolved,therefore, to proceed, in his case, with more deliberation and precau- tion. A council having been called, Critias surrounded the place ofassembly with a body of men, provided with concealed arms. Hethen rose in his place, and in a set speech accused Theramenes of treason . He stated no facts, however, but arguing merely as anassassin with his accomplices, proposed that the accused should beput to death, on the ground, not of any alleged criminality, but solelyof convenience to the party by whom he was to be judged.Theramenes, who, from long practice in a public assembly, wasamong the most eloquent men of his time, knew too well thetemper of the tribunal before whom he was to speak, to think ofdefending himself on the score of law or justice; he took the tone ofhis defence from that of his accuser, and pointed out to the Thirty thedangerous path in which they were treading; he showed them howmuch more prudent had been the measures which he had recommended, and demonstrated, not the wickedness, but the folly of Critias. Such was the effect which his speech produced, that he hadalready disposed a majority of the council in his favour, when Critias,who perceived that the critical moment was arrived when either he orTheramenes must be destroyed, left the room, and in a few minutesreturned with his armed attendants. He then addressed the councilas follows:-" I reckon it the duty of a good magistrate, not to stand[H. G.] E50 THE THIRTY TYRANTS.Death of Theramenes.by while gross impositions are practising upon his friends: be it my care, on the present occasion, to discharge that duty. There is nonehere but is ready to admit, that no man should be allowed to escapewith impunity who is an enemy to the oligarchy. It is, indeed, enacted by the new body of laws, that no person whose name is on thelist of the three thousand shall be put to death, except by the vote of the senate; but that the council of Thirty may put to death any whoare not on that list. I therefore, with your entire approbation, strikethe name of this Theramenes here, out of that list; and we," addedhe, " order him to be put to death. "When Theramenes, who perceived what was about to happen,heard these last words, he immediately leaped upon the altar, andkeeping hold of it, told the council, " He was well aware that thesanctuary of the altar would avail him nothing in the present emergency, but he was glad to have an opportunity of convincing all men,that Critias and his adherents, were not only unjust towards theirfellow- creatures, but sacrilegious towards the gods. " He then askedthose present, if they " were prepared to allow to Critias a right whichmight in the next moment be exercised towards themselves?" but hewas interrupted by the crier belonging to the Thirty, who ordered theEleven, as the public executioners were called, to go and seize Theramenes; and Critias directed them to carry him away to the properplace, and perform their duty. As soon as Critias had spoken, theeleven proceeded to drag Theramenes from the altar: the senate, inthe mean while, making no opposition; surrounded as they were bythe creatures of Critias, with the area before the senate-house filledwith foreign guards, and knowing also that many of those within haddaggers concealed under their clothes, they justly considered that resistance would be useless to the victim, and probably fatal to themselves. Theramenes was hurried away across the forum, loudly remonstrating against his fate. He was told to be silent or his criesshould be turned into groans. ' " And shall I not groan," he replied," if I am silent?" The same spirit he preserved at his execution;when he drank off the poison, he threw the little that remained at thebottom of the cup upon the ground, tinkling the vessel at the sametime (according to the custom of the Greeks at banquets) , and saying," This libation to the noble Critias." " I am not ignorant, " saysXenophon, who relates these anecdotes, that " such sayings as theseare of no importance in themselves; but this I think admirable in theman, that in the very instant when death was immediately at hand,neither his playfulness nor his high-mindedness forsook him. ”192Such was the end of Theramenes. It now only remains for us torelate the fate which awaited Critias; and this will lead us to the1 Ότι οιμώξειεν, ει μή σιωπήσειεν.2 Καὶ τοῦτῳ μὲν οὐκ ἀγνοῶ ὅτι ταυτα ἀποφθέγματα οὐκ ἀξιόλογα εκεῖνο δὲ κρίνω τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθὸυ, τὸ τοῦ θανάτου παρεστηκότος, μήτε τὸ φρόνιμον, μήτε τὸ παιγνιώδες ἀπολιπειν ἐκ τῆς ψυχῆς.THE THIRTY TYRANTS. 51detail of circ*mstances, and the contemplation of a character, uponwhich it will be much more pleasant to dwell, than upon any whichhave been furnished by the particulars which we have hitherto been narrating.Among those whom the tyranny of the Thirty had driven into Thrasybulus occupies exile, was Thrasybulus, son of Lycus, whose name we have already Phyle.had occasion to mention with honour, as one of the ablest and mostsuccessful of the Athenian commanders during the latter years of thePeloponnesian war. He had taken up his residence in Boeotia, andwas waiting for some opportunity favourable to his views of assailingthe tyrants from without, when the news of the death of Theramenes,and of the jealousies and discontent which so violent a measure seemedcalculated to create, at once decided him to put the plan which he had formed into execution. It was now toward mid-winter; and scarcelysix months had elapsed since the establishment of the Thirty, when ,attended only by about seventy heavy armed, he entered Attica, andseized Phyle, a fortress near the Boeotian border.An enterprise which was undertaken with such feeble means, gaveat first but little alarm to the Thirty. They concluded that plunderwas the only object of it: to prevent this, they marched immediatelyagainst the place, and attempting to take it by assault, they werebeaten back, and driven to the necessity of commencing a circum- vallation. As the weather was fine, and the town only at the distanceof twelve miles from Athens, they had come without tents and campequipage; but the same night a heavy fall of snow so distressed them,that the following morning they hastily withdrew, and, with so littleconduct, that a great part of their baggage was taken by the pursuers.This success increased the forces of Thrasybulus, but did not imme- Success of Thrasybulus.diately open the eyes of the Thirty to his ulterior object. Supposingstill, that depredation was the end which he had in view, they sentthe greater part of the Lacedæmonian troops with a body of their ownhorse, to keep the invaders in check; but Thrasybulus, whose soldiersnow amounted to seven hundred, heavy-armed, surprised the camp ofthe Thirty at day-break, killed a hundred and twenty of their besttroops, and put the rest to flight. In a few days the forces of theAthenian commander were increased to a thousand heavy-armed;and with these he boldly resolved at once to march to the town of thePiræus, which being dismantled, he entered without resistance; andby this step at once proclaimed, that his intentions extended to theliberation of his country from the tyranny by which it was oppressed.The Thirty led their whole force to the attack, before his numbersshould be increased. Finding the extent of the Piræus was too largefor his scanty numbers to occupy, Thrasybulus moved to the adjoiningsuburb of Munychia, which afforded more advantageous ground fordefence. The Thirty did not delay the assault: it was now evidentto Critias that nothing but victory could uphold the desperate cause towhich he was pledged; unless he could secure this, death in the field E 252 THE THIRTY TYRANTS.Death of Critias.Thrasybulusjoined by large numbers.Policy of Lacedæmon.was the happiest alternative which was left him; and this he wasfortunate enough to obtain. Hippomachus, another of the Thirty,was also killed. Hardly more than seventy of their followers hadfallen when the remainder took to flight, leaving the victory in thehands of Thrasybulus, who was careful to seize the opportunity ofrecommending his cause to the favourable construction of his fellowcitizens, by abstaining from spoiling the dead.When the pursuit had ceased, a truce for the burial of the slain wasin the usual form solicited by the defeated, and granted by the con- queror. This afforded the followers of Thrasybulus an opportunityof communicating with those within the town; and so strongly didthe tide turn against the Thirty, even among the majority of their lateadherents, that the next day they were deposed by general consent,and a council of ten appointed in their room, one from every ward, for the express purpose of negotiating an accommodation with those inthe Piræus. No resistance was attempted by the fallen tyrants , norwas any violence used against them. Two of their number wereelected of the ten; the others, who had probably shared too deeply inthe wickedness of the late proceedings, and were therefore hopeless of being forgiven, left the city, and retired to Eleusis (a town which theThirty had taken the precaution to garrison) , waiting the result of anembassy which they had despatched to Sparta, soliciting assistance ,and representing the danger to which the Lacedæmonian interest inAthens was exposed. Instead, however, of fulfilling the duty for which they had been elected, that of negotiating a peace with Thrasybulus, the ten came to the resolution of maintaining the oligarchy;and of resisting his design of restoring the ancient order of things with every means in their power. With this view they determined toremain upon the defensive, until troops could be brought from the Peloponnesus to their support.Meanwhile, crowds of citizens, and other inhabitants of Attica, ofall denominations, gathered themselves round the standard which hehad raised. Providing themselves with such arms as circ*mstancespermitted, they soon formed a force which, though not sufficientlystrong to attack the city, was yet able to obtain complete command of the open country.Thrasybulus had so well chosen his season for enterprise, and hadconducted it with so much celerity, that his object of assembling anarmy at the gates of Athens was accomplished, almost before the Thirty had even been able to interpret his plan. But what he trustedto, perhaps more than to the season of the year, or even to the surpriseinto which the Thirty were thrown, was his knowledge of the stateof parties in Lacedæmon. The great stay upon which the hopes ofthe tyrants rested, was the influence of Lysander, who, it mightnaturally be supposed, would be anxious to maintain at Athens theorder of things of which he himself may be considered as the author.But, on the other hand, Lysander himself was, to those who were inTHE THIRTY TYRANTS. 53power at Sparta, an object of great personal jealousy; and as theprincipal ground of what they considered his undue influence amonghis fellow-citizens, was founded upon the subjection to which he hadreduced the inveterate enemy of their country, those who were at the head of the party opposed to him in affairs, were not sorry of anopportunity for counteracting his views, by endeavouring to take thesupreme power at Athens out of the hands in which he had placed it,and to transfer it to a party, who would owe their authority to them.sent at the An army was sent, however, to Attica, for the purpose of re- Pausaniasducing Thrasybulus; but the command of it was given to Pausanias, ent ofanthe avowed rival, or rather enemy of Lysander; and the eagerness army.with which the former availed himself of every circ*mstance thatmight appear to justify him, in entering into a treaty, clearly indicatedthe disposition of his politics. This disposition was carefully cultivated by Thrasybulus, whose moderation and equitable views, whencontrasted with the violent and iniquitous proceedings of those whosepower Pausanias was commissioned to uphold, were in themselves well calculated to make favourable impressions. Pausanias was,moreover, connected by ties of hospitality with the family of Nicias,of which the head, as we have seen, had perished under the Thirty.The Spartan king, having communicated with the survivors of thatfamily, directed them to come to him, numerously attended, in orderto give weight to a declaration of their wish, for an accommodation with their fellow-citizens in the Piræus. At the same time he invitedThrasybulus to send commissioners to treat with him; and named theterms which it would be expedient that they should propose. Hewas readily obeyed by both; and with the concurrent authority ofthe two Ephori, who had been appointed to accompany him as hiscouncil, he granted passports to the commissioners from the Piræus,and to Cephisophon and Melitus, as representatives of the moderateparty at Athens, to proceed to Lacedæmon.Lacedæmon.The party in Athens, who had succeeded to the Thirty, were Deputationnaturally alarmed at these proceedings; and accordingly they de- sent tospatched a deputation to Sparta, complaining of the measures whichPausanias was pursuing; declaring, " that they for their part werewilling to surrender their walls and their persons into the hands of theLacedæmonians; and that, therefore, they in the Piræus, if they pretended to be also the friends of that people, should likewise surrenderinto their hands the Piræus and Munychia." Having heard all thatthe respective envoys had to say, the Ephori and council of state,determined to send fifteen persons to Athens, with instructions tocomplete the reconciliation of all parties in the state, upon the most honourable and equitable terms in their power. These instructionswere faithfully and liberally complied with. With the exception ofthe Thirty, and of some other individuals who had taken a particularactive part in their oppressive proceedings , for whom an asylum wasprovided at Eleusis, the citizens of all parties and denominations54 THE THIRTY TYRANTS.Pausaniasarmy.Therestored.were restored to their respective rights; with no other condition annexed, than an oath to dwell in peace, and to be true to an universalamnesty.All points being now adjusted, Pausanias returned to Peloponnesus,disbands his and disbanded his army. His retreat was the signal for Thrasybulusand his followers to march to Athens, which they entered in procession, and with all the solemnity of a triumph. Having entered thedemocracy city, they first directed their steps to the citadel, in which they offereda sacrifice to Minerva. A general assembly was there held, and bythe advice of Thrasybulus, the complete restoration of the republic, to the forms in which the constitution was administered before the establishment of the Thirty was unanimously decreed . All the magistracies were filled up; and from this period the government resumedits ancient course, and Athens herself quickly fell into her old con- nections and system of policy. But the conduct of the Atheniansupon the re-establishment of the state, does not fall properly underour present subject. She never after was able to recover that preponderating influence among the democratical states, from which shefell at the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war; and had Lacedæmonpreserved towards her other dependents the same generous line ofconduct which she adopted towards Athens in the case of the latesedition, it is probable that she would have preserved her influencenot only there, but in every part of Greece. But moderation in prosperity was a quality unknown to Grecian republics. Every party inthe state had too many private quarrels to prosecute, too many privateinjuries to redress, upon every change of administration, to leave roomfor justice or generosity to have their course; and Lacedæmon, as weshall soon have occasion to point out, is just as much exposed to censure for the means which she took in order to secure and extendher influence, as the Athenian democracy had been before her.Death of Socrates. G. F. Sargent, after a Picture by L. David.CHAPTER IV.SOCRATES.B. C. 469 TO 399.the SocraticIN the annals of the Greek philosophy we can contemplate no system Politicalmore instructive, and none more thoroughly practical, than that of tendencies ofSocrates; it animated equally the profound contemplations of Plato philosophy.and the resolute enterprise of Xenophon; it embodied the principlesof morality and the constitution of a sound policy. A period ofseventy years, passed amidst the factions and political oppressions ofhis native city, had not robbed Socrates of the earnest desire of beingthe true benefactor of his species. Socrates belonged to the demeAlopece, in the immediate vicinity of Athens. His father, Sophro- Parentage ofniscus, was a sculptor; and, in pursuit of the same profession, the Socrates.son seems to have acquired a fair proficiency, producing, amongstvarious works, a group of the Graces, which was exhibited as hisgenuine work in the time of Pausanias. His mother, Phonarete, was a midwife, and his maternal brother was named Patrocles.sons were the result of his union with Xantippe, whose violenttemper, while passing almost into a proverb, bore witness to theexemplary patience of Socrates. The position of the great philosopher's family was humble, though of pure Attic descent, since itbelonged to the gens Dædalidæ, and derived its name from therenowned mythologic artificer Dædalus.Three His family.56 SOCRATES.Scanty resources of Socrates .His eager desire for knowledge.Constitution and appearance of Socrates.On the decease of Socrates' father, he was left with nothing butthe scanty inheritance of eighty minæ, of which he was baselydeprived by the dishonesty of a relative, to whom it was left intrust by Sophroniscus. Thus driven to support himself by activeexertion, he continued the profession of his father, devoting all hisleisure hours to the study of philosophy. Prodicus, the sophist, washis preceptor in eloquence, Damo in music, Theodorus in geometry,and Evenus in poetry; whilst Anaxagoras and Archelaus had thedistinguished honour of laying the foundation of that solid virtuewhich was so deeply venerated in Socrates. His thirst for knowledgewas universal, and with this object he visited every individual of interest in the city, male or female. His interview and conversationwith Theodote, recorded by Xenophon, and his personal friendshipwith the beautiful and accomplished Aspasia, are well known.The personal characteristics of Socrates were unusually marked.To physical powers of high endurance, and a most vigorous constitution,were joined a mien and gait essentially comic, still farther heightenedby features conveying the idea of ahighly-laughable mask. These peculiarities, together with the fits ofabstraction which involved him inludicrous mistakes, marked him outas a favourite object of satire. Hisenergetic vigour as a hoplite, whileon military service, was remarkable.Indifferent to the change of the seasons,and clad in the same scanty clothingthroughout the year, he went barefoot even in the winter campaign inThrace, while his diet was both simple and abstemious.Fromand military gymnastic training, as it required ample supplies of food, he entirelyendurance. abstained, since he was resolute in limiting to the narrowest boundsHis hardihoodCFS.every requirement of nature. His object was self-control and selfsufficiency; and this mastery, aided by native independence of character, he fully obtained . As a soldier, he served with distinguishedrenown at Amphipolis and Potidæa, on two several occasions savingthe lives of Xenophon and Alcibiades; whilst in the only politicalIntegrity of office which he filled, that of president of the Prytaneia, B. c. 406, heevinced his high moral courage in refusing to put tothe vote the unconstitutional proposition of Callixenus against the victorious generals ofArginusæ.Socrates.We have not the means of ascertaining the exact time whenSocrates resigned his profession as statuary; though, undoubtedly, themiddle and latter parts of his life were wholly devoted to the sacred duty of a moral teacher.In this zealous occupation his practice was to frequent the gymnasia,SOCRATES. 57teaching.the public walks, and the schools; whilst at its most crowded hours Socratiche was to be seen in the market-place, visiting the booths and tables; habits ofand in this public position his time was entirely spent. Every individual seemed entitled to the vast fund of wisdom accumulated bythe great Athenian philosopher; characters the most various andopposite were benefited by the universality of his doctrines, for theyrested upon a basis so broad as to comprehend all the relations of human existence. The sophist, the politician , the warrior, theartizan, were the indiscriminate objects of his address, which tookits rise immediately from that source with which each was bestacquainted. Those singular and instructive discourses ere long at- Disciples oftracted around Socrates a body of enlightened hearers, who were Socrates.in the habit of attending him in public as companions, though in thisrelationship the strict appellation of master and pupil never receivedhis sanction; whilst, towards the close of his career, as the fame ofSocrates continued to increase, not only Athens, but Thebes, Megara,Elis, and even Cyrene, sent forth eager aspirants for the honour of his instruction. We have already seen the distinctive mode of theSocratic instruction, which differed widely from the formal discoursesof the philosopher, who received special pupils at his own residence orgarden.Here the individuality of Socrates was most marked, while his Individuality lessons, accessible to all, embraced a far wider intellectual circle. of Socrates.While, however, such publicity and freedom of instruction gainedconsiderable popularity, his sincerity and boldness provoked personalenmity of a powerful character; at the same time, the more salientpoints of his physical and intellectual character proved an irresistible temptation to the satirical genius of his countrymen. Hence his Caricature ofselection by Aristophanes, the great Attic comedian, as an effective Aristophanes caricature of the philosophical and rhetorical teacher. At the instigation of Melitus, who afterwards became the prosecutor of Socrates,Aristophanes introduced the philosopher in the comedy of " TheClouds," holding him up to the ridicule of the Athenians. Socratesseldom visited the theatre, except on the performance of the tragediesof Euripides. On one occasion, however, he was present at the Socratesrepresentation of " The Clouds, " when the house was crowded with the play of foreigners, who had come to Athens on the celebration of a festival inhonour of Dionysus. On the appearance on the stage of the representative of Socrates, a whisper passed around amongst the strangers,inquiring who was the original of the satire. At this time, Socrateswas seated in one of the most conspicuous parts of the theatre, andremarking the curiosity of the audience, with great composure he rose Magnani- mity of up, and remained standing during the rest of the representation. Socrates.Surprised at such magnanimity, one of the spectators inquired ifhe did not feel hurt at this public derision. By no means," repliedSocrates; " I am merely a host, providing a large company withentertainment. " In the following year, Aristophanes brought forward66present at" The Clouds. "58 SOCRATES.Accusationthe comedy with several alterations and additions, but the piecemet with so much discouragement that he was compelled to dis- continue it.It was not till several years afterwards that a serious attempt wasof Anytus. made to destroy the reputation and life ofthe great philosopher; and, inthe latter object, the envious Anytus was but too successful. It will beimportant to notice the time when this accusation was brought forward.Athens had not long since passed through the perilous ordeal ofthe thirty tyrants, and the recent restoration to liberty had made theAthenians unusually severe in avenging all departure from ancientreligious ideas and old political maxims, while specious reasonsexisted, as will shortly be shown, for connecting Socrates with thetyranny of the Thirty. His principal accuser, Anytus, was a tanner,who had gained much wealth by his trade, and was a man of suchtyranny of political influence as to have been exiled by the Thirty, in the samedecree which drove into banishment Thrasybulus and Alcibiades.This man, with Melitus, the tragic poet, and Lycon, the rhetor,formed a powerful nucleus for the concentrated enmity of baffledpride; for these individuals were urged on by personal resentment,being convicted by the great Athenian philosopher of that empty conand Lycon, ceit of knowledge which it was ever his object to expose and rectify.Socrates connected with thethe Thirty.Melitus,Anytus,combine against Socrates.theAnytus, in particular, entertained especial grounds of enmity againstSocrates, in whose discourses the son of Anytus took great interest.The Athenian philosopher, observing in this youth high intellectualpromise, had dissuaded his father from bringing him up to the tradéof a leather- seller. The father, having sustained great losses duringsway of the oligarchs, was desirous that his son should repair theseby diligence in his old occupation. To such young men as the son ofof Socrates. Anytus the conversation of Socrates was particularly attractive, andthey failed not to carry home new and enlarged ideas, highly displeasingto their fathers, who hailed the impeachment of Socrates as themeans of proving him " a corrupter of youth."Conversa- tional charmsAccusation of Melitus.In the year B. c. 399 the determinedhostility of his bitterest enemies was con- summated in his destruction. In that year,Miletus hung up in front of the office ofthe King-Archon an indictment againsthim, couched in the following terms:-" Socrates is guilty of not worshipping thegods whom the city worships, and of introducing new divinities; he is besides guiltyof corrupting the youth; the penalty dueis death." Excited by the imminent perilof Socrates, Lysias, one of the most distinguished orators of the time, composed apowerful and pathetic oration, which heLysias. Visconti , Iconog . Grecque. presented to his friend as his defence inΛΥΣΙΑΣ,SOCRATES. 59declines the the forthcoming trial. After perusing it, and extolling its animation Socratesand eloquence, Socrates declined making use of it, comparing it to defence ofSicyonian shoes, which though they might fit, were evidence of the orator Lysias.effeminacy; remarking at the same time, that a philosopher should bedistinguished by firmness of soul.disciples ofThe remarks of Xenophon, and the apology of Plato, are the onlysources whence we gain any knowledge of the actual speeches ofeither of the plaintiffs before the Attic tribunal; it is clear, however,that the third count of the indictment was their strongest ground ofaccusation. Socrates had, in some measure, the training of both AlcibiadesAlcibiades and Critias; the former, from high intellectual powers and andCritiassoaring ambition, had become the dread of the Athenian democracy; Socrates .he had evinced his total disregard of all the trammels of Atticequality, and took delight in making himself indispensable to hiscountry, while he scorned and trampled on its laws; he was aware ofevery turn in the current of popularity, which he directed to his ownadvancement. Critias was detested for the atrocities which, as leaderof the Thirty, he had committed, and the obloquy which deservedlyattached to these individuals was now basely sought to be fastenedupon Socrates. The old calumnies of Aristophanes, Eupolis, and Revival ofother comedians, were again revived, and of the effect of these, Socrates againstmanifested greater apprehension than of the speeches of his opponents Socrates.on his trial.These affirmed that the Athenian youth were taught by him aconceit of their superior wisdom, and learned to insult their parentsand kinsmen. He was charged, too, with quoting the most pernicious passages of their greatest poets, and of perverting them to theruin of the young, by sowing in them the seeds of a despotic disposition; that he was fond of quoting the case of Ulysses, recorded byHomer in the second book of the Iliad, as though the poet had applauded the Ithacan chief for caressing the leaders, and for applyingstripes to the common people.calumniesmisrepresen- With these misrepresentations were mingled accusations of a Politicalpolitical character, partially founded in truth. Of such a nature was tations.the charge, that " Socrates censured the choice of Archons by lot atAthens," thereby inducing contempt of the government. Against thiselaborate machinery of vindictive malice Socrates took no precaution;indeed , from the testimony of Xenophon, we learn that the greatphilosopher indulged scarcely a desire for acquittal.his defence.The preparation of his defence was almost unthought of by him; Socratesand when remonstrated with by his friend Hermogenes for this omis- his gardssion, he observed, that the blameless life which he had passed washis best defence; besides, though he had casually begun to meditateon what he ought to say, the divine signal had warned him to desist.He further remarked, that a conviction of a progressive moral advance His reasonshad hitherto attended him; that even if his life were prolonged,senile decay would affect all the organs of intelligence, and render lifefor so doing.60 SOCRATES.Appears before hisjudges.on death.Refuses the ordinary modes of defence.thus burdened an intolerable load; whereas an unjust present condemnation would be a disgrace to his judges, none to himself. Thesesentiments delivered previous to his trial , prove Socrates' disregard of an acquittal, nay, even that he deemed that the divinity had fixed the approaching trial as the goal of his existence. In this calm frame ofmind did Socrates appear before the unrighteous tribunal with unpremeditated defence. Here he triumphantly refuted the charge of irreligion; he called the attention of his judges to the mandate ofthe divinity,that he should pass his life in the search of wisdom, in self- examina- tion, and in the examination of others; that this command he couldHis defence . not disobey, and that he believed this duty of his, the greatest good ever granted by the gods to his native city. As for himself, he observed, he had no regard for a defence, but solely for the sake of theAthenians, lest by their condemnation of him they should reject the goodness of the gods. " There is no man, " he observed, " whoknows what death is, yet mankind fear it, as if they were convincedHis opinion it is the greatest of all evils-a gross specimen of ignorance, —sinceit involves the conceit of knowledge without the reality. You possiblymay feel incensed at my resolute avowal; you may have anticipatedthat I should weep, and beg for my life , aided by the tears of children and relatives. Relatives I have, like others, and three children; butnone of them shall appear before your bar for such a purpose, for Ideem such conduct degrading to my high reputation, and guiltyshould I be if I sought to bias you by supplications. It is my dutyto instruct and persuade you, if possible; as to yourselves, you havesworn to judge according to the laws, and it is your bounden duty soto do. Require not, therefore, from me, conduct disgraceful to myself, and criminal towards you." Never before had the Athenianindignation judges been addressed in language so dignified and independent; they of his judges. had been accustomed to subservience; they now felt exasperated andhumbled by the moral grandeur of the man who looked down on thepetty forms of human judgment, as it were, from the lofty tribunal of the divinity itself, and Crito and his other friends trembled for the result.In the Attic judicature, the penalty was decided by a separate vote of Course of the the judges, taken after the verdict of guilty. The accuser was entitledto name the penalty he considered appropriate; the accused thennamed some lighter penalty; between these proposals the judges were to choose. Melitus in his indictment had demanded the infliction ofcapital punishment; it now remained for Socrates to make some counter-proposition, and this he was now called upon to do. " Whatcounter-penalty shall I name, ” observed he, as a substitute for thatof Melitus? Shall I mention the treatment which I think I merit atyour hands? For my exertions to teach the Athenian youth justiceand moderation, and to render my countrymen generally more happy,let me be rewarded with a subsistence in the Prytaneum, at the public expense, for the remaining years of my life; an honour, OAthenians, which I merit more than the victors at the Olympic games;Astonish- ment andAttic judicature.Reply of Socrates to his judges.66SOCRATES. 61for they make their countrymen more happy in appearance, whereas Ihave made you so in reality."condemnedhemlock.postponed.Nothing could be more dignified than the lofty bearing of this Theirnoble champion of philosophy, but it exasperated while it humiliated exasperation .his judges. If they had before felt humbled by the moral grandeurof Socrates, they were now incensed by his laying claim to almost thehighest honorary distinction which the state could bestow. Excitedby this supposed insult to judicial authority, they condemned him todrink the juice of hemlock. Socrates now addressed those dicasts Socrates iswho had decided in his favour, announcing his approaching death as a to drink thepleasure, since he was going to hold converse with the noblest heroes juice ofof antiquity; he at the same time recommended to their paternal carehis defenceless children; and on returning to prison exclaimed, “ I amgoing to die, you to live; which is the best, the divinity alone canknow." It was usual for the condemned to drink the poison theday succeeding the trial; but it so happened, in Socrates' case, thathis sentence was pronounced immediately after the sailing of the Hissacred ship on its yearly pilgrimage to Delos; until the return of this executionvessel, it was considered unholy to carry out any state execution.Hence, Socrates remained in prison, heavily ironed, till its return , aperiod of thirty days. During this interval, his friends had freeaccess to him, and spent the greater part of their time in the prison. Efforts of hisNor were their efforts for rescuing him from his perilous positionsupine or inefficient. Crito, by bribing the gaoler, had completed ascheme for his escape, which was only rendered ineffective by Socrateshimself, who gave it his decided refusal, as a breach of the law. Thedetails of the last scene of his life are full of the deepest interest.With his friends he continued to converse with the greatest calmnessand serenity, and when one of them expressed his grief that thoughinnocent he was to suffer, " What!" replied he, " would you have medie guilty? " He developed his opinions on the immortality of the His opinionsoul, deeply reprobating the prevalent custom of suicide. To Crito,who had urged his escape, he observed, "Whither shall I fly toavoid the doom passed upon all?" When the hour of execution arrived, the gaoler presented the cup, with tears in his eyes. Socratesreceived it with composure, drank the potion with countenance unchanged, and soon afterwards expired. Thus perished, in his seventieth His death.year, the great ethical philosopher of antiquity, whose original and B. C. 399 .efficacious system, by giving a durable impulse to the investigation of truth, still continues to be felt by the intellectual world.friends to save him.on suicide.AGESILAUS.Raising the Trophy for the Victory of Coronea, G. F. Sargent.CHAPTER V.THE AGE OF AGESILAUS.B. C. 404 TO 388.B. C. 404. AT the termination of the Peloponnesian war, there remained nolonger any power who could venture upon disputing the supremacyof Lacedæmon; and although the peace which had been made, effectednothing towards a reconciliation of the parties by which Greece wasdistracted, yet it insured for a short period a political calm, whichafforded at least a temporary rest from war and tumult.Seeds of dissension in Greece.The first symptoms of impending disturbance seem to have shownthemselves in Thebes. Thebes claimed sovereignty over the othertowns of Boeotia; but her claims were resisted by Lacedæmon, whowas desirous of retaining these communities in dependence upon herself.Here then were at once the germs of dissension between these states;and the haughty manner in which the latter appears to have assertedher pretensions, gave such advantages to the democratical leaders inThebes; that very shortly after the conclusion of the Peloponnesianwar, we find the aristocratical, which was always in some degree theLacedæmonian party, completely excluded from power in that city.But a revolution in the government of Thebes was always the signalof a similar change at Corinth; and Corinth again was so closelyunited with Argos, that her example was commonly sufficient toinduce the like change in the government of this last; so that theTHE AGE OF AGESILAUS. 63Peloponnesian war was scarcely terminated before three of the principal cities became alienated from the interest, even though they didnot dare, or were not able at once to withdraw themselves from underthe power of, the Lacedæmonians. The generous conduct which hadbeen displayed by these last, on the occasion of the expulsion of theThirty, would probably, and in fact did, go far to conciliate the grati- tude of the Athenians; and from this time her citizens seem to havelaid aside their former acrimony of feeling towards the Lacedæmonians;but still it was hardly possible for a democratical state in Greece tocontinue in cordial alliance with one, which openly professed to ruleby means of the aristocratical interest; so that it required no particular foresight to prophesy, that if ever Athens should recover herstrength, it would soon be exercised in an attempt to regain her station,as head of the democratical faction.But although a merely general knowledge of the affairs of Greece,at the period immediately succeeding the Peloponnesian war, is sufficient to enable us to sketch out so far a rough outline of her politicalsystem, yet the information is singularly defective as to all the details.There is, perhaps, no age of Athenian history so intimately known to us as this, upon which we are now about to enter. The works ofXenophon, of Plato, of Aristophanes, and of many of the best of theGrecian orators belong properly to this period; and they abound withparticulars, that enable the classical reader to make himself as familiarly acquainted with the manners, and feelings, and domestic circ*mstances of the Athenians during the times in which they wrote, aswith the occurrences of the Court of Elizabeth or James, in our owncountry,Though the writings which remain to us of this period leave us butlittle to desire in the way of information, so far as Athens is concerned, yet they are entirely silent with respect to every circ*mstanceconnected with the internal affairs of the neighbouring states; and weare left almost as much in the dark with regard to the intrigues ofparties at Sparta, and Thebes, and Corinth, as of those at Carthage or Tarentum. That Lacedæmon was distracted by faction at this point oftime, may clearly be collected from the account, which Xenophon hasleft us, of the measures pursued by her in the case of the restorationof the Athenian democracy; as well as by the instance which he hasrecorded, of the resistance which her requisitions constantly met with,on the part of several of the other principal states; and which requisitions, as she was entitled by treaty to enforce, she certainly nevercould have receded from, had not her attention been occupied and heroperation clogged, by some difficulties at home, of which it is in vainto guess the precise nature. Her conduct, as after events proved, washaughty and intemperate enough, whenever she was able to act withfreedom; so much so, that it is hardly possible to give her the praiseof moderation, even when the measures which she pursued seemed to bear that character.64 THE AGE OF AGESILAUS.Policy ofSuch being the state of things in Greece at the time upon which weare now entering, it will be readily understood that it could require novery extraordinary combination of circ*mstances to light up again thetorch of discord among the several states of the Grecian confederacy;if that connection may be called a confederacy, which was kept togetherrather by the repulsion of discordant parts, counteracting each other,than by any tie of common interest or affection. The immediateoccasion, however, of the first war which broke out among the leadingstates, after the Peloponnesian war, does not, as we shall soon see,reflect much honour upon the patriotism or integrity of the democratical leaders.It is mentioned by Xenophon as a singular circ*mstance, that while Lacedæmon. the most reasonable demands of Lacedæmon were disputed or disobeyed among the cities of Greece, among those of Asia Minor,her commands were listened to, and her directions followed, with adegree of unanimity, which enabled her to assume a much higher tonewith the Persian satraps, than she could have employed with prudencetowards the meanest of her allies in Greece. Encouraged by theprosperous condition of her affairs in the East, no less than by thesecret, which the triumphant retreat of the ten thousand had divulgedto the world, of the utter inability of the Persian troops to cope withany regularly-organized force of Greeks, when conducted with braveryand common prudence, the rulers in Lacedæmon resolved to commence their operations for reducing the Grecian states to that obedience, which the treaties they had concluded gave them a right toclaim, by consolidating their power and extending their dominions inAsia. Once masters of the maritime force and inexhaustible wealth,which the possession of empire in that part of the globe wouldimmediately place at their disposal , they concluded, and probably withjustice, that it would then be a work of no difficulty to bring theirrefractory allies in Greece to submission. In the meantime, it wastheir policy to keep their temper with respect to them, and not allowany provocation or insult to force them into premature hostilities;well knowing that if they should succeed in their designs upon Asia,it would be in their power not only to prevent all danger of futureopposition at home, but to punish at their leisure whatever insultsthey might think it worth while to put up with in the meanwhile.Scheme of conquest in Asia.In prosecution of this scheme of policy, ofwhich Agesilaus was theostensible promoter, but Lysander the real author, a force wasequipped with orders to proceed under the command of Agesilaus, tothe relief of the Grecian colonies in Asia, the safety of which, it waspretended, was threatened by Tissaphernes, who, it was given out, wasmaking immense preparations in Phoenicia and other ports under hisdominion, for the reduction of the Asiatic towns. Geræstus, inEuboea, was the port at which the troops were to embark. In hisway thither, attended only by a small escort, Agesilaus having to passin the neighbourhood of the port of Aulis in Boeotia, went thither toTHE AGE OF AGESILAUS. 65sacrifice; he was induced to do so, because that place had been thespot at which Agamemnon sacrificed, before his departure for Troy.In the midst of the ceremony, the Bootarchs, at the head of a considerable force, came and rudely forbade the sacrifice; and uponAgesilaus protesting against their rudeness and impiety, they brutallyscattered the offering from the altar, and by open force prevented thesacrifice from proceeding. It does not appear that any notice wastaken of this unprovoked insolence by the Lacedæmonians; but wemay safely conclude, that the affront was not forgotten. A day ofretribution, they hoped, was at hand; and Agesilaus continued hisjourney to Geræstus, merely imprecating the vengeance of the gods upon the conduct of the Boeotians.We shall not follow Agesilaus in his Asiatic campaign: a detail of Success ofbattles which ultimately led to no result, and which were marked by sia Agesilausno extraordinary circ*mstances, would convey neither amusem*nt nor Minor.instruction; but his success was so marked, and his progress soalarming, and the ultimate designs which he had in view of dismembering the Persian empire, began to develop themselves so plainly,that Tithraustes, the Persian satrap, who had succeeded Tissaphernesin the government of Lydia, finding it impossible to resist the Lacedæmonians in Asia, saw no resource, except that of endeavouring toexcite a diversion against them at home.TimocratesTithraustes was well aware of the dislike of the Lacedæmoniansupremacy which prevailed in Greece; and of the insecure state of herinfluence among the petty republics who there constituted her subjects.Instead, therefore, of pretending to resist the Spartan king in the field,he resolved to protract the war in Asia, and endeavour to procure therecal of the forces which were there employed, by finding occupationfor them at home. For this purpose he employed a Rhodian, named Mission ofTimocrates, to proceed to Greece; and by means of bribes, judiciously toGreece.distributed among the democratical leaders in the several republics,and of promises of support from the great king, began to form a coalitionagainst Lacedæmon, which might lead to active measures against her.Xenophon tells us that the sum with which Timocrates was intrusted,amounted to about twelve thousand pounds sterling; and small as thismay seem, such either was the corruption of public principle amongthe Greeks at this time, or such the predisposition among them, to fallin with the proposition which Timocrates was deputed to negotiate,that his success more than answered the most sanguine expectations ofTithraustes. Xenophon has not scrupled to name the party leaders inArgos, Corinth, and Thebes, who partook of the satrap's bounty; buthe acquits his own countrymen of any share in the transaction: in fact,whatever may have been the effect of the Persian gold upon individuals,it is clear that the hope of the powerful support which Timocrates wascommissioned to promise, combined with the discontented state of thepublic mind, must in reality have been the cause of the ready acquiescence with which the proposals were everywhere received.[ H. G.]F66 THE AGE OF AGESILAUS.Waragainst Thebes.Return of Agesilaus.The first who openly defied the power of Lacedæmon was Thebes.She did not at once declare war against the state, because for this nopretence was afforded; but she availed herself of some pretext toattack the Phocians; well knowing that the Lacedæmonians wouldnever stand still, and allow the subjection of so important a member of their confederation . Upon measures being taken on the part of Lacedæmon to repress this instance of Theban insolence, ambassadors weredespatched from this latter power to Athens. By the advice ofThrasybulus, the proposition of the Thebans was accepted, and an alliance between them and the Athenians concluded. The accession ofAthens induced Argos to join in the confederacy, which again led tothe concurrence of Corinth. The united influence of so many citiessoon led Acarnania, Ambracia, Leucadia, Euboea, together with part ofThessaly and Thrace, into the confederacy. The pressing dangerwhich now threatened the power of Lacedæmon, as Tithraustes hadcalculated, immediately led to the recal of Agesilaus, whose abilities,experience, and commanding weight were wanted at home, even morethan any addition of strength which the force under his command could contribute.This prince was enjoying in Asia honours and power, and popularitybeyond what any Grecian had before obtained among the Asiaticcities; and he had before him the most inviting field of ambition, thathad ever yet presented itself to any commander. Having provided,however, for the security of the allies and subjects of Lacedæmon, inAsia, he instantly obeyed the order to return; and marching throughThrace and Thessaly, had arrived in Boeotia, with a well- appointedand victorious army; when he was met by news which tended toallay any hopes which he might have formed, of bringing the contestConon gains in which he was now about to engage, to the desired result. Through a victory by the combined exertions of Pharnabazus, and of Evagoras, the Tyrant,as he was called, of Salamis (and who seems to have been influencedin the part which he was taking in the war solely by regard for theAthenians), a combined fleet was placed under the command of Conon,one of the Athenian commanders, who had fled to Salamis, after thedefeat at Egospotamos, near Cnidus. Conon fell in with the Lacedæmonian fleet under Peisander, brother-in-law of Agesilaus, anddefeated him with the loss of his life; and (if we may take the authority of Diodorus, on a point where Xenophon is silent) , with thecapture of no less than fifty of his ships.sea over the Lacedæ- monians.Battle of Coronea.Such was the disastrous intelligence which met Agesilaus on hisentrance into Boeotia. Concealing the news from his men, he continuedhis march towards Peloponnesus, when he was met at Coronea, by the combined army of the confederates, consisting of the flower of theBoeotian, Athenian, Corinthian, Argian, and Locrian forces. Nevertheless, as Agesilaus had been joined in his march by the divisions ofPhocis and Orchomenus, as well as some towns in Thrace, the armieswere nearly equal. One of the most obstinate conflicts ensued whichTHE AGE OF AGESILAUS. 67is recorded in the annals ofGreece. The confederates, however, wereat length pushed from the field; but Agesilaus, except the honour of a victory, gained no advantage from thecontest, beyond the privilege of prosecuting the remainder of his march un- molested.Conon, in the meanwhile, gatheredmuch more substantial advantages, asthe fruits of the victory which he hadgained. Before he returned to Athens,he had persuaded Pharnabazus to allowhim to employ the fleet under his command, in re-establishing the dominionof Athens among the islands; afterwhich the generous satrap supplied himwithmoneyandsenthim hometo Athens,with directions to the crews of the Phonician vessels, that they should assist in rebuilding the long walls,which Lysander had destroyed. From this period Athens resumedher commanding attitude; and continued until the battle of Charonea,to be not only an independent but a leading state in Greece; althoughfortunately, perhaps, both for herself and her neighbours, she neverrecovered that exclusive power among the democratical republics,which she had formerly exercised and abused.Agesilaus.Rebuilding ofthe long walls at Athens.In tracing the events which followed the return of Agesilaus fromAsia, and considering the means which Lacedæmon still possessed, aswell as those which her enemies were able to employ, it is difficult notto feel some surprise at the confined operations which ensued on bothsides. Though no important victory appears to have been gained, norany considerable battle to have been fought, yet the weight of the warseems to have distressed the Lacedæmonians. To recover the footingupon which the event of the Peloponnesian war had placed her, wasmanifestly no longer within the compass of circ*mstances; she would have been satisfied to retain her dominion over those states within thePeloponnesus, which were directly, and almost by hereditary right,her subjects; but even this seemed problematical; and upon lookinground for relief, she saw no quarter to which she could turn with somuch hope, as to the event of negotiation with Persia. Enough, it wasclear, had been effected by the mission of Timocrates, and the assistance of Pharnabazus, to satisfy all the ends of policy which the Persiancourt could have had in view, in lending her assistance to Athens andthe other allies. Accordingly Antalcidas was sent to Sardis, in order Lacedæmon to negotiate with Teribazus, who had succeeded Pharnabazus in the negotiatessatrapy; the latter having been removed upon the occasion of hismarriage with the king's daughter. The terms proposed were notsuch as reflected much honour upon the Lacedæmonians; they offered,not to dispute the sovereignty of the king over the Asiatic cities, uponwith Persia.F 268 THE AGE OF AGESILAUS.War prosecuted without success oncondition that Teribazus would withdraw the assistance of his fleetfrom the Athenians, and re- establish the independence of the islands.As the power of Lacedæmon was still unbroken in Asia, these termswere too favourable not to be readily embraced by the Persian; andupon the confederates refusing to submit to such dishonourable conditions, Teribazus imprisoned Conon, and supplied the Lacedæmonianswith money for the maintenance of their fleet.Awar of skirmish and depredation now ensued, and was sustainedwith much activity, but continued equally without result on both sides.In the meantime, Teribazus had left Sardis for Susa; and Struthas,either side. who, in his absence, was appointed to command in his place, instigatedby the recollection of the losses and injuries which had been inflictedupon his country, and which he had himself witnessed and probablysuffered from, during the period when Agesilaus commanded in Asia,warmly took part with the confederates, and supplied them with every means in his power for prosecuting the war.Hostilities renewed with Persia.Mission of Antalcidas to Sardis.Hostilities were thus renewed between Persia and Lacedæmon; butthey were prosecuted, on the part of the latter, neither with prudence nor success. In Asia, Struthas surprised Thimbron, the new Lacedæmonian commander, and cut both him and his army to pieces. InEurope, Thrasybulus was successful by sea, and Iphicrates completelydestroyed a Lacedæmonian mora before Corinth. These defeats werenot of a nature materially to cripple the power of Lacedæmon; butthey shook that which was the chief foundation of her greatness-theopinion of her invincibility; they threw a damp upon the courage ofher allies, and destroyed that alacrity with which she had, at first,entered upon the war.Seeing, then, no way of extricating herself from the toils in whichshe was encompassed, she again directed her views to a negotiationwith Persia. That court seems to have been always more ready toenter into treaty with the Lacedæmonians, than with any other powerin Greece. The form of her government and the general stability ofher councils, seemed to afford more dependance than could be placedupon states whose policy might be expected to veer, with every changeof popular feeling or opinion. Accordingly, as soon as Teribazus hadreturned to his satrapy, and Struthas was in consequence removed,Antalcidas was again deputed to Sardis, to endeavour to effect suchterms of accommodation, as might put an end, not only to the war inAsia, but also to that in Europe, among the different Grecian states.Arriving at Ephesus in autumn, Antalcidas immediately proceededto Sardis, where he found Teribazus not only disposed to him, personally, in the same friendly manner as before, but provided with powers from Susa, to conclude even an offensive alliance with Lacedæmon, in case the confederates persisted in prosecuting the war.But the temper of the principal belligerent republics, all of whom hadseverely felt the pressure, and none of whom had reaped any benefitfrom the war ( Athens, perhaps, alone excepted), seemed to be nowTHE AGE OF AGESILAUS. 69much more favourably inclined for peace, than had been the case onthe former occasion. By the secession of the king, the command ofthe sea remained no longer with Athens; Corinth and Argos, whoseterritory had been the chief seat of the war, had every reason to wishfor an accommodation; the Boeotians only remained, who, as they hadsuffered less by the contest, were, in proportion, less solicitous for its termination.Antalcidas.The proposal for a general peace came from Teribazus; and the Peace ofterms in which it was made, were such as it might have been supposed, would not be grateful to the vanity of the Greek nation. The B. C. 387.congress being opened, Teribazus produced the king's rescript, towhich was attached the royal signet. It ran thus:-" Artaxerxes, theking, thinks it just, that the cities in Asia, and the two isles ofClazomenæ and Cyprus, should be his own; but that all the rest ofthe Grecian cities, both small and great, should be free and independent, except Lemnos, Imbros, and Scios, to continue in subjectionto the Athenians. And whatever state refuses this peace, I, myself,with such as receive it, shall make war against that people both bysea and land, both with ships and with money."991The ambassadors from the several states having heard this mandate,sent their report of it home to their several constituents. The Thebansalone besitated, because they were only permitted to take the oath forthemselves, and not as they wished, in the name of all the Boeotiancities. But upon Agesilaus making instant preparation for reducingthem to submission, they at length acquiesced; and the peace wassigned without further delay by all the belligerent republies.As to the humiliation of allowing a foreign potentate thus to dictatethe terms upon which the Grecians were to accommodate their differences with each other, this seems to have been a scruple whichoccasioned no demur. The point of honour, among states as well asindividuals, seems to be altogether a modern refinement; and, therefore, if the Greeks in general were satisfied with the terms of thetreaty, we need not wonder that they should not quarrel about themanner in which it had been proposed. It is something more surprising, however, that the contemporary historian, in relating thetransactions which took place during the progress of the treaty, shouldexpress no anger at the evident want of generosity in thus formallyabandoning to their fate the Grecian cities of Asia, without even astipulation in their favour. But the reflection which Xenophon makesthe effects of this celebrated peace, viewed merely as a measureof policy, are perfectly just. "And thus, at length," says he, “ thefirst peace was ratified in form between the Lacedæmonians andAthenians, and confederates, after the war between them, subsequentto the demolition of the walls of Athens. But though, through thewhole course of the war, the scale had generally turned in favour ofthe Lacedæmonians, yet they made a greater figure than ever, throughXenoph. Hell. lib. v. c. i .upon70 THE AGE OF AGESILAUS.this peace, which took its name from Antalcidas. For now assumingto themselves the task of executing the peace prescribed by the king,and insisting that every city should be free, they recovered the allianceof Corinth; they freed the cities of Boeotia from their dependence uponthe Thebans, a result which they had long desired; they had put anend to that appropriation which the Argives had made of Corinth.All these points being accomplished to their wish, they now came to adetermination to chastise such of their confederates as had been untractable during the war, and manifested any good will to their enemies;and so to govern them now, that they should not dare to be refractory in time to come.99 1The supremacy which the Spartans had acquired by the ingloriouspeace of Antalcidas, they used to declare war against Mantinea.Not content with this, they despatched an army to control the government of Phlius, and massacred all whom they considered hostile toB. C. 383. their political system, B.C. 383. The proclamation of war against theOlynthians by the Spartan state was another evidence of her uncheckedB. C. 382, ambition. The Olynthians gallantly resisted the utmost power of the381, 380. Spartans for three successive campaigns. In the fourth, they werecompelled to give way before the overwhelming force directed againstthem.¹ Xenoph. Hell. lib. v. c. i.GF.SAKCENT.זאDeath of Epameinondas.2.3.4CHAPTER VI.EPAMEINONDAS.1FROM THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS, B. C. 387, TO B. C. 362.EPAMEINONDAS of Thebes, the son of Polymnis, has received from the B. C. 387.writers of antiquity a praise more general, and less divided, than anyother individual in the whole range of Grecian story. Nor does heclaim our admiration on account of his pre-eminence in only one department. His adversaries, not less than his eulogists- Xenophon, equallywith Plutarch and with Nepos-have borne testimony not only to hisskill and valour in the field, but to his prudence and wisdom incouncil; and if he is noted for his extensive erudition as a philosopher,he is also so much famed for the moral integrity of his conduct, thathis name remains unsullied by the slightest imputation. So strict indeed was his veracity, that it is related of him by Nepos he was neveronce known, even in jest, to verge from the path of truth. In his lifeis contained all that is memorable in the history of Thebes. Underhis guidance that republic rose from a state of dependence, almost ofinsignificance, to hold the highest rank among the cities of Greece;with his death, her career ofglory terminated; and, had he not existed,it is probable that her name would have been untraced by the pen ofthe historian, except for the purpose of bestowing on her the slendercommendation of being the faithful ally of the fickle Athenians, or thehumble follower of haughty Lacedæmon. It is thus, that not unfre-72 EPAMEINONDAS.Conduct of the Lace- dæmonians after the peace of Antalcidas.quently the abilities and exertions of one man, are able to accomplish more than the united efforts of a whole commonwealth.Before we proceed to the detail ofthe political life of Epameinondas,it is necessary that we should briefly sketch some of the events whichimmediately preceded the period of which we are about to relate theprincipal transactions.After the peace of Antalcidas, which has been variously termed theglory and the disgrace of Lacedæmon, the imperious policy of the Lace- dæmonians created universal alarm. Instead of exerting their powersto promote a general tranquillity throughout Greece, which was theprofessed object of that peace, they set themselves to inquire into theconduct of their allies, and to punish them for their real or allegedoffences. The Mantineans were the first to feel their displeasure.The inhabitants of Argos had been supplied by the Mantineans withcorn; the proportion of troops required of them for the support ofthewar, had not been sent; the troops that had been sent had served ill;these were the accusations preferred against them, and they were required, as a proof that these acts were not those of the commonwealth,to destroy and level with the ground the fortifications of their city .As compliance with this haughty command was refused, war was deB. c. 385. nounced against them. A Lacedæmonian army, under the conduct ofa*gesipolis, laid waste their territories, encompassed their city, andfinally, by impeding the current of the Ophis below the town, sappedtheir fortifications. The offer which the Mantineans now made, tocomply with the command ofthe Lacedæmonians, was rejected. Thedread of servitude and the pressure of want compelled them, at length,unconditionally, to deliver up their city. Every house was instantlydemolished, the leaders ofthe democratical party, those that were hostileto the interests of Lacedæmon, sought safety in a voluntary exile; andthe rest of the inhabitants retired to those villages from which theirforefathers had originally assembled to form Mantinea into their common capital.Reduction ofthe OlynthianThe same proud supremacy was exercised over the inhabitants ofPhlius. And the rulers of that city, how much soever disposed toresistance, felt themselves compelled to yield obedience to a decreeof the Lacedæmonians, by which they were ordered to readmit somePhliasian exiles into their city, and to restore to them their property.These transactions were scarcely finished, when the attention of theLacedæmonians was directed towards Olynthus. The oppression andconfederacy. misery which an almost continual warfare entailed upon the smallerstates of Greece, had induced the Olynthians to form the project ofuniting the neighbouring cities into a confederacy, in order to protectthemselves from those evils. In this plan they had so well succeeded,that the confederacy soon became powerful enough to attract the noticeof the larger republics of Greece; and its alliance had been, in particular, solicited by the Athenians and Thebans, who looked withjealousy upon the preponderance of Lacedæmon, were dissatisfied withEPAMEINONDAS. 73the measures that she was pursuing, and were apprehensive of the con- sequences to which these measures might lead. These circ*mstanceswere sufficient to kindle the animosity of the Lacedæmonians; and theimprudent conduct of the Olynthians soon furnished a plausible pretextfor commencing hostilities. The Olynthians had, in the prosecution oftheir views, invited the Apolloniats and Acanthians to unite themselvesto their party; but although the well- known inclination of the greatmajority of the inhabitants of Apollonia and Acanthus had induced theinvitation, the hostile disposition of the oligarchical party in thosetowns had determined the Olynthians to add to that invitation, a threatof war if compliance should be refused. Those in power becamealarmed at the danger to which they were exposed, and they sentministers to Lacedæmon to crave her assistance, and, with that view ,to represent forcibly to the Lacedæmonians the injury which their interests would sustain unless their new confederacy were opposed, andunless the Olynthians were prevented from joining their strength to that of Athens and of Thebes. The ministers met with a favourableaudience, and it was decreed that an army of ten thousand men shouldbe sent into Thrace. Eudamidas was in the mean time despatchedwith two thousand Laconians, and orders were given to Phœbidas, hisbrother-in-law, to collect and conduct the rest of the army with asmuch expedition as possible. It is foreign to our present purpose topursue the fortunes of the Lacedæmonians in Thrace. After a spiritedopposition, which the Olynthians offered to Teleutias, the brother ofa*gesilaus, and in which they were successful, they were finally subdued and reduced into subjection by Polybidas; and peace was grantedto them upon those terms which the Lacedæmonians uniformly enforced,"that the friends and enemies of Lacedæmon should be those of Olynthus, and that the Olynthians should serve in arms wherever the Lace- dæmonians should lead. "Thebes.But long before this event had arrived , Phœbidas had sownthe seeds Seizure ofof disorder, which spread ultimately to an extent of which no onecould have then formed a conception. In conducting his army into B. C. 382.Thrace, he encamped under the walls of Thebes. Faction, betweenthe democratical and aristocratical parties, had risen to the utmostexcess in that city; but so nearly were the parties balanced, that thetwo opposite leaders of those factions were colleagues in the office ofpolemarch. Ismenias headed that faction which was averse to theinterests of Lacedæmon; and such at the moment was the influence of his authority, that a decree had been passed forbidding any Thebanto engage in the expedition against Olynthus. The subsequent conduct of Leontiades may be perhaps justified, from his fear of thatviolence to which party spirit carried all the Grecian republics; for theconsequence of the loss of authority in a popular leader involved , insome cases, the loss of life; in many, the loss of property; and in all, the punishment of exile. As Ismenias avoided all intercourse with Phobidas, Leontiades courted him. He suggested to Phœbidas the trea-74 EPAMEINONDAS.of Phoebidas.cherous proposal of introducing a Lacedæmonian garrison into the Cadmea, the citadel of Thebes; and supported it by the specious argument that Phœbidas might then lead with them into Thrace whatTheban forces he chose. He easily obtained the consent of that general,to whose weak understanding the possession of Thebes appeared anadvantage greatly superior in importance to the ultimate object of theexpedition. To give the less suspicion of the plot, Phoebidas broke up his camp, and proceeded on his march towards the north. It was atthat season of the year when one of the festivals of Demeter wasMovements celebrated; and the Cadmea was, according to ancient custom, givenup to the women, and the council sat in the portico of the Agora.During the noon-tide heat, when the streets were deserted , Leontiadespursued with his utmost speed, and overtook Phœbidas, conducted him with expedition to the citadel, and placed the keys in his hands. Hethen proceeded immediately to the council, and informing its membersthat the citadel was in possession of the Lacedæmonians, he quietedtheir fears by assuring them that the Lacedæmonians disclaimed all intention ofhostilities. He lost not, however, the opportunity ofprofitingby the situation of affairs . In such circ*mstances of danger, his officeof polemarch invested him with the power of arresting all who weresuspected of treason; and he exercised it by ordering Ismenias, hisantagonist, into custody. His confinement no sooner became known,than his friends, to the number of four hundred, fled to Athens, toavoid the massacre which they had too good reason to dread. Thewhole power of Thebes was thus placed in the hands of Leontiades;and a new polemarch, a favourer of aristocracy, was quickly elected inroom of the degraded Ismenias. As soon as these arrangements werecompleted, Leontiades proceeded himself to Lacedæmon to defendPhoebidas, and the revolution which he had accomplished. This taskwas one of no great difficulty. He found, indeed, the ephors and thepeople indignant at the presumption of Phœbidas, in disregarding the commission which had been intrusted to him, and in oversteppingthe powers with which he had been invested. But Phoebidas metwith a powerful friend in Agesilaus, whose rooted and inveterate enmityto the democratical party of Thebes seems to have blinded his betterjudgment, and to have compelled him, in this instance, to act in contrariety to the equitable principles of his general conduct. When headdressed the assembly, he observed, " that the only subject for their His defence. consideration was, whether the actions of Phoebidas had been beneficialor injurious to the commonwealth. If they had been beneficial, boththe principles of the constitution and the practice of former ages justified his conduct, and fully warranted his exercise of a discretionarypower." The way being thus prepared for him, Leontiades presentedhimself to the assembly, and enlarged upon those topics which weremost likely to inflame the passions of his hearers: he descanted atlength upon the known aversion of the democratical party to theinterests of Lacedæmon; he mentioned in particular their recent allianceEPAMEINONDAS. 75with Olynthus, at a time when the Lacedæmonians were leading theirarmies against the people of that city; and he suggested the facility with which the measures of Thebes to hold the Boeotian cities in subjection might now be thwarted, by the maintenance of a garrison inthe Cadmea, by which the exertions of the friends of Lacedæmon wouldbe encouraged and supported. These alluring arguments, which accorded so well with the interests and prejudices of his audience, completely overcame the better judgment of the Lacedæmonians. Phœbidaswas not only acquitted, but praised for his exertions; and it was decreed that a Lacedæmonian garrison should continue to occupy thecitadel of Thebes. But these resolutions were moderate when compared with the transaction that followed . Ismenias was brought totrial before a partial tribunal ofjudges, three of whom were appointedbyLacedæmon, and one by every other city ofthe confederacy. Chargesof treason and of bribery were preferred against him; these he ablyrefuted, but he was not able to convince those interested judges beforewhom he was tried of the purity of his intentions, and he was foundguilty, condemned, and executed.which theGreece.Lacedæmon seemed, at this moment, to be possessed of an influence Effectgreater, and more secure, than at any former period of her history . which ofThe reviving power of Athens was broken; the connexion of Argos Thebesand Corinth was dissolved; the plan of the Olynthian confederacy was produced infrustrated; those allies who had displayed an unwillingness to bend tothe ambitious and overbearing control of the Lacedæmonians werepunished and brought into subjection; and, lastly, Thebes was thwartedin her favourite scheme of extending her dominion over the cities ofBoeotia. But the ground on which her security rested was fallacious.Every state in Greece was astonished and alarmed at the audacity of her measures. The peace of Antalcidas had, in terms, secured the independence of every Grecian city; but as it had been procured at theinstance and by the means of Lacedæmon, so Lacedæmon had herselfbeen the first to violate it. In profession, indeed, she was the supporter of the Persian treaty; but, in practice, she construed its termsin accordance with her own views. To every alliance which she formedwith friendly, to every peace which she concluded with hostile powers,she annexed the condition that they should assist the Lacedæmonians,as well in her offensive as defensive operations. Her late acts, too,showed completely that it was her determination to permit independence only to those cities which favoured her own views; and the fateof Mantinea and of Phlius, the destruction of Olynthus, and the treacherous seizure of the Theban citadel, made each state tremble for herown security, fearful lest she might herself become the next object of Lacedæmonian jealousy or resentment.The subjection of Thebes, on which perhaps the Lacedæmonians Revolutionvalued themselves more than on any other circ*mstance, was the event of Thebes.which first shook, and ultimately ruined their authority. Although B. C. 379.the aristocratical party of that city were well pleased with the revolu-76 EPAMEINONDAS.Progress of the revo- lution.Death of Leontiades.tion which had been effected by Phœbidas, these formed but a smallportion of the inhabitants; and though the democratical faction, whichcomprised the great body of the people, were for a time overawed, theywere not disheartened; they felt with displeasure, and bore with uneasiness, the control of Lacedæmon; they looked with jealousy uponher authority, and they were ready to rise in rebellion, and avenge themselves upon their oppressors, upon the slightest cause, and on thefirst opportunity. In these critical circ*mstances, an occurrence, initself trivial, gave rise to the most important consequences.On anexpedition to Athens, Philidas, who held the situation of confidentialminister to Archias and Philippus, the reigning polemarchs of Thebes,met with Mellon, a noble Theban who had been driven into exile bythe late revolution, and with whom Philidas had formerly been in habitsof the strictest intimacy. Mellon, to his astonishment, discovered, ina conversation with Philidas, that the minister was by no means wellpleased with the state of affairs existing in Thebes. Communicatingtogether, they formed the plan of a conspiracy, by which they mightoverturn the present government. In pursuance of it, Philidas returnedto Thebes, there to concert measures for its success; and Mellon, proceeding with only six associates, arrived, under cover of the night,within the Theban territories; but it was not till the close of the succeeding day that he ventured to enter Thebes with the last crowd ofreturning husbandmen. That night and the following day the conspirators lay concealed in the house of Charon, an associate whom thezeal of Philidas had previously secured. In the evening was celebratedthe festival of Aphrodite, which was held, at Thebes, immediatelyprevious to the expiration of the annual magistracies; and it had beenfixed upon by Mellon and his confederates as the proper time for the execution of their purpose. The luxurious and licentious habits ofArchias and Philippus had induced them to employ the latter as thepander of their pleasures; and he had, in execution of his commission,undertaken to heighten the delights of their evening revel by introducing the most beautiful and the most elegant of the women of Thebes.The nature of his employment afforded to Philidas the easiest meansof access; and, at that moment when the polemarchs, in the fullestenjoyment of voluptuous pleasure, were intoxicated with wine, he conducted the conspirators into their presence, three of them habited asladies, and the rest as their attendants; a suggestion that delicacy, andthe respect due to the female visitors required the absence of maleattendants, soon procured their dismissal. The plot was now readyfor execution; and Archias and Philippus, unattended, alone, and unarmed, fell easy victims to assassination. Leontiades, the projector,the active perpetrator of the recent revolution, was the next object ofpursuit with the conspirators. The pretence of urgent business procured for Philidas and his party a ready admittance, and Leontiadeswas found in an inner apartment, to which he had retired from supper.His wife was seated near him, employed, according to the usual customEPAMEINONDAS. 77of Grecian matrons, in the works of the distaff and the needle. According to the more refined feelings of modern times, in such a place,and in such circ*mstances, the heart of the most callous might havebeen touched with pity, and the nerves of the most resolute unstrung;but to the Greeks, the frequency of its occurrence had deprived assassi- nation of half its horrors. The object ofthe conspirators, the liberationof their country from Lacedæmonian tyranny, was honourable; and wecannot be surprised if they should overlook the foulness of the means,and consider their action more worthy of praise than deserving of execration, when we know that, at an age by centuries more advanced andrefined, the crime of tyrannicide is sanctioned and defended by the greatorator and philosopher of Rome. The manners of the age, therefore,as well as the urgent necessity of their situation, must plead the excuseof the conspirators for the merciless murder of the husband in the pre- sence and amid the lamentations ofthe wife.The conspirators having thus disposed of their enemies, and freed themselves from all danger of opposition, without any further preparation, or any addition of force except the assistance of a few friendswhom they had liberated from confinement, proclaimed the destructionof "the tyrants," and summoned the citizens to assemble in arms.They rested their confidence of success upon the general hatred againstthe late government. Night, and the uncertainty of information, prevented an immediate compliance with the order; but at the break ofday, the whole inhabitants, horse as well as foot, appeared in arms,and ranged themselves on the side of the conspirators.dæmonianThe Lacedæmonian governor of the citadel had received the earliest Position ofintelligence ofthe revolution, from the proclamation of the night. He the Lacehad immediately despatched messengers to Platæa and to Thespia for garrison.reinforcement. But the Theban horse repulsed and routed the detachment which had marched from Platea; and as they re-entered thecity, they were joined by the refugees from the border, and by a bodyof Athenian auxiliaries, to whom intimation of the proceedings had been previously communicated. The governor now considered hisnumbers inadequate to the defence of the citadel; and the Thebansgladly accepted of an offer of capitulation, upon the terms that the garrison should be permitted to depart in safety with their arms. Theirmarch continued unmolested, till some Thebans, who had been activein the late revolution, were seen among the Lacedæmonians. The furyof the mobthen became ungovernable; the objects of their hatred weredragged from their protection, and they and their children were sacrificed to the vengeance of their enemies. Such was the revolution atThebes. The means by which it was effected cannot meet with unqualified approbation; but, if we except that of Athens, underThrasybulus, perhaps there was no Grecian revolution so little stainedwith blood. And we cannot but admire it for the justness of itscause, the ability and vigour of its plan, and the secrecy and rapidity of its execution.78 EPAMEINONDAS.Operationsdæmonians;and war on Thebes.That Epameinondas and his friend Pelopidas were among the principal advisers and promoters of the Theban revolution seems to begenerally admitted by the historians of antiquity. It is impossible,however, to ascertain with any certainty the respective shares whichthey took in its accomplishment; for Xenophon, the onlycontemporaryhistorian, has left their actions unrecorded, and the doubt which has,on this occasion, been thrown upon the authority of Plutarch by thebest modern historian of Greece, appears to be too well founded topermit of the adoption of his account of the transaction.As soon as the intelligence of the delivery of Thebes arrived atof the Lace Lacedæmon, she applied herself with alacrity to support her authorityand to defend her friends. To allow the Thebans to go unpunishedwould be entirely to relinquish all idea of maintaining that supremacyB.C. 387. over the Grecian states which she arrogated to herself, and she accordingly resolved to act with vigour. Notwithstanding the seasonwas far advanced, it was decreed that an army should immediately march into the Theban territories. The command was offered toAgesilaus; but for some reasons, which the historian of his life has beeneither unable or unwilling to explain, he declined the acceptance of it,excusing himself on account of his great age. Cleombrotus was thenext object of their choice: he proceeded immediately towards Thebes,by the road of Platea, and encamped at Cynoscephale. He remainedin this position for sixteen days, and then withdrew to Thespia. It seems not to have been the intention of the Lacedæmonians to ravagethe territories of Thebes, or to overturn the revolution, but only tooverawe those who were at the head of affairs, and to afford protectionto such as were friendly to the Lacedæmonian cause. For this purposeit was thought that a small proportion of the army would be sufficient;and a third part of it was, therefore, left under the command of Sphodrias. The remainder were reconducted by Cleombrotus to Lacedæmon,and there disbanded. But although this expedition was bloodless, itwas by no means devoid of utility. In Athens, in particular, it produced considerable effect. Those in that republic who were averseto the Theban connexion, and inclined to peace, represented to theAthenians that, as they had already seen a Lacedæmonian army passfrom Peloponnesus into Boeotia, they might expect, if they continuedtheir support to their new allies, that Attica itself would next seasonbe ravaged. The fears of the fickle multitude were roused by thedread of danger so near home; they passed a resolution that no fartheropposition should be offered to the Lacedæmonian arms; and to suchan extent were they carried by their passions, that of two generals whohad given their support to the cause of Thebes, one was condemnedand executed, and the other saved his life by flight.We have now arrived at that period when Epameinondas appearsas taking an active part in the concerns of his country.He is represented as a man rather retiring from public employment than courtingit, and as exerting himself in the transactions of Thebes only at thoseEPAMEINONDAS. 79seasons when his services could be eminently useful. At such a crisishad his country now arrived, and she demanded his utmost exertions.It would be a difficult matter for Thebes to contend against the powerof Lacedæmon, and Epameinondas could not hope that she would belong able to maintain her opposition; but, on the other hand, therewere strong reasons to impel him to prefer a state of war to one ofpeace. The Thebans had already experienced the miseries of Lacedæmonian tyranny, and they fully expressed their opinion of it by almostunanimously rising in arms in support of the conspirators against thelate government. Many of the Grecian states had displayed theirjealousy of the Lacedæmonian encroachment, and there was, therefore,good cause to hope that Thebes would not be long left unassisted;and although the Lacedæmonians had, beyond all expectation, displayeda great degree of lenity and moderation in the late measures towardsthe Thebans, yet there existed no hopes that peace would come unattended with the destruction or the banishment of Epameinondas, ofPelopidas, and of their friends; and, in short, of all those who hadbeen instrumental in bringing about the late revolution. The rulersof Thebes had no alternative, and, whatever might be their inclination,they were forced, by the imperative necessity of their situation, vigor- ously to apply themselves to warlike exertions.betweenAthens.Fortunately, however, an event soon occurred which again changed Renewal ofthe wavering policy of the Athenians. From the most unaccountable alliancescause, so extraordinary, indeed, that it has been ascribed to Theban Thebes andbribery, and attributed by Plutarch to the management of Pelopidas,Sphodrias, the Lacedæmonian general, quitted his station at Thespia,and marched into Attica, with the professed purpose of taking thePiræus by surprise. At Thria, indeed, he abandoned his intention andreturned to Thespia. But he took no means to conceal the hostilityof his purpose; and on his march he plundered the houses and droveoff the cattle of the Athenians. When intelligence reached Athensthat an army of Lacedæmonians was marching towards the city, theinhabitants were thrown into universal alarm; and three Lacedæmonianministers, who were resident in the place, were immediately arrestedand imprisoned. The unfeigned astonishment, however, which they discovered when the news was communicated to them, soon convincedthe Athenians that they were no participators in the designs of thegeneral; and their strong assertions that Sphodrias must have actedwithout the sanction of the Lacedæmonian government, and that neitherthe nobility of his connexions nor the eminence of his rank would screenhim from punishment, soon procured their release. To a certain extent their opinion was confirmed; for Sphodrias was summoned home,and criminal proceedings were instituted against him. But on thisoccasion, the weak conduct of Agesilaus in sacrificing public advantageto private feeling, gave beginning to a long train of the most disastrousOccurrences. Afriendship of the strictest intimacy subsisted betweenCleonymus and Archidamus, the sons of Sphodrias and Agesilaus;80 EPAMEINONDAS.Agesilaus marches nto Boeotia.Second invasion of Thebes by Agesilaus.and the distress of Archidamus for the father of Cleonymus influencedAgesilaus also to take too much interest in his fate, and checked theoperations of his sounder judgment. So conscious was the Spartangeneral of the magnitude of his offence, and so fearful was he of theconsequences it was likely to bring upon him, that he remained at adistance from Lacedæmon. As was usual, however, among the Greeks,his trial proceeded in his absence. His friends did not attempt thejustification of his recent behaviour, but they rested his defence uponthe merits of his former conduct; and so powerfully had the influenceof Agesilaus been exerted, that upon these slender grounds alone hisacquittal was procured. But by his acquittal the friendly dispositionof the Athenians was converted into an active enmity. Those inAthens who had supported the Lacedæmonian interest, could no longeroppose the influence of the Theban party, who insisted that it was nowapparent, from the decision of the Spartan senate, that the treacherousdesigns of Sphodrias against the Piræus had been previously arrangedby the Lacedæmonian government; and that unstable multitude, whichhad so lately sacrificed two generals for their support of Thebes, rushedwith the same ardour and impetuosity into a war with Lacedæmon.The Agesilaus could now no longer refuse his services to his country,and he yielded to the public voice by assuming the command.difficulty of passing from Peloponnesus into Boeotia had been increasedby the hostile disposition of the Athenians; but Agesilaus providedagainst the danger by securing the assistance of some Cleitorian mercenaries, and he arrived in the Theban territory without encounteringopposition. The Thebans had already fortified their frontier, as thebest means of protecting their territory: but their numbers were soinferior to those of the enemy, and so inadequate to the defence of along line of fortifications, that many parts necessarily remained open to an unopposed attack. Chabrias headed the Athenians, and by hisconsummate skill he was able to evade a general action . Agesilaus,however, accomplished what was the general object of a Grecian campaign: he broke through the Theban lines, penetrated to the citywalls, burnt and destroyed them, and plundered the inhabitants.Withdrawing then his forces into Peloponnesus, he dismissed them,after leaving under the command of Phoebidas a force sufficient toprotect the friends of Lacedæmon in Northern Greece.In spring the Peloponnesian army was again forced to assemble onaccount of the defeat and the death of Phoebidas, and the completesuccess of the Theban arms. In their wars with Athens, the Lacedæmonians had been taught the use and the advantage of light infantry; and this, more than any other circ*mstance, had given Phœbidasan advantage over the Thebans, who valued themselves upon theirheavy-armed phalanx, and disdained desultory warfare. The continualpredatory incursions which he made into their territories, roused atlength the activity of the Thebans, and compelled them to collect theirwhole forces in order to oppose and repress his destructive operations.EPAMEINONDAS. 81Thespia was invaded; but Phoebidas, avoiding a general action, soharassed with his light troops the flanks and rear of the Thebanforces, that the whole were thrown into confusion, and they retreatedwith precipitation and in disorder. A deep glen impeded their progress, and they were again forced into action. Phoebidas fell in therencounter; the mercenaries, discouraged by the death of their general,betook themselves to flight; and the Lacedæmonians, unable to withstand the firm and spirited attack of the Theban phalanx, were completely overpowered. So complete was the victory on the side of theThebans, that night alone put an end to the slaughter of their enemies.In consequence of this success, the Thebans became entire masters ofthe country; instead of havingtheir own territories ravaged,they committed ravages uponthose of their neighbours; andthey so dismayed their enemiesand encouraged their friends, that the adherents of the Lacedæmonians were daily deserting totheir side. It was the intelliRCoin of Thebes.gence of these occurrences that had hastened the return of Agesilausinto Boeotia; and a similar, but more extended ravage of the Boeotianterritory than on the former occasion, was the event of the expe dition.Thebes. This continued warfare had reduced Thebes to the utmost extre- Distress ofmity of distress; for two years she had neither gathered any harvestfrom her fields, nor had she been able to obtain supplies from theneighbouring states, who were all connected in alliance with Lacedæmon. Before, however, the Theban rulers would make any concession,they were determined to do all in their power to procure supplies by sea. Their triremes were accordingly prepared for commissioners,who were furnished with money for the purpose of purchasing atOreus in Euboea, the inhabitants of that part being known to befriendly in their disposition towards the Thebans. For greater security,the commissioners directed their course to Pagasa, on the oppositecoast of Thessaly, in order that they might the more effectually eludethe vigilance of the Lacedæmonian garrison in the citadel of Oreus.But the governor had received intelligence of the expedition; andallowing the Thebans to load their vessels without molestation, hewaited for their return, and seized the ships at such a distance fromthe shore that the crews were prevented from making their escape.But this result, apparently so fortunate for the Lacedæmonians, waseventually more serviceable to the cause of the Thebans, than if theirships had been permitted to return in safety to Thebes: for the prisonersbeing carried to the citadel of Oreus, they found themselves so superiorin number and in strength to their conquerors, that they rose in armsupon the garrison. Euboea being thus relieved from the control of the[H. G.]G82 EPAMEINONDAS.Naval assistance obtained from Athens.B. C. 376.Lacedæmonians, was at full liberty to display, without restraint, herfriendly intentions towards Thebes; and she continued for the remainder of the autumn, and during the ensuing winter, most abundantly to supply that city with corn.The next spring, an unsuccessful attempt ofCleombrotus, on whom inthe illness of Agesilaus the command had again devolved, to pass fromPeloponnesus into Boeotia, called forth from the congress of the Lacedæmonian confederacy expressions of much impatience and discontent. Thecitizens of the confederated states had now for a long time been subjectedto calls for foreign service, and nothing permanent or important had yetbeen acomplished. The Lacedæmonians possessed a navy greatly superior to that of the enemy, but it was laid up unemployed. Why, theyasked, had it not been used for the purpose of transporting the forcesinto Bœotia, when it was so evident that by such a plan all risk ofdefeat, similar to that which had lately occurred in an attempt to forcethe passes, would have been completely avoided? Why, by the employment of it, had Athens not been reduced to famine, when it wasso well known that she was solely dependent upon her ships for thegreater part of her subsistence? These remonstrances produced instant effect. A fleet of sixty triremes was immediately equipped, placedunder the command of Pollis, and finally stationed at Egina, Ceos,and Andros. Nor had the effect which it was to produce been miscalculated. Fear of the Lacedæmonian fleet detained the corn shipsbound for Athens, at Geræstus in Euboea, a port which they usuallymade; and the Athenians began to be alarmed by the apprehension of want. But their fears were quickly dispelled. An Athenian fleetwas placed under the command of Chabrias, who met and defeatedPollis, near Naxos. In the mean time, the preparations of the Lacedæmonians to transport an army across the Corinthian gulf, had beenconducted with alacrity; but these alarming preparations were rapidlychecked by the exertions ofthe Athenians. A fleet of sixty triremes,under the command of Timotheus, the son of Conon, was sent to circumnavigate Peloponnesus; and it was so effectual in overawing thecoasts, that it was considered unnecessary that the troops should remain at home to defend their respective territories. As soon as thesafety of Boeotia had been thus insured , Timotheus sailed for Corcyra;and he was in a short time enabled, by the assistance of a friendly party, to bring the whole island into an alliance with Athens. Themoderation and liberality of his conduct attached the inhabitants completely to himself and to the Athenian cause. Five and sixty triremes,under the command of Nicolochus, were despatched by Lacedæmon tocheck the alarming influence of the Athenians in the western seas;but the rash admiral, either foolishly despising the Athenians, orthoughtlessly disregarding the small difference of five triremes, scornedto wait for a reinforcement which was expected from Ambracia, andrisking an engagement was defeated. A subsequent addition of tenCorcyrean vessels to the Athenian squadron checked the temerity evenEPAMEINONDAS. 83of Nicolochus, and the Athenians retained their conquest and con- tinued masters of the sea.and war withThese successes of her Athenian allies by sea, placed Thebes in the Prosperity most prosperous situation. Her Peloponnesian enemies had been of Thebes,deterred and prevented from invading her small but fruitful territory; Phocis.concord and wisdom existed in, and guided her councils at home, andshe had not only enjoyed sufficient leisure to enable her to extend herpower over the whole Boeotian towns, the long-cherished and favouriteobject of her wishes, but she had acquired such confidence that she had carried her arms into Phocis. The destructive ravages which the invading troops committed threw the Phocians into dismay; they imme- diately despatched ministers to assure the Lacedæmonians that Phocismust be completely lost as the ally of Lacedæmon, unless she received the most speedy assistance. These representations produced so strong animpression that it was resolved by Lacedæmon to send into Bœotia alarger army than any that had, as yet, entered that territory. Agesilaus was still too ill to conduct the Lacedæmonian forces, and Cleombrotus was again placed in command. The Thebans on the arrival ofthe enemy in their territories, withdrew their troops from Phocis, andplacing themselves in a position to defend the strong posts of theirborders, displayed a determination of the most resolute defence.In the midst of these prosperous events, Thebes was again throwninto a temporary alarm, by the secession of the fickle Athenians fromthe alliance which they had formed. The Thebans had, probably frominability, refused to contribute to the support of the Athenian fleet;and those in Athens, who were inclined towards peace, seized thefavourable opportunity which this occurrence afforded to enforce uponthe Athenian people the advantages which they would derive from atermination of hostilities with Lacedæmon. As both parties wereequally inclined to treat, there were few preliminaries to settle, and apeace was speedily concluded.Lacedæmon had, however, hardly entered into these amicable arrangements with Athens, before she began to repent of her hurriedmovements. She had been always jealous of the influence of Athensin the western seas; and she looked with suspicion upon the authoritywhich that state had lately acquired in Corcyra. An opportunity of abreach soon presented itself. Timotheus returning home with hisvictorious fleet, set some Zacynthian exiles ashore on their nativeislands: the Zacynthians in power complained to the Lacedæmonians;and the Lacedæmonian government declared it to be an injury whichcalled for immediate redress. A requisition to supply ships and forceswas instantly despatched by Lacedæmon to all her maritime allies,and so violent were her hostile intentions that she did not neglect tocrave the assistance even of Dionysius of Syracuse. War was notopenly declared against Athens, but a fleet of sixty triremes wascollected and placed under the command of Mnasippus, who was instructed " to take care of the Lacedæmonian interests in the westernG 284 EPAMEINONDAS.Tyranny of Thebes.seas, and to reduce Corcyra." The Athenians were so little consciousof offence, that they had dispersed their ships and disbanded their crews. As soon, however, as the warlike dispositions of Lacedæmonbecame known, they despatched for the protection of Corcyra threehundred targeteers, who entered the island by night, and orders weregiven to Timotheus to collect a naval force with all possible rapidity.The event of some of the recent engagements had taught Timotheusthe danger which he would have to encounter if he ventured out without a sufficient force; and as his cautious anxiety made his motionstoo slow for the national eagerness, he was deprived of his command,and supplanted by Iphicrates. Before Iphicrates, however, arrived offCorcyra, Mnasippus had been already defeated. At first he had beensuccessful, and had reduced the Corcyreans to such a state of famine,that although he had caused it to be proclaimed that he would sell asslaves any deserters who should come over to him, the inhabitants still continued to desert. But with his success his caution forsookhim. He allowed his troops an unlimited licence of plunder, and theyat last became so disorderly, that, not only his men, but even some ofhis officers , refused his command. The Corcyreans taking advantageof this circ*mstance made a sally upon their enemies; and althoughthey were repulsed and driven back to their town, they were so ablysupported by Stesicles , the Athenian general, that they renewed theassault, and were finally successful in putting the Lacedæmonian armyto flight. Mnasippus was killed, fighting bravely at the head of asmall party, who continued to support him. The remainder of thebesiegers withdrew to Leucas; and so precipitately did they fly, thatthey left behind them a large store of corn and wine, equal to supplythe immediate wants of the Corcyreans, and a body of slaves sufficientto repair the loss which had been occasioned by desertion and byfamine. Iphicrates arrived too late to support the interests of theCorcyreans; but he made himself master of nine out of ten triremes,which had been sent by Dionysius to assist the Lacedæmonians.Thebes, now freed from all apprehension of danger, began to displaythat tyrannical conduct which is so usual a concomitant of prosperity.Her designs were no longer directed against the aristocratical partyalone; but even those who favoured democratical views felt the oppression of her conduct. In particular the people of Thespiæ andPlatea, who had uniformly shown themselves the inveterate opponentsof Lacedæmonian usurpations, became the objects of her displeasureand were driven from their country. This conduct of the able leadersof the council of Thebes has been left unexplained by ancient writers;but if, in the absence of such authority, a conjecture may be hazarded,it is probable that the Platæans and Thespians had not displayed thatwillingness to accede to the dominion of Thebes over the Boeotiancities , which it was so much the favourite object of that republic topromote. The situation of the exiles from these small states washighly deplorable. They had long been the avowed enemies of Lace-EPAMEINONDAS. 85dæmon, and they had lately suffered severely from her resentment;and, although they had been the constant supporters of the demo- cratical party, and had been formerly connected by habits of friendshipwith Athens, yet Athens was now the ally and the vigorous supporterof Thebes. There was, therefore, no quarter to which they couldapply for the redress of their wrongs with any probable prospect ofsuccess. But, in the desperate situation of their affairs, it was necessarythat they should attempt something for their preservation; and, inthe faint hope that the remembrance of the former amity might inclinethe Athenians to listen to their petition, they despatched ministers to Athens.PlatæansAthens.The representations of the Thespian and Platean exiles created a The much more lively interest at Athens than their most sanguine expect- send anations could have led them to imagine. The Athenian people had embassy to already begun to long for peace; for, although the prosperous condition of their naval affairs entitled them to look forward to success, as a circ*mstance that was almost certain, and not far distant, yet the longcontinuance of the war and the support of their ships had nearly exhausted their treasury; and if they had, at one time, entertained awell-grounded fear of the encroachments of the Lacedæmonians, theyhad now equal, if not greater, cause to be jealous of the increasingprosperity of Thebes, which was a nearer neighbour than Lacedæmon,and might, consequently, become a much more inconvenient enemy.Thus the private considerations of self- interest, strongly called intoaction by the appeal of the people of Thespia and Platea, turned the thoughts of the Athenians from hostile measures, and induced them to form the resolution of endeavouring to promote a general peace.the purpose of effecting this desirable object, it was decreed that an embassy should be sent to the Lacedæmonians to concert measuresfor summoning a congress of the different states of Greece, and messengers were in the mean time directed to Thebes to acquaint the people of that city with the measures which had been adopted at Athens, and to endeavour to obtain their concurrence.ForARFicaCoin of Lacedæmon.The congress assembled at the requisition of Athens, met at Lace- Congress atdæmon, and the Athenian ministers were the first to address it. They Lacedæmon.86 EPAMEINONDAS.of the Lacedæ- monian Congress.enlarged upon the benefits which would have accrued to Greece, if theLacedæmonians had preserved inviolate the peace of Antalcidas, in sofar as regarded those terms of it, which covenanted for the independ- ence of every Grecian state; and if they had not exacted from all thoseover whom they possessed or acquired power, the promise that they would follow the Lacedæmonians wherever they should lead; and theyconcluded by insisting upon the independence of each state as an indis- pensable requisite to any peace that should now be arranged. If theAthenians had reason in the prosperous state of their affairs to wish to procure peace, the adverse fortune of the Lacedæmonians deprivedthem of the least inclination to object to terms, which were indeedmore just and reasonable, but to which a short period before in the plenitude of their power they would not have listened for a moment.The rest of the members of the congress had no cause to refuse their concurrence. It was agreed, therefore, that a peace should be concluded, in which it should be stipulated that every state should be independent; that the Lacedæmonians should withdraw from all theGrecian cities under their power those governors who, under the nameof harmosts, controlled the operations and overawed the deliberationsof the citizens; that the armies of the belligerent powers should beStipulations disbanded, and their fleets laid up; that, if any state were injured byany power, a member of the confederacy, the other friendly powers should immediately coalesce and redress the wrongs of the injuredparty; and that neither the Lacedæmonian nor any other communityshould attempt to force any independent state to join in hostilitiesagainst those with whom they were united by ties of amity and friendship. The whole congress, and perhaps the deputies of Thebes, morethan those of the other Grecian powers, were surprised and astonishedat the facility with which Lacedæmon acceded to the terms proposed;and this surprise, joined to the general satisfaction which pervaded the assembly, led them incautiously into a concurrence which either theirinstructions did not warrant, or more probably their inclinations did not approve. On the ensuing day, however, they endeavoured toremedy their error, and for this purpose they took advantage of an informality into which, as they alleged, they had been unconsciouslyand unintentionally betrayed. The ministers of the Athenians andthose of their allies had each acceded to the treaty in the name of their respective governments; while the Lacedæmonians had taken the oath,as well for their allies as for themselves. It was in the name of Thebesalone that the Theban deputies had sworn to the faithful observance ofthe peace; and the error which, as they asserted, had on their part been committed, was that they had not taken the oath on behalf ofthe whole Boeotian cities; and they now insisted that they should be permitted to rectify their mistake. This device produced the desiredeffect; for Agesilaus declared , on the part of the Spartans, that hewould not allow of the proposed alteration, but that the Thebans wereat liberty, if they should think proper, entirely to renounce the treaty.EPAMEINONDAS. 87The Thebans persisted in this determination , and Thebes stood aloneopposed to the united power of the whole of Greece.LatinSuch is the account of the transactions of the Grecian congress, as Discrepancies narrated by Xenophon, who neither mentions the names of the Theban of Greek anddeputies, nor records any particular address that they delivered before Historians.the assembly. The account of later writers is considerably different.Diodorus, Nepos, and Plutarch, concur in placing Epameinondas atthe head of the Theban deputation; and Plutarch has further relateda speech of Epameinondas, inveighing against the Lacedæmonians,and which, he observes, produced the effect of shaking the attachment of their allies. In this discordance of authority, it seems best againto adopt a middle course, and to give credence only to such parts ofthe account transmitted by Plutarch, as are either not at variance withthe contemporary, and consequently higher authority of Xenophon, or which, being altogether omitted by Xenophon, appear not of improbable occurrence. That Thebes should make choice of Epameinondas,the most able of her counsellors, to attend to her interests at anassembly in whose deliberations she was highly interested, and bywhose resolutions she might be deeply affected , is such an event aswe should most naturally expect. On the contrary, we feel inclinedentirely to reject that oration which is attributed to Epameinondas,not on the ground that the attachment of allies is weakened commonly by private communication rather than by public harangue, " forthe history of Greece contains numerous instances of similar effectshaving been produced by a bold and spirited address; but, for thereason that the account of Plutarch is at complete variance with that ofXenophon. This author narrates that when the Thebans refused toaccede to the treaty unless the alterations which they proposed wereadopted, the Athenians considered Thebes as lost; and the Thebanministers themselves reflecting on the imminence of the danger whichthreatened their country from the combined opposition of Greece, departed in much dejection.66On the part of the Lacedæmonians and Athenians, the terms of thetreaty were most punctually executed; the Athenians ordered Iphicrates to return home with his victorious fleet; and the Lacedæmoniansrecalled her military rulers from the cities which they governed, andwithdrew her troops from the territories of her allies.The army inPhocis, under the command of Cleombrotus, was alone left withoutorders; and that general, equally fearful of offending, as well by inactivity as by action, despatched messengers to Lacedæmon for instructions. A meeting of the assembly was summoned, and the result oftheir deliberations was, that the king received immediate orders toprosecute hostilities, if Thebes would not acknowledge the independence of the Baotian towns,the war Epameinondas and Pelopidas had already declared with firmness Renewal of their determination not to accede to the treaty, except upon the con- betweenditions that they had specified; and their resolution was too strong, Thebes Lacedæmon and88 EPAMEINONDAS.B.C. 371. and it was founded upon reasons too solid to be shaken by the hostilemeasures of the Lacedæmonians. The conduct of that people whichfollowed the peace of Persia had given them sufficient experience tomake them distrust the sincerity with which Lacedæmon was inclinedto observe the terms of treaties; and to relinquish their dominion overthe cities of Boeotia, would be to weaken their powers of defence.Thebes, indeed, stood alone in the contest, not merely unsupported byany Grecian state, but opposed apparently to the whole of Greece;but she had sufficient grounds on which to found her hopes of ultimate success, as well from the excellent condition of her own country,as from the distracted and discordant state of those republics that constituted the confederacy that opposed her. The Thebans, it is true,had for ages been so notorious for the slowness of their abilities, thatnotwithstanding that the splendid genius of Pindar had, in somedegree, lessened the opprobrium, the name of Baotian continued to bethroughout Greece a proverbial expression to denote stupidity; but,at the same time that their mental energies had been despised, theyhad been long universally admired for their bodily strength and firm- ness. Since the death of Pindar, no poet, no orator, no historian, noman ofgenius in any department of literature or of science, had arisenPhysical and in Thebes to repel and refute the calumny with which they werecharacter of assailed, and the Thebans had long neglected the pursuit of mental the Thebans. excellence; but of those exercises which are in a peculiar manner reintellectualquisite to fit a people for warlike exertions and martial achievements,they had not been negligent. And at the period of which we are nowtreating, they were eminently famous for the peculiar care with whichthey cultivated, and for the dexterity and skill with which they performed, the gymnastic exercises; for the superior condition of theircavalry, both in arms and in exercise; and equally for the variety, asfor the excellence of the modes in which they ordered and arrangedtheir troops in battle. With such a people there were only wanting,in order to insure their present success and their future fame, a generalof talents and skill to lead and direct their operations, and that emulation of superiority, and that enthusiasm and ardour in the cause inwhich they were engaged, without which, it may be truly said, noarmy was ever successful. In Epameinondas and in Pelopidas thefirst requisite was ably supplied; for those generals were men of suchtalent, intrepidity, and experience, that if they had not surpassed, theyhad shown themselves fully equal to any of those great characters,who conducted the councils and led the armies of the other states ofGreece. In the latter respect, the late events in which they had beenengaged had powerfully operated in rousing among the Thebans aspirit which they had not formerly possessed, or which till now hadlain dormant in consequence of the want of sufficient excitation. Theyhad spurned the oppression of Sparta, and in desperation had thrownoff the yoke of their oppressors: in defensive war success had, as yet,crowned their endeavours; and the former disturbed state of theirEPAMEINONDAS. 89country had bound many of them by the strictest ties and the closest engagements to live and to die in the defence of their national independence. All these circ*mstances combined to give such energy andactivity to their measures, that it might be said without exaggeration,that the Thebans now sighed as much for the uncertain glory of war,as they had formerly longed for the ease and security of peace.On the other hand, the condition of Greece in general, and of Lace- Difficulties ofdæmon in particular, encouraged the opposition of Thebes. By the Spartan policy.extraordinary regulations of Lycurgus, Sparta had been enabled, solong as she continued with strictness to adhere to those regulations,to gain for herself the fame, of being the most virtuous and the mostwarlike of the republics of ancient Greece; but those regulationswere evidently of such a kind , they were so connected together and interwoven with one another, that it was impossible partially to receive ,and partially to reject them. While the Spartans, therefore, continuedto remain a poor but independent nation, and strictly to follow themaxim of avoiding war, except in so far as it was necessary for the defence and preservation of their territories, she continued to preserveher eminence; but, when she was seized with the desire of wealth,and the ambition of foreign conquest, she ought either to have adopted an entirely new system of policy, or, at least, to have remitted thatinstitution of her ancient lawgiver, which checked commercial intercourse, and forbade the communication of the rights of citizenship to every stranger whatever might be his merits or his claims. But, withthe success of the Spartans, their pretensions had increased; and they not only spurned at the idea of conferring equality of rights upon thefederal states of Peloponnesus, but they had withdrawn even from the Lacedæmonians their just share in the government, and had confined and limited all exercise of power and authority to the senate andto the people of Sparta. By such conduct, and by conduct similar to this, the Spartans had detached many of those, who were now associated with them in appearance, from any sincere concurrence in theiroperations, and from that cordiality in their interests, which a more liberal policy would have insured. The Theban leaders were wellacquainted with these sentiments of dissatisfaction, which were diffused through the confederated states, and knew that many of them, andthat Athens, in particular, would rather rejoice at than deplore thedepression of Sparta, and would more willingly assert than controlthe endeavour of any state opposed to that commonwealth. They hadevengrounds for believing, that this spirit of discord pervaded the armyin Boeotia; and they knew that there were many who had little con- fidence in the abilities and zeal of Cleombrotus. Epameinondas had,therefore, no cause to be displeased with the force or the disposition ofThebes; he had no powerful danger to dread from the enmity of a con- federacy, more nominal than real; but, on the contrary, he entertained ,from these complex reasons, well- founded hopes of the ultimate successof that opposition to Greece, in which he had involved his country.90 EPAMEINONDAS.Battle of Leuctra.B. C. 371 .In order to lose no opportunity of defence, the Theban troops weremarched to occupy that defile, by which it was supposed that theLacedæmonians would enter their territories. But Cleombrotus, instead of proceeding by a direct line into Boeotia, led his army bya circuitous route towards the south, and after taking Creusis, a portin the gulf of Corinth, with twelve triremes, which were lying in theharbour, he proceeded without opposition, and encamped in the plain of Leuctra.The Lacedæmonian army has been estimated at four and twentythousand foot, and sixteen thousand horse; the Theban forces did notamount to the half of this number. When the Thebans, then, hadbeen disappointed in their expectation of opposing their enemies inthe fastnesses which conducted to their territories, where they mighthave possessed the advantage of superiority of ground, to counterbalance the inferiority of number, they had nothing to hope for but arecurrence of all those calamities, which had been heaped upon theirunhappy country by the late expedition of Agesilaus. But, notwithstanding that the disadvantages under which he laboured were great,Epameinondas was determined to risk the event of a battle. Thetowns of Boeotia were held in subjection by a very precarious authority;many of them were ready, on the first appearance of hostilities, to opentheir gates to the enemy; and the rest were not only prepared torevolt upon the slightest success of the Lacedæmonian arms, but itwas not improbable that even the Thebans would, if hostilities wereprotracted for any length of time, discover a disposition to yield,rather than submit to suffer the miseries to which want would exposethem. With what feelings soever Epameinondas may have beenagitated, or how forlorn soever he may have conceived his situation ,he was, in these circ*mstances, determined to exert every nerve in thedefence of his country, and to omit no expedient which could bypossibility tend to animate and encourage his troops; and it wouldhave been unpardonable in him to have neglected any device, bywhich his success could be in the smallest degree promoted. The aidof superstition, that powerful incentive to the minds of the lowerorders of all countries, but particularly to the imaginative Greeks, wasnot forgotten. The little village of Leuctra, which was situated inthe plain ofthe same name, where the Lacedæmonians were assembled,was, as yet, famous for nothing but the tomb of two virgins, thedaughters of Scedasus, who, in the remote ages of Greece, had beenviolated by some Spartan youths, and had at once terminated theirexistence and their disgrace by a voluntary death. The antiquity ofthe event had not effaced its remembrance; a popular rumour that "Lacedæmonian army should be defeated at the virgins' tomb," wasindustriously circulated; and the tomb itself, to augment the effectwhich such a rumour was likely to produce, was solemnly and ceremoniously decorated. In addition to this, it was reported that all thetemples in Thebes had spontaneously opened, and that the priestessesaEPAMEINONDAS. 91had interpreted the event as ominous of the success of the Thebans;and that the shield in the temple of Hercules, the tutelar deity ofThebes, had disappeared, and that the god himself was to assist theThebans in the ensuing battle.Crescent of Troops.dæmonianThe infantry of the enemy was drawn up in the form of a crescent, Position ofthe favourite order of the Lacedæmonians. Along the front of the the Laceright wing, which was commanded by Cleombrotus, the cavalry was force.arrayed in squadrons; and the left wing was composed of the allies,and headed by Archidamus. The Theban cavalry, it has already beenmentioned, were the most famous in Greece, well equipped, welltrained, and from the late wars experienced in service. Calculatingupon the impression which these troops would make upon the Lacedæmonian horse, which were the worst troops in the Lacedæmonianservice, Epameinondas placed them in the van of his left wing, whichhe commanded himself, and which he drew up fifty deep; the moreeffectually to take advantage of the disorder, into which it was probable that the infantry of the enemy would be thrown, by the retreat oftheir own horse. Pelopidas, and the sacred band, that body whose members had bound themselves rather to die in the defence of theircountry, than live under its subjection, occupied the extremity of theTheban right wing. To prevent his troops from being encompassedby the arms of the long- extended crescent of the Lacedæmonians,Epameinondas lengthened, as much as he could with safety, his rightwing; leaving it in some parts not more than six deep; and orderingit in an oblique line, so that as they weakened, they gradually receded from the army of the enemy.The battle commenced with the cavalry, and proved, in its continuance, the most bloody action ever known in Greece, or betweenGrecians. The Lacedæmonian horse were unable to withstand thewell-directed attack of the Thebans, and were quickly broken, throwninto confusion, and forced back upon their own infantry. The consequent disorder which ensued in the Lacedæmonian line, affordedEpameinondas an opportunity of performing one of those evolutions92 EPAMEINONDAS.which are generally decisive of the fate of battles. Conceiving thatthe Lacedæmonians would, when they had sufficiently recoveredthemselves, renew the attack upon his right wing, which appeared,from its oblique position , ready for flight, he formed the least numerous,but the best and most able division of his army into a compact wedgewith spreading sides. He was not deceived in the expectation whichhe had formed, the Lacedæmonians, whenever they had rallied , directedtheir attempts against the Theban right wing. Their onset wascrowned with a momentary success; but Epameinondas immediately seizing the advantage which this occurrence afforded him, rushedforward with his phalanx, and darting, says Xenophon, like the beakof a galley upon the Lacedæmonians, swept everything before him, andwas uninterrupted in his course till he reached that part of the field inwhich Cleombrotus held his station. The Lacedæmonians rallied indefence of their king; but although they were fortunate enoughultimately to repel the desperate assault of their enemies, they werenot able to preserve the life of their leader, who received a mortalwound, and was carried lifeless from the field of battle. When thedeath of their king became generally known, dismay spread over theLacedæmonian army. This feeling was but temporary; anger, rage, anddespair soon fired every Lacedæmonian bosom, and animated everyaction; and the contest was renewed with redoubled vigour betweenthe right wing of the enemy and the phalanx of Epameinondas. Butthe Lacedæmonian left wing composed of the allies, who had neverheartily engaged in the action, took advantage of the confusion occaDefeat of the sioned by the death of Cleombrotus, and fled in every direction.Lacedæmo- Lacedæmonians then no longer able to support alone the firm andsteady attack of the Thebans, retreated to their camp, and formedbehind its entrenchments. Epameinondas was thus checked in thepursuit of his enemies; for the elevated site of the camp, and theapparent strength with which it was fortified, afforded no expectation of further success. On the side of the Lacedæmonians the loss wasgreat; and Decnon, the polemarch, who was next in command to theking, Sphodrias, and his son Cleonymus, were among the number of the slain.nians.TheThe Lacedæmonians had now sufficient time to recover themselves,and leisure to reflect on their defeat; and they looked with mixedfeelings of horror and sorrow upon the disgrace which they hadincurred. It was the first time since the days of Lycurgus, it wasbelieved, that a Lacedæmonian army had been vanquished by aninferior force; and, at all events, so rare was the occurrence , thatit was universally believed to be impossible. A council of war wassummoned to consider of the measures which ought to be adopted.A few, and but a few, whom the courageous spirit of their ancestorshad not deserted , declared their willingness to die, rather than tosurvive their disgrace, and expressed it as their opinion, that theLacedæmonians ought not even now to yield. It was true, theyEPAMEINONDAS. 93observed, that they had been greatly reduced, but their numbers stillfar exceeded those of the enemy; there was therefore yet a hope ofvictory, and it was unfitting that the Lacedæmonians should crave atruce for the burial of their dead, which would amount to an acknowledgment that they were discomfited; but that, on the contrary, boththe dignity and the honour of Lacedæmon, and the ancient gloryof her name, required that they should return to the field and recover their dead by their own valour and by the force of arms. But thisbold and spirited measure was rejected by the cautious prudence ofthe majority ofthe council. When the surviving polemarchs reflectedthat of seven hundred Spartans, who had, on the commencementof the day, formed part of the army, only three hundred had returnedsafe from the field of action; that a thousand of those Lacedæmonians,who were not dignified with the name, nor entitled to the privilegesof Spartans, had fallen in the battle; and that the allies, althoughtheir loss had been comparatively less, were not only unwilling, buthad actually refused to renew the combat, and rather discoveredpleasure at the disasters of the Lacedæmonians, than condoled withtheir misfortunes, they were compelled to submit to the necessity oftheir affairs, and to admit, how reluctantly soever, that they hadsustained a complete defeat, and that Epameinondas and his Thebanswere the victors of the day. A herald was accordingly despatched bythe Lacedæmonians to demand a truce, and to request permission ofthe Thebans to bury their dead. Thus terminated the battle ofLeuctra, the most memorable, perhaps, in the annals of ancient Greece;the most bloody in its engagement, and the most fatal in its catastrophe:and, in its consequences, the most important; for, by it, Lacedæmonwas first seriously checked in the tyranny of her course: the charm ofher invincibility, by which her allies had been preserved in theirallegiance, was broken; and if we look still farther, we may considerit as the primary and leading cause of the dissolution of that confederacy, by which Greece had been enabled to maintain so paramounta pre-eminence among the nations of the ancient world, and by thedissolution of which she finally became the subject of those, whomshe had always styled and regarded as barbarians.the news ofproduced at Sparta.The messengers who conveyed the melancholy news of the victory Effect whichof the Thebans, reached Sparta at that moment when the inhabitants the battle ofwere engaged in the celebration of the national games. The chorus of Leuctramen were on the stage, when they delivered their despatches to theEphors. Without discovering any emotion at the intelligence communicated to them, they proclaimed aloud the names of those whohad fallen in the plain of Leuctra, admonished the women to refrainfrom useless lamentations, and commanded the festival to proceed.On the morrow, the same real or affected apathy, and the same peculiarity of conduct, which was the natural result of the institutions ofLycurgus, were visible in the behaviour, in the manner, and in thedress of every citizen. The stern legislator of Sparta had left but94 EPAMEINONDAS.Effects which the battle of LeuctraGreece.one alternative to that Spartan whom ignoble flight had carried fromthe field of battle: he might either retire into banishment, exposed to all the hardships and all the contumely to which theanimosity of offended tribes would expose him; or, he might remain,at home, excluded from the public assemblies, incapacitated fromholding any office of honour or of power, and driven almost out of thepale of society. The relations of those who had fallen in the cause oftheir country, appeared in public with countenances beaming with joy,and every action expressed the pride which they felt, and theirunfeigned satisfaction, at the conduct of their kinsmen who had yielded up the victory only with their lives. On the other hand, the friendsof the vanquished, who had preferred a disgraceful existence to aglorious death, either remained at home, or if they were, throughnecessity, obliged to walk abroad, their looks were downcast anddejected, their garments disordered and rent, their steps slow andmelancholy, their whole appearance indicative of the most deep and contrite sorrow. But, for once, the denunciation of that sentence ofperpetual ignominy, which the extreme rigour of the Spartan lawsordained, and which was expected with so much humility and resignation, was suspended by Agesilaus. The criminals were numerous,and many of them of high rank and noble extraction; and Sparta, inher depopulated state, could not well afford to sacrifice three hundredof her citizens, in vindication of the honour of the laws. The Lacedæmonians omitted not, however, any exertion which could contribute toefface the dishonour which they had incurred; they placed under thecommand of Archidamus all capable of bearing arms, even of those inoffice who had been, on the former occasion, exempted from marchingunder Cleombrotus; and they hastened requisitions to the severalallies, to furnish, with the utmost expedition, their respective contingents of troops.Among most of the other states of Greece, the news of the battleof Leuctra made that impression on which Epameinondas had calcuproduced in lated. They rejoiced at the success of the Thebans, they weredelighted that a power had arisen, of strength sufficient to curb theimperiousness of Sparta; and, whilst the more powerful indulged theexpectation of revenging their injuries upon the haughty senators,those of less strength and feebler exertions looked forward with themost sanguine hopes to the immediate prospect, which the success ofThebes afforded them, of throwing off the dominion, and being freedfrom the heavy exactions to which they had been for so long subjected.It was in Athens alone, that the defeat of the Lacedæmonians washeard without demonstrations of joy. Immediately subsequent to thebattle, the Thebans had despatched ministers to that city, with theview, the more certainly to insure, by the promptness of the communication, the interest and the assistance of her citizens. But, although the transactions of the field of Leuctra could not be unwelcome intelligence to the republican government of Athens, she showed herselfEPAMEINONDAS. 95capable of checking the immediate impulse of revenge, and acted witha moderation which discovered a more deep and far-sighted policy.The Theban ministers were not merely received with neglect, buttreated almost with insult; and they were dismissed without beingeven introduced in public: an attention, on such occasions, of themost ordinary and common occurrence. But the feeling of revengeagainst Lacedæmon had died away in Athens with the depression ofthat state; and Thebes had risen to an eminence, and might assumean importance amongthe Grecian states, which excited in the Atheniansa cautious but not an imprudent jealousy of her power.to Jason forAt the same time that the Thebans had sent intelligence to Athens, Applicationthey had despatched ministers to request the assistance of Jason of of ThebesPheræ, in Thessaly, who was perhaps the most extraordinary character assistance.of his age. Eminent by birth, superior by the endowments both ofmind and body, and powerful from popularity, he soon became famousin the factions of his native city; from the diligence with which hetrained the mercenary troops which it was common to employ in thosefactions, from his courage and skill in commanding them, and fromthe art that he possessed of attaching them to his interest. In processof time he was enabled to extend his authority beyond the narrow precincts of Pheræ, and succeeded in bringing most of the Thessaliantowns under that kind of subjection, which was distinguished by thename of confederacy. But his ambition did not rest here. It hadbeen the custom of the different republics of Thessaly, in times ofdifficulty and danger, to appoint a common general, under the nameof Tagus; and to this distinguished honour Jason aspired. In order to his attainment of it, it was requisite that he should procure theassent of every Thessalian state; and in this he had been successful,except in the instance of Pharsalus, where he met with a powerfulopponent in Polydamas, whom birth , riches , and hospitality hadraised to an authority almost princely. He commanded the citadel of the Pharsalians; he had their revenue at his disposal, and he directedand controlled their councils. But in his opposition to the artfulpolicy of Jason he had been unsuccessful; for, although his utmostabilities and the whole force of Pharsalia had been exerted to protectthe city from the encroachments of the ambitious Pheræan, all their endeavours had proved unequal to the task. But the able mindof Jason looked far beyond the renown which could be derived fromthe petty warfare of two small Thessalian cities: even the reductionof the whole of Greece was an object too small for his enterprisingspirit; and he had conceived the vast idea of subjecting the Persianempire to his control. To reduce Pharsalus by force of arms, ifhe had any hopes of success, by peaceable means, was an exertionunworthy of his talents; and he accordingly sent messengers to requesta conference with Polydamas. After asserting his determination Vast andto reduce every Thessalian town under his subjection, but if it were comprehenpracticable rather by negotiation than by violence, he represented how Jason.sive plans of96 EPAMEINONDAS.Gains overeasy it would be for Polydamas to second his intentions by persuadingthe Pharsalian people; how difficult it would be to oppose them his experience must have already taught him. It was his resolution tobecome the first man in Greece, and it was in the power of Polydamasto hold the second rank. So far was his project from being impracticable, it presented few, and those but trifling obstacles. In cavalry,in heavy-armed infantry, in targeteers, Thessaly possessed already aformidable force; and he had under his command a body of mercenarytroops, more choice and better disciplined than was possessed by any commonwealth in Greece. With the Boeotian states he was on termsof friendship, and Athens herself had courted his alliance; but hewished not to form a connection with the Athenians, for that peopleconsidered themselves the first maritime power in Greece, andboasted their pre-eminence; and it was his design to make Thessalyin this respect her successful rival: a project more easy of execution,and more certain of success, than even his designs by land; forAthens was supplied with timber from Macedonia, which was muchnearer to Thessaly; in sailors, she had none who could contend withhis Penestian subjects; and in revenue, Thessaly was far richer, andher tributary estates incomparably more valuable than the far-scatteredislands which acknowledged Athenian dominion.The force and the justness of the reasoning of Jason were admittedPolydamas by Polydamas; but Pharsalus was in amity with Lacedæmon, and to his interest. the integrity ofher ruler was inviolable. At the suggestion of Jason,however he consented to proceed to Lacedæmon, to request herassistance. After three days of deliberation, the Lacedæmoniansacknowledged their incapacity to protect their ally, and left him and his Pharsalians to consult for their own interest. Polydamas, therefore, on his return, brought the Pharsalians to acquiesce in the appointment of Jason to the title and dignity of the Tagus of Thessaly; andhe was himself, at his own request, placed in command of the citadel of Pharsalus.Such was the situation of the citizen of Phere at the time of thebattle of Leuctra; and we may form an estimate of the formidableextent of his power from the number of his forces, which amounted tomore than twenty thousand heavy-armed foot, eight thousand horse,and a body of targeteers, large enough, says the contemporary historianof Greece, for war with all the world. The battle of Leuctra was anevent of that description most likely to excite in the active mind ofJason the liveliest interest; and immediately upon the arrival of theTheban ministers, he ordered a fleet to be equipped, and putting himself in command of his mercenaries, and a small body of horse, he proceeded with this small force with such rapidity through the territoriesof the Phocians, with whom Thessaly was at war, that, by his ownarrival, the intelligence of his expedition became first known in everytown through which he passed. Neither time nor opportunity wasgiven to his enemies to collect a force sufficient to oppose him, and1EPAMEINONDAS. 97without sustaining loss, he arrived in the territories of Boeotia. But Histhe same motives which had actuated the Athenians, displayed them- movements.selves in the conduct of Jason. Satisfied with the humiliation ofLacedæmon, he was not desirous of her destruction; for it accordednot with his political views that Thebes should become too powerful.Instead, therefore, of assisting the Thebans to crush their enemies, heset himself about terminating hostilities; and he was successful inprocuring a truce. The Lacedæmonians took advantage of the temporary suspension of warfare, and decamping in the evening, they restednot in their march till they reached Argostheni, in the territory ofMegara. Here they were joined by Archidamus, and those troops that Lacedæmon had sent to their relief; and as the remnant of theLacedæmonian army of Leuctra had now reached a peaceful country,and the object of the expedition under Archidamus was thus accomplished, the troops were conducted to Corinth, where the allies weredismissed, and the Lacedæmonians were marched home to Lacedæmon.The subsequent life of Jason is foreign to the life of Epameinondas,and to a history of the Theban wars; but the extraordinary mind ofthe man seems to deserve some brief notice of his subsequent fortune.A premature death prevented the execution of those extensive schemeswhich he projected. Whether he would have been able, had his lifebeen spared, to realize his splendid designs, it would now be vain toconjecture; but his hopes were evidently not founded upon a meredream ofambition. The state of Greece was singularly favourable tohis project; and his own talents and resources well calculated for thework in which he intended to employ them. But his career wasearly interrupted; the last military action of Jason which remainsupon record, is the revenge which he exercised against the Phocians,bythe reduction of Heracleia, on his return from Thessaly. Powerfulby the strength of the forces of his own country, and by his numerousalliances, he was acknowledged to be the greatest potentate of hisage; and he resolved to display his magnificence at the PythianGames, by proposing the reward of a golden crown to that city whichshould produce the finest ox, and by an easy impost, he was enabledto collect from the various towns which acknowledged the authorityof the Tagus of Thessaly, more than a thousand oxen, and ten thousand smaller cattle. After reviewing the cavalry of Pheræ, Jasonhad attired to give audience to those who wished to consult him.Seven youths approached, under the pretence of receiving his decision He is upon some matter in dispute; but they had no sooner gained admit- murdered.tance, than they discovered their real object, and Jason was assassinated. Of the perpetrators of this act, two were slain by the guards,and the rest made their escape: the motives of their act are coveredbythe veil of obscurity. No revolution ensued to mark it as the consequence of political intrigue; but there was sufficient to evince boththe popularity of Jason in Thessaly, and the dread which his talents,and the probable success of his projects had created among the rest of[H. G. ]H98 EPAMEINONDAS.the states of Greece. Ofthe former we require no stronger confirmation, than that his brothers, Polydamus and Polyphron, were appointedhis successors, and that his assassins, unable to secure protection, wereforced to fly from Thessaly; and of the latter, the circ*mstance thatthese assassins were received by many of the other states of Greece with every mark of respect and of honour, is a sufficient testimony.ΑΤΗΣAION!ARCongress at Athens.Coin ofAthens.It has been already remarked, that it was the policy of the able leaders of the Athenian councils to hold the balance even between thetwo contending states of Lacedæmon and of Thebes, and to permitneither to acquire the preponderancy. In pursuance of this policy,Athens had, immediately after the battle of Leuctra, refused to assistthe Thebans in their plans of annihilating the power of the Lacedæmonian aristocracy; and, with the same view, she now thought itnecessary, in consequence of some recent occurrences among thedifferent states of Peloponnesus, to assemble a congress at Athens.The Peloponnesians had, along with the rest of the inhabitants ofGreece, and probably in a more forcible manner, experienced theoppression of Sparta, and many of them had rejoiced at the prosperityof Thebes; but, as soon as they found themselves relieved from theimmediate presence of Lacedæmonian tyranny, the remembrance oftheir former alliances, of their ancient glory, returned upon them intheir fullest force: and this disposition was somewhat increased bythe fear, lest if Thebes, a state beyond Peloponnesus, should becomesupreme in Greece, the Peloponnesians would lose that importancewhich the superiority of Lacedæmon, and their connexion with her,had acquired for them, and should sink into a state of insignificanceand obscurity. Frequent conferences, promoted by these views, hadbeen, in consequence, held by the members of the different commonwealths of Peloponnesus; and it had been resolved by them, that theywould return to their former dependence upon Lacedæmon, and wouldadhere to their former system of following the Lacedæmonians uponevery occasion wherever they should think proper to conduct them.Athens felt alarm lest these measures should revive the now fallenpower of Lacedæmon, and raise her to her former stability; and theobject she had in view, in summoning the congress, was to renew theterms ofthe peace of Antalcidas. According to the requisition oftheEPAMEINONDAS. 99Athenians, a congress assembled at Athens, and it was attended bydeputies from almost every state in Greece. The Athenians immediately laid open their object in summoning the meeting: that ofrenewing the security of the independence of each state; and theyproposed an oath, by which every deputy was required to swear that" he would abide by the terms of the peace which the king sent, andby the decrees of the Athenians and their allies; and that, if any statepartaking in the oath should be attacked , he would assist that statewith all his strength." Of all the deputies of the Grecian powers,those of Elis alone refused to accede to the proposals of the Athenians;and they insisted that Elis should be permitted to retain her sovereigntyover the people of Megara, Scillus, and Triphylia.Mantineasenate.But this congress at Athens, so unanimous in its resolutions, and Re-establishby which it was intended to secure universal independence, and the mentofgeneral peace of Greece, was the remote cause of a war, which ulti- and hermately involved every Grecian state. By the destruction of Mantineaby the Lacedæmoniaus, after the peace of Antalcidas, the democraticalparty of the government of that city had been entirely annihilated,while the aristocratical, if it had not been strengthened by the event,had, at least, lost none of its importance or power. In the villagesto which they had been forced to retire, the wealthier inhabitants ,those constituting the aristocracy, possessed unimpaired the sameauthority they had enjoyed during the existence of their capital; butthe democratical leaders had been, by that event, deprived of the solemeans by which they could either maintain or acquire any ascendancy-that of addressing assembled multitudes, and through that mediuminflaming their passions, and inspiriting their conduct. With the success of Thebes the hopes of the democracy had somewhat revived;but the resolutions of the congress of Athens, by which provision wasagain made for a general political independence, incited their activity,and prompted them to propose the re- establishment of their ancientcity, and the restoration of their assembly. At a meeting which wasconvened, the proposal met with a favourable reception; and it wasdecreed by the Mantineans, that the families forming the old capitalshould collect together, and that the place should be immediatelyfortified. Even the influence of Agesilaus, who had not thought thatthe employment of ambassador to a petty city was, on such an occasion, unworthy either of his rank or his character, was inadequate toimpede the progress of their operations, or to prevent the destructionof the power of that party which was favourable to aristocracy; andafter much negotiation, probably intrigue, the final answer which they received from the Mantineans was, "that the decree passed bythe Mantinean people could not be rescinded." But, although Agesilaus departed not without feelings of disgust and resentment, yet itwas with the conviction that it was neither right nor politic, that theLacedæmonians should be the first to infringe the articles of the latetreaty.H 2100 EPAMEINONDAS.Confederacy of Arcadia.FirstThe democratical party of Tegea, encouraged by the success of theMantineans, resolved next to attempt the restoration of their party,and with it to augment the general importance of their city. But theTegeans had greater difficulties to surmount; for, as they were ruledby an aristocratical administration, united in its measures, they couldentertain but faint hopes that a proposal, limited to the small territoryof Tegea, would meet with success. They therefore extended theirviews, and proposed the bold and intrepid, but ultimately successfulplan, of uniting the whole of Arcadia under one government. It is unnecessary for us to trace, with any minuteness of detail, the meansby which this object was accomplished: the rejection of the proposedinnovation by the general assembly of the Arcadian states, producedby the influence of Hasippus, the leader of the aristocratical party;the events of the war which was waged by Proxenus and Callibius,the heads of the democracy; the temporary success of Hasippus, andthe death of Proxenus; his final defeat, and the complete success ofthe popular party; and the erection, under the name of Megalopolis,of a new city, a common capital, upon the southern bank of Arcadia,and in the vale of the Alpheus-a site which was highly approvedand commended by the Theban leaders, who are allowed to have beenthe principal promoters of the measure, because its situation, in theimmediate vicinity of Messenia and Laconia, afforded easy opportunitiesof either protecting the one, or annoying and harassing the other. Itis requisite, however, that we should mention that this revolutionwas not accomplished without crimes on the part of the Mantineans,who thus became guilty of the first infraction of the treaty of Athens;that Orchomenus alone, of all the Arcadian towns, from an inveteratehatred of the Mantineans, and a dread of their influence, refused togive her concurrence; and that the Lacedæmonians, furnished withbut too good an excuse for attacking the reigning party in Mantinea,and of supporting their friends of the aristocratical faction, and provided with too good a title to defend their ancient allies of Orchomenus,discovered no inclination to continue their late prudent temperance ofconduct, or to remain any longer inactive and peaceable spectators of events. An expedition, under the conduct of Agesilaus, advanced tothe assistance of Orchomenus; but it performed nothing remarkable.The Arcadians and the people of Elis avoided a general battle; andAgesilaus, pressed at last by the season, found it necessary to retire,after laying waste a part of the Mantinean territory, and gaining the advantage in a few skirmishes.Epameinondas had, in the mean time, left nothing undone which expedition of could tend to strengthen the cause of his country. The interference Epamei- nondas into of Lacedæmon in the affairs of Arcadia had been made use of to Peloponnesus Rovno represent the Lacedæmonians as infringers of the general treaty of Greece; and by the money of the Eleans, and the accession of the Phocians and their allies, a numerous army had been collected, overwhich Epameinondas was placed in the chief command. With soof Laconia.B. C. 370.EPAMEINONDAS. 101much secrecy, with such activity, had these operations of the Thebansbeen conducted, that not only the Lacedæmonians, but even theArcadians, the allies of Thebes, were ignorant of them; and Epameinondas reached Mantinea, while the Arcadians were actively engagedin the attack and plunder of the Neræans. But, although their preparations had been rapidly completed, the Lacedæmonian army hadbeen before their arrival withdrawn from Arcadia, and the Thebanleaders considered their winter expedition at an end. By the representations, however, of the Arcadians and Eleians (who, from theirproximity to Sparta, were better acquainted with the weak conditionof that city than the Thebans, whose situation was more remote) ,Epameinondas was persuaded, notwithstanding that the season wasso far advanced, to listen to a proposal of leading the united forcesimmediately into Laconia; and the plan met with his decided approbation, when he found the opinions of his allies fully confirmed bythe intelligence of some Lacedæmonian fugitives. It was the ruggedness of the frontier of Laconia that had presented to the mind ofEpameinondas the most serious obstacle; and the better to insuresuccess, he suggested that the Arcadian and Theban forces shouldseparate and attempt the ingress by different passes. The Arcadians proceeded by that defile which led by Ion, at one of thesources of the Eurotas, and in the district of Skiritis: Epameinondasmade choice of the difficult passage by Caryæ on the Enus, a brookwhose waters, after passing that city, almost immediately mingle with those of the Eurotas. Ischolaus, a Spartan, who had been placed indefence of the pass of Ion, was killed , and his army easily defeated bythe Arcadians: and as that entrance which had been chosen byEpameinondas was undefended, the two armies soon joined their forcesa little below Caryæ. The combined troops immediately proceededto the attack of Sellasia, in the vale of the Eurotas; and quickly reduced it to ashes. On the second day of the march from Caryæ,they arrived at the bridge that led to Sparta, which stood at no greatdistance on the opposite bank; but the passage was so stronglyguarded, that the confederate generals thought it prudent not toattempt it, and they continued their march down the river, carrying devastation with them in their progress. These transactions spread The Helotssuch consternation, not merely among the weak and cowardly, but enlisted.among the wise and courageous of Sparta, that liberty was proclaimedas the reward of those Helots who should be willing to lend theirassistance; and six thousand of them were in consequence enrolled .The urgent necessity of the moment, and the imminence of the danger,may have been a sufficient excuse for the adoption of a measure apparently so pregnant with evil consequences; but the temporary reliefwhich it afforded was soon overbalanced by the miseries to which itgave rise; for the Helots having once tasted of liberty, subsequentlyrefused to return to their former state, and the whole body rising inarms against their masters were the most efficient means of producing102 EPAMEINONDAS.that liberation of Messenia, which we shall soon have occasion tomention, as one of the fruits of this expedition. In the mean timethe measure was productive of advantage; for by their assistance, andthat of some auxiliaries from Corinth, and a few other towns whoseinterest bound them to support the Lacedæmonian cause, the alarmwhich had been excited was entirely stilled. Although the confederatearmy had been forced to desist from its attack upon Sparta, it had notabandoned the plain; and while these occurrences had taken placeamong the Lacedæmonians, it had proceeded in its route along the leftbank of the river, had crossed at Amycle, a little below Sparta, and was now advancing against that town. The horse had already proceeded as far as the horse-course and the temple of Poseidon, in theclose vicinity of Sparta; and they were rather encouraged than dismayed by the diminutive appearance of the Lacedæmonian cavalry.But when the infantry, which had been concealed by the temple ofthe Tyndarid, marched to their support, such was still the power ofthe Lacedæmonian name, that not only the allied horse, but even theinfantry, though much superior in number to that of the Lacedæmonians, retired with most evident symptoms of alarm. Agesilausadopted the prudent system of not risking an engagement, but wascontented with posting his men in advantageous situations. Theallied army withdrew and encamped at a small distance, when acouncil of war being soon after summoned to consult on the plan of operations which should be pursued, it was resolved that any furtherattempt upon Sparta would not only be useless, but fraught withextreme danger.The historians of antiquity have transmitted it as their opinion , thatthe name alone of Sparta saved her, and that she was so weak inforce, that she must have fallen before an army so numerous as thatof her enemies, if their operations had been directed with vigour andInfluence of with spirit. But the extent of his army, composed of troops fromEpameinon- different nations, and consequently difficult of restraint, was the reason das.which induced Epameinondas, when his enemy seemed so entirelywithin his power, to retreat without attempting to accomplish theprincipal object of his expedition. Implicit reliance on his talents,his courage, and his experience had commanded for him obedience aslong as the army continued on its march, and had enabled him tomaintain that strictness of discipline which is, in an enemy's country,so essential to the preservation of every army. But the success whichhad attended his arms, and the little opposition he had encountered,had diminished the fear of danger, and had made his troops lesscautious and less inclined to obedience. Among the Boeotians, indeed,his authority was undiminished, and he could still enforce the samesevere order, and preserve the same caution in fortifying his camp, asif he had been in the immediate presence of the enemy: but thosetroops formed only a small portion of the whole; the rest of the armyhad appeared to consider themselves free from almost every restraint;EPAMEINONDAS. 103and the Arcadians, in particular, refused to relinquish a practice towhich they were habituated , of laying aside their arms as soon as they had encamped, and wandering for pillage. It was in such a situationthat Epameinondas found himself when encamped before Sparta;and he felt not merely that it would be hopeless in such circ*mstancesto make any attempt against a place so well fortified, but that a com- plete defeat and total ruin to his cause might ensue, from risking histroops in battle against the well-disciplined army of the Lacedæ- monians. He had only one course to pursue, that of directing theimpetuous desire of plunder which he could not restrain; and heaccordingly conducted his army down the Eurotas as far as Gytheum,the only naval arsenal which the Lacedæmonians possessed, givinghis troops during the whole line of their march unlimited license ofplunder. Even the assault which he directed against that port, andin which he persevered for three days, proved unsuccessful; and such at last became the state of his army, so anxious were many of theallies to return home with the booty which they had secured, thatdesertion became so common that he was obliged hastily to withdraw from Laconia.of the Athenians.The intelligence of the victories and successes of the Thebans, and Conductthe extreme danger which threatened Sparta, created in Athens considerable emotion; arising not from any friendly feelings in that citytowards the Lacedæmonians, but from fear lest Thebes should obtainsuch a preponderance as to endanger the independence of Athens andperhaps of Greece. An assembly was, in consequence, immediatelycalled together, to consider of the conduct which Athens shouldobserve. The Lacedæmonian ministers were first heard in support oftheir cause, and in defence of their country. Whenthey had finished,the members of the assembly were by no means of one opinion. Thearistocratical party contended, that Mantinea had no sooner broken thelate treaty by carrying her arms into Tegea, than it became the dutyof the Lacedæmonians to assist the Tegeans; and that it was nowimperatively required of the Athenians, in conformity with their oath,that they should aid and assist them with all the power they couldcommand. It was urged by the partisans of democracy, on the otherhand, that the Mantineans had been guilty of no breach of the latecontract, and that by supporting the exertions of the Tegean democrats,they had done no more than enforce that independence which it wasthe object of the congress of Athens to insure to every state of Greece.The opposite parties seemed so evenly balanced , that the issue of thedebate appeared doubtful, when the balance was completely turnedby the appeal of the Corinthian and Phliasian ambassadors. Epameinondas, in conducting his army to Mantinea, had passed through Corinth. Corinth refusing to bear arms against her old allies theLacedæmonians, had declined to join her forces to the confederatearmy; and Epameinondas had permitted, or rather had been unableto restrain the allies from committing ravages upon her territories.104 EPAMEINONDAS.Revolt of Messenia.The unpardonable nature of this outrage upon a neutral countrywas forcibly urged by Cleitiles, the Corinthian envoy, and the democratical party found it impossible to efface the impression whichwas produced by his concluding appeal to the Athenians: " Can theAthenians," he observed, " under such circ*mstances, without perjury ,refuse to any country that assistance to which the treaty entitles theinjured?" But the victory was complete, when the minister of Phliusfollowed on the same side, alternately rousing the fears and flatteringthe vanity of the Athenians. Irritation and impatience seized themultitude; they would listen to no other speakers; the question wasimmediately put to the vote, and it was decreed that the whole forceof the commonwealth, under the command of Iphicrates, should beinstantly conducted to the assistance of Lacedæmon. But, had itbeen in the power of Epameinondas to preserve better discipline in his army, the mighty preparations of Athens would have been useless,and her assistance would have arrived too late to save Sparta fromutter ruin. As it was, the exertions of Iphicrates produced no effect;for although he arrived in Arcadia in time sufficient to oppose theretreat of the Thebans, and possessed every opportunity of reducingthem to the extremity of difficulty and distress, yet for some reasonswhich remain unexplained, he first withdrew to Corinth , as if with aview of disputing the passage of the Isthmus, and ultimately allowedthe Thebans to pass without molestation into Boeotia.Although by this expedition of the combined forces of Thebes,Arcadia, and Elis, that object had not been accomplished which hadbeen originally intended, yet the power of Lacedæmon received a blow from which she was never able to recover. When the army of theenemy retired, rebellion pervaded the country. The Helots, in particular, having received full proof of the weakness of their oppressors,and feeling assurance in their own strength, determined to make aneffort to burst the cords of their bondage, and in a body broke outinto revolt. These were circ*mstances not to be overlooked byEpameinondas and the other sagacious leaders of the Theban assembly.They called loudly upon the relics of the Messenian race to profit bythe crisis in the affairs of Lacedæmon, and to return from the severalplaces of their exile, from Rhegium in Italy, Messina in Sicily, andEvesperita in Africa, and taking possession of the country of theirforefathers, to become again one of the people of Greece. The Messenians were not deaf to the invitation nor blind to their own interests;they flocked in from all quarters; they disdained not to associate withthem the Helots, all of Grecian, many of them of Messenian origin:a new city of Messina was, under the patronage of Epameinondas,founded at the foot of Mount Ithome, which itself became the citadel;and Messenia, the fairest, the richest portion of the possessions ofLacedæmon, was completely and finally separated from the Lacedæ- monians. But this was not the only effect of the Peloponnesianexpedition: the country of Skiritis, that rugged and mountainousEPAMEINONDAS. 105district, where the Eurotas and Alpheus have their sources, continuedin the hands of the insurgents who held Sellasia, at the upper end ofthe vale; while Pallene, which still continued to adhere to the Lacedæmonians, was carried by assault by Lycomedes, the able general of the Arcadians.AFSARGENTStadium of Messenia.67853M.GOULD.expedition The next year a Theban army was again led into Peloponnesus, Secondand, surprising that of their enemies, easily effected a junction with of Epameithe Peloponnesian allies. But the danger with which the northern nondas into Pelopon- frontier of Thebes was threatened by Alexander of Pheræ, terminated nesus.the campaign at a time when all Peloponnesus seemed open to the B. C. 368.Theban arms. The Thebans were obliged hastily to retire withoutbeing able to effect more than ravaging the lands of the Epidaurians,the allies and supporters of Lacedæmon; and laying waste the territories of Corinth after an unsuccessful attempt to seize the city, fromwhich they were repulsed, with some slaughter, by the Corinthians,under the direction of Chabrias of Athens.Disunion of Meanwhile symptoms of disunion began to show themselves among the Theban the states of the Theban confederacy: and far from being surprised confederacy.that this should be the case, it is rather astonishing that the confederacy should have subsisted for any length of time; and it is impossible not to admire the abilities of Epameinondas, and of those great menby whom the connexion had been so long preserved. Thebes, rising suddenly into a supremacy almost as extensive as that which had beenformerly exercised by Lacedæmon and Athens, had neither the institutions of the former, nor the local advantages of the latter, to insure the duration of her power. It was an authority originating solelyfrom a succession of favourable events, ably directed by a few men of106 EPAMEINONDAS.Interference ofPersia to promote ageneral peace.Attempt of Thebes to acquire supremacy by the interference of Persia.extraordinary talent, and such as any state of Greece might, in a shorttime, be again able to command. The first appearance of aversionto the control of Thebes discovered itself in the country of Arcadia.Lycomedes of Mantinea, who has been before mentioned as theleader of the Arcadians, perceiving that it was the object of Thebesnot to promote the peace and general prosperity of Greece, but toraise herself into eminence, was determined to check her. ambition;and calling an assembly of the Arcadian states, he so well representedto them the former and present importance of their country, that hepersuaded them no longer to submit to a dependence upon Thebes,but to insist upon an equality in command. Arcadia still continued,it is true, the opponent of Lacedæmon; but these resolutions couldnot but excite suspicion and jealousy in the Thebans; and althoughno actual breach at this time ensued, yet the friendship subsistingbetween those states became gradually more cool and more precarious.Nor was this all; Elis had, for years, claimed a sovereignty over theTriphylians; and these latter people, whether really suffering underthat oppression which is in such circ*mstances so commonly exercised by one state over another, or whether desirous to free themselves froma subjection which is always irksome, applied to the Arcadians toassist them in asserting their independence. Their application wasseconded by the inhabitants of Lasion, a stronghold in Triphylia, inwhich the Eleians had permitted some Arcadian exiles to establish themselves, with a view to restrain the inhabitants. The Arcadianslistened to the application which was made to them, and passed adecree that the Triphylians and their countrymen should receiveassistance. Thus commenced those hostilities which gave rise to thecontest of Olympia, and ultimately led to the battle of Mantinea, inwhich Epameinondas lost his life, and Thebes her supremacy, and bywhich the confederacy of Greece became completely broken.Just at this crisis, Philiseus of Abydos arrived in Greece, chargedby Ariobarzanes, the satrap of Bithynia, to endeavour to promote ageneral peace. The events which followed showed that this newinterference of Persia in Grecian affairs, had been procured by theLacedæmonians. A congress of the states of Greece was assembledat Delphi; and it was proposed to them by Philiseus, that a peaceshould be concluded, but that, as an indispensable requisite to itsestablishment, Messenia should be replaced under the sovereignty ofLacedæmon. To this condition the Thebans expressed their determination not to accede; and all negotiation being thus abruptly terminated, war was renewed with equal if not redoubled violence.Events seemed now to be taking an unfavourable course for Thebes,and there was some reason to apprehend that Lacedæmon, notwithstanding that she was at present so much depressed, might recover her supremacy. On the north the Thessalians had gained someadvantage against the Theban arms, for the usual success of Pelopidashad failed him he had been made prisoner, and although his libera-:EPAMEINONDAS. 107tion was procured by the able negotiation of Epameinondas it had not been obtained without some concessions. Thebes was thereforepressed on the north by the Thessalians; in Peloponnesus, Arcadiahad become cool in her cause, and dissension had occurred betweenthat state and Elis; Athens was still cordial in her support of Lacedæmon; and, to add to all this, a body of mercenary troops, procuredby the influence of Philiseus, and paid with Persian gold, was nowopposed to her. But Epameinondas, who had shown himself superiorto events much more adverse than these, discovered that his mind wasstill fertile in expedients; and as he had already seen the effects whichhad been so frequently produced in favour of Lacedæmon by means ofnegotiation with Persia, he was resolved to have recourse to that expedient, and to endeavour to foil Lacedæmon in negotiation as he hadalready done by arms. At a congress of the Theban confederacyPelopidas was chosen as the minister of Thebes, and sent to Susa;and so successful was he in his embassy, that a Persian of rank wasappointed to accompany him home, and to bear from the king arescript of those terms upon which his friendship was to be obtained.By that document it was required " that the Lacedæmonians shouldallow the independence of Messenia; that the Athenians should layup their fleet; that war should be made upon them if they refused;and that if any Grecian city denied its contingent for such war thefirst hostilities should be directed against that city; that those whoaccepted of these terms would be considered as friends of the king,those who refused them as enemies." A congress of the states of Congress ofGreece was summoned by the Thebans to meet at Thebes, to learn the Greekthe terms of the message of the Persian monarch, and it was generally Thebes.attended. But though the summons had been so readily obeyed, yetthe Thebans did not gain from this assembly that advantage whichthey expected; for when they proposed that an oath, swearing to theobservance of the terms of the rescript, should be taken by eachdeputy, the majority of them refused to accede, observing that theycame not to take oaths but to listen to propositions. Nor was thisthe sole opposition which was offered to the attempts of the Thebans.Pelopidas, for some reasons of policy which have not been satisfactorilyexplained, had treated Antiochus, the Arcadian minister at the Persiancourt, with such marked disrespect, that he drew down upon theArcadian the contempt of the Persians. With whatever view, however, this contempt may have been shown, it was determined that theThebans should now feel the full effect of it. Antiochus, howeverunfitted for the delicate management of an embassy, was a man ofbravery and of spirit, and, on his return to Arcadia, by rousing theindignation of his countrymen against the Thebans, he prevailed withthem so far that they made choice of such deputies as were known tobe most opposed to the pretensions of Thebes. When the oath,therefore, was tendered to Lycomedes, he not only refused to take it,but he pertinaciously insisted that Thebes was not the place wherestates at108 EPAMEINONDAS.Alliance of Achaia with Lacedæmon.the congress should have been assembled; and, upon a remonstranceon the part of the Thebans that he was promoting discord in theassembly, he declared his intention of resigning his seat in the congress, and immediately withdrawing himself from it he was followedby the rest of the Arcadian deputies, the congress instantly breakingup without coming to any conclusion. Thebes, being thus thwartedin her object, determined to attempt by private requisition what shehad been unable to accomplish by means of a public assembly; buther hopes of success by this means were equally frustrated. TheCorinthians, who were the first to declare that they declined the interference and wanted no alliance with the king, were followed by mostof the cities of Greece; and the attempt of Thebes to acquire supremacy, through the influence of Persia, completely failed.The next disaster which befel Thebes is to be imputed entirely tothe impolitic and intemperate cruelty of her own conduct. That extentof country, which in ancient Greece was known by the name ofAchaia, was more divided into a number of petty states, under distinctgovernments, than any other division of Greece; and those states hadfor ages alternately acknowledged aristocratical or democratical dominion, with the preponderance of the power of Lacedæmon or ofAthens. Since the time of the destructive defeat of the Athenians inSicily, the Achaian states had remained quiet under aristocraticaladministration, and during the contest between the Thebans and Lacedæmonians they had as yet preserved a strict neutrality. But theambition of those who were the leaders of the democratical faction inAchaia had been recently excited by the rise and the success of Thebes,and a deputation from those leaders being accordingly sent to theThebans, at present dejected by their failure at the congress, they notonly easily procured assistance, but it was granted to them with analacrity which discovered the eagerness of the Thebans to seize uponany occurrence by which they might possibly re-establish their credit.In consequence an army of the confederacy, under the command ofEpameinondas, was ordered to march to the assistance of the democratical leaders of Achaia; and repelling the opposition which wasoffered to it by the Lacedæmonians and Athenians in the passes ofMount Oneion, it entered Peloponnesus without much molestation .Here it was quickly augmented by the force of the Peloponnesianallies. The principal men in Achaia perceiving the futility of anyresistance which they could oppose to so large a body, determined torely on the magnanimity and throw themselves upon the mercy ofEpameinondas, rather than either attempt to contend against his armsor betake themselves to the miserable resource of flight. Nor did theydeceive themselves in the expectation of the advantage which theywere to derive from this policy. Epameinondas executed, it is true,the trust which had been reposed in him by his countrymen and theirallies; he insisted upon the inviolate preservation of the constitutionof each city, and he required pledges that the Achaians would beEPAMEINONDAS, 109faithful to the Theban confederacy, and that they would supportThebes with their arms; but he did no more, and neither banishmentnor confiscation of property, much less the horrors ofjudicial assassina- tion, the two usual attendants of revolutions in Grecian governments,followed as consequences of his measures. What might have been theeffect of this leniency there are no means of judging, but we shall soon have occasion to see that harshness would not have allied Achaia toThebes. Although Epameinondas was the able, nay almost the soledirector of the councils of Thebes, and the victorious general of her armies, and although he was one of those rare and extraordinary menwho have too much firmness of character and integrity of conduct to bend to those mean artifices by which the hearts of the multitude areusually gained, yet he was not always able to insure that approbation of his conduct which his services to his country deserved. In Achaiahe had, on this occasion, excited against himself the clamour of allthose who expected to have risen upon the ruins of their opponents:many of the confederates, and particularly the Arcadians, were loud intheir remonstrances that the interest of Lacedæmon, not that of theconfederacy, had been consulted in the settlement of Achaia; andsuch was the effect of this opposition, aided by the influence of a partywithin Thebes, that in the assembly of the citizens, Epameinondas was unable to support his own measure. Thebes assumed to herself thecharacter of champion of the liberties of Greece; and persons, underthe denomination of regulators, were sent into Achaia to reduce thegovernment of every city to that of a pure democracy, a measure bywhich every man of property was banished from his country. Butthis sudden prosperity of the multitude was destined to endure but for a season. The exiles were numerous, and all possessed some influencein their respective towns. Directing their united exertions againsteach separately, their efforts were effectual; they soon recovered thatauthority of which they had been with so much violence deprived;their adversaries were, in their turn, persecuted and banished; and thewhole of Achaia, previously a neutral power, entered into strict alliance with Lacedæmon, and became the avowed enemy of Thebes.the Lace- dæmonians. "It is necessary that a brief consideration should now be given to Policy ofthat policy which was at present pursued by Lacedæmon, and a morecorrect view of it cannot be displayed than by relating her conducttowards the Corinthians. The situation of Corinth, in peace the mostenviable in Greece, became in war, from the position of that citybetween the northern and southern states, the most exposed and themost dangerous of any. Unable by her own power to withstand theattacks of the Theban confederacy, if these should be directed againsther, she was forced to rely upon the assistance of some neighbouringpower for defence; and cut off, as she now was, from Lacedæmon bythe intervention of Arcadia, Elea, and Argolis, she had so entirelyreposed for support upon the Athenians, that she incurred the dangerof becoming an Athenian dependency. An imprudent speech of one110 EPAMEINONDAS.Corinthian deputationmon.of those popular orators who were in Greece so frequently undoingthe exertions of her wiser statesmen, had excited her jealousy of theAthenian intentions, and had induced her to relieve, not indeed without every degree of care and caution, the Athenian auxiliaries thatdefended her garrisons, and to refuse the admission of the Athenian fleet within her harbour. But when Corinth threw off the assistanceof Athens, it was necessary that she should provide against thedangers to which such a step might expose her; she accordinglydirected her views towards Thebes, and communicating with thatstate, and meeting with every encouragement to send ministers to it,she received full permission to give to her allies information of her intentions, that those who were desirous of peace might have anopportunity of becoming parties to the treaty. The Corinthians thendespatched a deputation to Lacedæmon, to represent to the Lacedæmonians that if they could show by what means they might resist thedespatched force by which they had been so long and so severely oppressed, theywere still anxious to adhere to that alliance with them in which theywere now engaged, and to which they were bound by every tie of oldand hereditary friendship . That if the Lacedæmonians could not givethem this assurance, their first wish was that they would join withthem in endeavouring to procure from the Theban confederacy the bestterms they could, as the sole means of preventing that ruin with whichboth were equally threatened; and that if the Lacedæmonians werethemselves averse to peace they would release the Corinthians fromtheir obligations , and permit them to make peace for themselves;" for," continued the deputies, " our destruction can bring no benefitto our allies, whereas, if we are preserved, we may still on some future occasion be useful to Lacedæmon. " The answer ofthe Lacedæmonianswas highly magnanimous as far as concerned themselves; generousand liberal with regard to the Corinthians; and displayed, as was fullyconfirmed by subsequent events, a wise and prudent policy. Theyallowed the Corinthians to make peace for themselves; they declaredtheir willingness to release from their engagements not only theCorinthians, but those of their other allies who might be averse to acontinuation of the war; but " for ourselves," they concluded, " leavingthe event to Zeus, we will persevere in arms, and never submit to bedeprived of Messenia, our inheritance, received from our fathers."The wisdom of the Lacedæmonian policy was apparent from the subsequent conduct of the Corinthians, for although they entered into apeace with Thebes, by which it was conditioned that each party shouldhold her ancient territories as before the war, yet refusing to take armsagainst their ancient allies and benefactors, they rejected every proposal of an offensive and defensive alliance. In this recital of thetransactions of Lacedæmon with respect to Corinth , is contained a fullview of the policy of the Lacedæmonians—a determination not toconclude any peace which should deprive them of their authority overMessenia, and not to force their allies into a reluctant co-operation inEPAMEINONDAS. 111the contest. To conclude a war at this time would be, at once, todeprive themselves of all those hopes of reducing Messenia, which thedisposition of Arcadia towards Thebes, of Athens towards themselves,and the disunion among the states of the Theban confederacy, gavethem just reason to expect. And although, by permitting their alliesto enter into separate treaties, the nominal strength of Sparta wasdiminished, yet whatever advantage Sparta might in her prosperousdays have derived from a forced service, she could expect little fromit in the declining state of her affairs; she could afford her allies noassistance, and she could not hope that the mere obligation of oathswould preserve them in fidelity against the pressure of the Theban arms. If she had insisted, therefore, upon their maintaining theirobligations, she might have reduced them to the necessity of becomingenemies; whereas by the generous conduct of freeing them from thoseobligations, if she lost their assistance, she prevented their opposition.At all events Lacedæmon was still supported by Syracuse, now underthe dominion of Dionysius the younger, who had determined to continue and to support the plans which had been pursued by his father.When the season of war returned, a body of auxiliaries arrived fromthat state, by whose assistance, joined to that of their own forces, theLacedæmonians recovered the important town of Sellasia, which sincethe Theban invasion had continued in the hands of the insurgents.Arcadia andThe expectations of the Lacedæmonians, with regard to the pro- Renewal ofbable course which events would take in Peloponnesus, were not war between fallacious. A dissension between the aristocratical and democratical Elis.parties of Elis gave occasion for the interference of the Arcadians in B. c. 365.favour of the latter; and the Eleians, already irritated by the conductof the Arcadians with respect to Triphylia, took arms to revenge theirinjuries, and were successful in making themselves masters of theTriphylian town of Lasion. In consequence, the collected force ofArcadia was marched to the invasion of Elis: after defeating theEleians in action it directed its march towards Olympia, and placeditself in a situation to command the Olympian mountain; and it wasultimately successful in besieging Pylus, and in establishing in thattown a colony of Eleian exiles. The further progress of the Arcadianarms was stopped by the interference of the Achaians, who saw theirown ruin involved in the fall of Elis, which was now threatened by the Arcadians. The Achaians professed their friendly inclinationtowards Arcadia, but intimated at the same time their determinationto protect Elis; and the Arcadians, finding that they gave efficacy totheir determination by sending a body of troops to support theirenemies, thought it prudent to listen to an intimation so powerfullyenforced, and they withdrew from Elis after having ravaged thecountry, and confirmed the democratical Eleians in their possession ofPylus. In consequence of these occurrences Elis returned to her alliance with Lacedæmon.In this distraction of their Peloponnesian affairs, the attention of112 EPAMEINONDAS.Conspiracy in Boeotia.Warin Thessaly.the Theban leaders had been fully occupied by disorders in Boeotiaitself. An inveterate antipathy had, almost from the heroic ages,subsisted between the Thebans and Orchomenians; and, althoughOrchomenus had been at length brought to acknowledge the supremacyof Thebes, yet in that city the aristocratical still continued to be theleading faction. These communicating with the aristocratical partyof Thebes, which was still numerous, notwithstanding that its leaderswere banished, formed the plan of a revolution, and fixed upon thereview of the Boeotian cavalry, which it was the practice of the Thebanrulers occasionally to make, as the time best fitted for carrying theirplan into execution . But the Boeotians were, in the meantime, informed both of the nature and of the extent of the conspiracy. TheOrchomenian cavalry, amounting to three hundred in number, wereinstantly seized, carried in chains before the Theban people, andexecuted. Even this cruel measure did not satiate the vengeance ofthe Thebans. It was decreed by the assembly of Thebes that Orchomenus should be levelled with the ground; an army was in pursuanceof that decree marched against it, and Orchomenus, being incapable ofoffering resistance, yielded herself without opposition to the Thebans.Her merciless victors, instigated more by the remembrance of theirancient enmity against the Orchomenians, than impelled by the fear ofany danger which they had occasion to apprehend from them, putevery man to the sword, and sold into slavery every woman and child.After this conclusion of the Orchomenian conspiracy, the Thebanrulers, prevented by the situation of Peloponnesus from the prosecution of hostilities against Lacedæmon, directed their attention towardsThessaly, where the oppression of the Tagus, Alexander of Pheræ,had induced new opposition to his authority. Alexander was sufciently powerful to overbear his opponents, and the malcontents sentto Thebes, with the view of procuring assistance. Pelopidas, thegeneral of their choice, led, in consequence, an army of seven thousandmen through the straits of Thermopylæ, but incautiously risking abattle with Alexander, who had both the advantage of numbers andof ground, he fell in the engagement. Whether the Thebans, notwithstanding that their leader had fallen, gained a victory, or whether, theissue of the battle being doubtful, the Baotian army was still numerousenough to afford protection to the party that remained in oppositionto the Tagus, or whether, on a second occasion, a battle was gainedby the Theban arms, remains doubtful; but, whatever may have beenthe cause, it appears certain the event of the expedition was favourableto Thebes, and that an alliance was concluded between the Tagusand Thebes, highly advantageous to the latter.War continued in the meantime to be carried on between thepeople of Arcadia and Elis. A defeat of the Eleians had inducedLacedæmon to interfere in favour of her ally, and she had been so farsuccessful as to possess herself of Cromnus, and to establish a Lace-EPAMEINONDAS. 113betweenElis.B. C. 364.dæmonian garrison in that town, but she was ultimately defeated; Continuance and at the time of the celebration of the festival of the hundred and of warfourth olympiad, the Arcadians were in possession of Olympia. They Arcadia anddetermined not to surrender the city to the Eleians for the celebrationof the festival; but, as they could not assume to themselves the presidency, they committed the sacred trust to the Pisæans, who hadnever ceased to claim the right against what they termed Eleianusurpation. The Eleians, on the other hand, resolved not to yield upwhat they considered as an invaluable inheritance transmitted to themby their forefathers, and engaging the Achaians and their interest theymarched to Olympia, surprised the Arcadians in the midst of the celebration of the games, and gained a victory. They pursued them asfar as the public and sacred buildings; but the vanquished having there every advantage for defence made a stand, and the victors withdrew to their camp. During the interval of the night the Arcadianshad exerted themselves so strenuously in fortifying their position , thatthe Eleians were afraid to renew the assault, and, as their revenue wasnot large enough to support them for any time at a distance from home,they were forced to retire to Elis, without having it in their power to reap any advantage from their success.treasuryOn the retreat of the Eleians, the Arcadians found themselves entire Seizure of themasters of Olympia, and at liberty to prosecute any measures that they Olympianmight deem most proper. But the same cause, the want of sufficient bytherevenue, which had prevented the Eleians from pursuing the advan- Arcadians.tage which they had gained, now impeded the operations of the democratical leaders of the Arcadians, and forced them into a measure of the boldest nature, that of seizing the Olympian treasury. Theiraristocratical opponents, who formed no small party, did not neglectthis opportunity of exciting indignation, and rousing popular superstition. The Mantineans, who seem to have been at this time principally guided by the aristocratical party, immediately despatched adeputation to make offer of the proportion of pay due from them, andto protest, at the same time, against any sacrilegious use of theOlympian treasury. In consequence of this procedure, the leadingmen of Mantinea were cited to appear before the general assembly ofthe Arcadian states, to answer for conduct which was alleged to betreasonable againit the united Arcadian government. The Mantineans,doubting the impartiality of the tribunal, neglected to appear beforeit, but they were in their absence tried and convicted, and a body oftroops were despatched for their apprehension. Those against whomthey were sent, however, had not proceeded so far without being dulyprepared for the result; they closed the gates of Mantinea, refused toadmit those messengers who came in the name of the Arcadianassembly, and showed themselves determined to act with most resoluteopposition.During the interval in which these transactions had taken place,time had been afforded for reflection upon the enormity, in the eyes of[H. G.]I114 EPAMEINONDAS.RemonArcadian assembly againsta Greek, ofthe crime of which the democratical rulers of Arcadia hadstrance of the been guilty; and not only the whole of those who professed aristocratical principles, but many even of the democratical party, alarmedTheban by their superstitious feelings, and fearful of the divine vengeance, andinterference. the combined enmity of the whole of Greece, were ready to assist theMantineans. Even the Arcadian assembly passed a resolution, thatno further trespass upon the sacred treasury should be permitted.The authors of the sacrilege, alarmed at this change in their affairs,and at the near prospect of being deprived of the only resource onwhich they had relied for the support of their power, sent ministers tothe Thebans to request their immediate assistance; but no sooner wasthis measure and the favourable answer of the Thebans known to theprincipal men of Arcadia, than they sent, under the authority of thesovereign assembly, to remonstrate against the march of Thebantroops into their country, and at the same time passed a decree thatthe Arcadians had no right to the presidency of the temple, thatreligion justly demanded that it should be restored to the Eleians,and that there no longer existed any cause for continuing the waragainst Elis.Conduct of the Theban commissioner at the congress of Tegea.The Eleians heard with joy of the resolution of the sovereignassembly: they were glad to conclude the war in a manner so honourable to themselves. They agreed to send ministers to meet the depu- ties of the Arcadian towns at Tegea, finally to arrange the terms ofthe treaty. At this congress, probably by some preconcerted arrange- ment between Thebes and the democratical Arcadians, a Theban,accompanied by three hundred heavy-armed Boeotians, made his ap- pearance. This occurrence could not fail to excite strong feelings ofsuspicion and alarm; but these altogether subsided when the Theban,taking no objection to any part of the treaty, swore to the observanceof it, along with the members of the assembly. In the evening joypervaded Tegea; banqueting and every species of festivity marked theuniversal delight at the happy termination of hostilities, and happiness was recorded in the countenances of all except those who were theguilty perpetrators of the sacrilege. In their ears every peal of gay exultation rung like the warrant of their execution; they pondered insilent sadness over the fate that awaited them, and concerted togetherthe means of their deliverance. They communicated with the Theban;and learning from him that he had received instructions to afford themsuch support as circ*mstances might allow, they shut the gates of Tegea; and sending parties round to seize the principal men of everyArcadian city, they succeeded in seizing so large a number that notonly the prisons but the town-house itself was filled with theirprisoners. But the measures of the Theban and his friends were disconcerted by the spirited conduct of the Mantineans. To Mantinea,distant only twelve miles, intelligence of the violence had been quicklycommunicated, and heralds were instantly sent from that city to Tegea,requiring that no Arcadian should be executed, or even imprisoned ,EPAMEINONDAS. 115or detained in prison, without trial; and intimating at the same time,that the Mantinean state would be security for the appearance beforethe assembly of all those who might be accused of treason againstthe united government. In consequence of this spirited remonstrance,the Theban, fearful of the evil effects which his conduct might produce, liberated his prisoners; and on the morrow, assembling asmany Arcadians as he could collect, he excused himself by assertingthat he had been misled by the false intelligence of a plot to deliverTegea into the hands of the Lacedæmonians, and of the approach ofa Lacedæmonian army. What credit soever his excuse might havemet with, it was so far accepted that he was allowed to depart insafety from Tegea.ووnondas, andArcadia,alliance withBut the Arcadians were determined not to allow so great an outrage Conduct ofto pass without a remonstrance on their part, and they sent ministers Epameito Thebes to insist that the Theban should suffer death as the punish- reunion ofment of his crime. Epameinondas held the office of commander-in- Achaia, andchief, and to him the Arcadian ministers were referred. When they Elis, inreturned to Arcadia they reported, with what degree of truth seems Lacedæmon.not fully ascertained, that Epameinondas had declared that " theTheban minister at Tegea had done much better when he seized theprincipal Arcadians than when he released them; for the Thebanshaving engaged in the war only to serve Arcadia, any negotiation forpeace, without communication with Thebes, was treason against theconfederacy; that they might therefore be assured that the Thebanswould march into Arcadia, and with their numerous friends there,who were faithful to the common cause, would prosecute the war.'The report of this answer threw the whole of Peloponnesus into agitation; Arcadia, Achaia, and Elis joined in exclamation against thepresumption of Thebes to dictate war to them, against their inclination, within their own peninsula; and these states united in sendingmessengers first to Athens and then to Sparta, to request their assistance. From both they received the firmest assurances of support;but we cannot help remarking how forcibly the fallen state of theLacedæmonians is evinced by the terms of the treaty to which theygave their concurrence. It was argued that the combined forcesshould be commanded by the general under the direction of thegovernment of that country in whose territories the enemy shouldhappen to be stationed, —a measure pregnant with inconvenience, andwhich the Lacedæmonians, before the age of Epameinondas, wouldhave rejected with indignation , even if it had been in itself lessobjectionable.PeloponEpameinondas had, in the mean time, been employing himself in Fourth making preparations for the execution of that threat which he had invasion ofgiven to the Arcadian ministers; and he had been successful in col- nesus by Epamei- lecting an army sufficient, both in number and in power, to accomplish nondas.his object and to satisfy his utmost ambition. All the Euboean towns,with those of Thessaly and Locris, were united in his interest, and I 2116 EPAMEINONDAS.The Lace- dæmonian confederates assemble at Mantinea.sent large bodies of auxiliaries to assist him in the promotion of the war. With this army he hastened to cross the isthmus, in order toprevent, as much as possible, any opposition that might impede himin the prosecution of his ultimate and most important object. AtNemea he halted, with the view of obstructing the passage of theAthenians into Peloponnesus; but learning that the Athenian government had anticipated his intentions by transporting their forces by seato the coast of Laconia, he proceeded on his march to Tegea, where he was joined by his Peloponnesian allies. These consisted of forcesfrom Argos, the constant and inveterate enemy of Lacedæmon; fromMessenia, whose very existence depended on the success of the Thebancause; and from Tegea, Megalopolis, Asea, and Palantium-threecities of Arcadia that were in rebellion against the confederacy of theircountry, and for whose behalf and at whose instigation Epaminondashad undertaken the present expedition. His whole force is statedto have amounted to thirty thousand infantry and three thousandcavalry. The army of the Lacedæmonian confederacy, in numbermuch inferior to that of the enemy, assembled at Mantinea. Theywere composed of the whole of the cavalry of Lacedæmon, a body ofmercenaries sent from that city, and a small proportion of Lacedæmonian infantry, Agesilaus having detained the greater part of themto guard against any attempt upon Lacedæmon; and to these wereadded the troops of Athens, Achaia, and Elis, and those of the mostconsiderable part of Arcadia.Epameinondas remained for a considerable time inactive within thewalls of Tegea, that he might the better preserve his own army fromattack, and observe with the more facility the operations, and judgeof the intentions, of his enemies; that he might afford the longer time for the accession of those hostile or neutral states whom the terror ofhis name and the force of his army might induce to join the Thebancause, and that he might watch the opportunity of some change in themeasures of his enemies, who possessed , in their position at Mantinea,so much the advantage of ground, as not only to forbid the hazard ofattack, and to remove the hopes of success, even from his superiority of numbers, but to prevent also the usual work of ravage. The opportunity for which he so anxiously longed soon presented itself. Thearmy of the enemy, it is true, continued to preserve that advantage ofposition which they had so ably chosen: but the allies became impatient of rest; the quietness of so large an army, even in the command of a general of such ability and such experience as Epameinondas,gave the suspicion of a depth of plan which they could not penetrate,and forced them to dwell with awe and fear upon the destructiveexplosion which must soon ensue; they felt so dissatisfied that theLacedæmonian infantry should remain at home, when there waslittle chance of danger, and should expose them with such inferiornumbers to so superior a force; and they became so loud in theirremonstrances, that the Lacedæmonian government found it at lastEPAMEINONDAS. 117requisite to yield, and they despatched almost the whole of theirremaining troops to Mantinea, under the conduct of Agesilaus.invasion of Laconia.As soon as this event became known to Epameinondas, and he was Secondassured that Agesilaus had reached Pallene, he issued orders to histroops immediately to march towards Sparta. So little expectationhad his enemies of this measure, that the Theban general foundthe best and most direct road from Tegea to Sparta completelyundefended; and the Lacedæmonian capital must have fallen withoutopposition, if Agesilaus had not received, from a Cretan, accidentalintelligence of the proceedings of the Theban troops. In consequenceof this information, however, the return of the Lacedæmonian troopshad been so rapid, that when Epameinondas arrived in front of Sparta,he discovered that Agesilaus had anticipated his intentions, and hadmade so able a disposition for defence, that he abandoned all hopes ofsucceeding by a direct attack. He accordingly sent a detachment bya circuitous route, and succeeded in taking possession of a heightwhich commanded the town. But from some cause, so extremelyinexplicable that Xenophon has referred it to the interposition of theDeity, when Archidamus advanced to attack the height with less thana hundred men, the Thebans, without waiting for the assault, fledhastily, and some of their principal men were slain; and although theLacedæmonians, in the eagerness of their pursuit, suffered some loss,yet Archidamus continued in possession of the ground, carried off hisdead, and received from the Thebans an acknowledgment of hisvictory, by a solicitation on their part for the bodies of their slain.This discomfiture convinced Epameinondas of the hopelessness ofgaining any rapid success against his enemies; and his want of supplies in a mountainous district, depriving him of all expectation ofbeing able to remain long enough to effect his purpose, he came to theresolution to withdraw from Laconia. But the fertility of his geniussuggested to him, on the abandonment of this project, the adoption ofa measure which promised ample success. As long as he remained atTegea, the terror of his arms had kept the Mantineans within theirwalls, and prevented them from reaping their crops, which were thenripe; and conceiving that they would take advantage of his absence,he determined to proceed by hasty marches to Mantinea, in the hopesthat he might be able, by surprise, to possess himself, not only of theproduce, but also of the slaves and cattle of the Mantineans.nondas toBy the extraordinary rapidity of his march, Epameinondas arrived Return of within the Mantinean territories before the enemy had the slightest Epameiintelligence of his movements, and he found them exactly in that Mantinea.situation which he had preconceived. The harvest was ready forcarrying, and the whole of the slaves, and many of the inhabitants,were in the fields , busily employed in collecting the crops, and unsuspicious of the slightest danger. But the present adverse fortune ofEpameinondas had not yet forsaken him. The Mantineans had descried the approach of his cavalry in time to procure the assistance of a118 EPAMEINONDAS.Battle of Mantinea.body of Athenian horse that had just reached Mantinea after a forcedmarch of two days; they represented so strongly to their allies theurgency of their situation, that they consented immediately to remount,and to risk an engagement with the renowned, and more numerous,cavalry of Thebes and Thessaly; and, although the skirmish was forsome time obstinately maintained by both sides, yet the victory, on thepart of the Athenians was, at last, so complete, that they not only received a solicitation from the enemy's cavalry for a truce to enablethem to bury their dead, but they frustrated so entirely the plans ofEpameinondas, that the Mantineans were able, with safety, to securetheir property.The affairs ofthe Thebans had now arrived at such a crisis, that it wasnecessary for Epameinondas to attempt something important; and, aswell the situation of his army, as the limited term of his expedition,the situation of his allies, no less than his own honour, and even hissafety on his return to Thebes, demanded that he should risk anengagement. The army under his command had already sufferedfrom want: and, as in an enemy's country he had no means ofsupplying them with provisions, so the revenues of those states,who had assisted them with their forces, was inadequate to maintainthose forces at a distance from home. The period was fast approaching when he must resign his command, and terminate his expedition.Epameinondas, therefore, declared, in public, his resolution to encounter the enemy; and the joy of his army was strongly evinced bythe alacrity with which they prepared for battle; while the renown ofthe Theban name was shown by the flattering application of someArcadians to be admitted into the corps of Theban clubmen, a body,probably, less renowned from their use of the weapon, from whichthey took their denomination, than from the valour which the remembrance of the deeds of Hercules inspired. An an early hour of themorning, Epameinondas arrayed his troops in order of battle, marchedto the foot of Mount Mænalus, and fixing upon a strong positionmade preparations as if he intended to encamp. By this feint hecompletely deceived his enemies; who conceiving that he had abandoned all intention of fighting, almost entirely dissolved that order ofbattle in which they had previously arrayed their troops.As soon as Epameinondas perceived that his enemies had been completely misled by his feint, he gave immediate orders for his troops toB. C. 362. resume their arms, and to prepare for battle. He arrayed them nearlyin that order in which he had placed them on the fortunate day of thebattle of Leuctra; and as he had now less chance of being encompassedfrom the superior number of his army, he was enabled, with moresafety, to increase the depth of the phalanx. As it was his intentionto direct his principal attack against the right wing of the enemy, heposted the Theban column in front of his left wing; and arrayed hiscavalry in squadrons on the flanks of his infantry. By increasing, asmuch as possible, the strength of the cavalry of his left, with which heintended to commence the charge, he so much weakened those of hisEPAMEINONDAS. 119right, that he ordered them to retire to advantageous ground, and notto relinquish their position, unless an opportunity of evident successshould present itself. Although the enemy had dissolved their orderof battle, they had made no arrangements in case of necessity toavoid an engagement, and they were thrown into the utmost confusionwhen they observed the approach of Epameinondas. But they hadtime, before the Theban general could commence the attack, to recovertheir order; and the Arcadians, according to the previous terms ofthetreaty, occupied the right as the most honourable post; the Lacedæmonians held the next position, and the cavalry were placed in squadrons on the flank. The action was commenced with thecavalry on both sides. But the Lacedæmonians, being totally deficient in those light troops which were accustomed to act withhorse, and in which the Thebans abounded; and being also muchinferior in numbers, were quickly repulsed . An engagement then ensued between the Theban and the Lacedæmonian and Arcadianinfantry, which was continued for some time with such determinedobstinacy on both sides, that the issue was long doubtful. But thefirm perseverance of the Thebans at length gave them the superiority; the ranks of the enemy were completely broken; the bestpart of their line took to flight, and, as had been the case at Leuctra,dismay immediately seized the remainder of the army, and they gaveway on all sides. But, at this moment, when victory was complete,Epameinondas received a wound in his breast and was carried fromthe field. The army of the Theban confederacy, deprived of theirgeneral, of the man who alone could command authority over a bodycomposed of troops of so many different states, was seized with consternation, and thrown into confusion. They remained, indeed, inpossession of the victory which they had gained; but so great wasthe panic with which they were seized, that they continued almostmotionless, and were rendered totally incapable of pursuing the advantage. The death of Epameinondas is marked with a magnanimity,which was well worthy of the former valour and glory of his life. Assoon as he sufficiently recovered, he asked of his attendants if his shieldwas safe. When he learned from them that it was, he next inquiredif the Thebans had gained the victory. And being also satisfied inthis respect, immediately gave orders for the spear, with which he hadbeen transfixed, to be withdrawn, and died expressing the utmost joy at the event of the battle.The consequences of this engagement have been thus briefly butconcisely detailed by Xenophon. Universal expectation, he observes,was strangely deceived by the event of so great a battle. Almost allGreece being met in arms, there was nobody who did not suppose thatin future the victors would command, and the defeated be forced toobey. But Fate decided otherwise. Although the Thebans werevictorious, neither party gained any advantage: territory, town, ordominion, was acquired by none; but more indecision, trouble, andconfusion pervaded Greece after that battle than previous to it.HERONEACFS.Philip, son ofAmyntas.- Museum Florentinum .Philip.Origin andEducation.CHAPTER VII.PHILIP OF MACEDON.FLOURISHED FROM B. C. 383 TO B. C. 336.THIS distinguished prince, who was destined to act so prominent apart in the affairs of Greece, ascended the throne of Macedon aboutthree years after the battle of Mantinea.Philip, according to the best authorities, was the third and youngestson of Amyntas, king of Macedonia. The eldest brother, whose namewas Alexander, having fallen, in early life, a victim to the ambitiousviews or vindictive spirit of a powerful relative, who appears to haveaimed at the sovereign power, Perdiccas, the second in order, succeeded to a weak and divided government, and would, in all probability, have sunk under the combined weight of foreign and domestichostility, had not Pelopidas, that just and prudent general, interposedhis prevailing authority, and secured, under the sanction of the Thebanname, the hereditary throne which belonged to the son of Amyntas.Relieved from the menaces of his opponents, Perdiccas declared himself the friend and ally of Thebes; and as a security for the performance of everything required on his part, he committed to the custodyof Pelopidas, as hostages for his good faith, the person of his brotherPhilip, together with thirty youths of the first distinction in Macedon.The confidence thus placed in the noble Theban was not abused.On the contrary, all the biographers of Philip agree, that to this incident in his history may be attributed no small share of his futureeminence, and particularly of that extensive influence which he afterwards exerted over the sentiments and politics of the leading Greeks.The young prince was established in the family of Polymnus, thefather of Epameinondas; and the same tutors who had formed thePHILIP OF MACEDON. 121mind of that renowned soldier, were appointed to direct the studies ofthe interesting stranger. The literature, the manners, and the virtuesof Greece were thus rendered familiar to the susceptible genius ofPhilip; and what was unquestionably the greatest advantage of all,he enjoyed the conversation and example of Epameinondas himself.Spirited and exalted sentiments, and an invincible love of glory,marked, at an early period , the character of the Macedonian prince;and this bias of his nature was encouraged and confirmed by his habitual intercourse with the son of the high-minded Polymnus. Fromthe great Theban, too, he learned activity and vigour in all militaryoperations; address and activity in improving all opportunities, and inturning to advantage every incident which presented itself amid thevarious fortunes of war. It has, indeed, been observed by Plutarchand others, that it was only in regard to such qualities as constitute asuccessful general, that Philip lent a ready ear to the instructions ofhis preceptors, and showed an ardent imitation of the example of hisillustrious friend. In justice, clemency, and true magnanimity, saysthe biographer now mentioned, Philip was not to be compared toEpameinondas.We have no means of ascertaining at what time or from what His travels change in affairs the royal hostage ceased to have his constant resi- and studies.dence at Thebes. It appears certain, however, that he was permittedto travel into other parts of Greece, where, under the direction of ablemasters, he devoted himself to the study of the manners, views, dispositions, and interests of the several individuals or states which, at that period, engaged most of the public attention. The arts, thelearning, and elegance of Athens, he seems to have particularlystudied and admired. With the learned men of that city, he formedconnections which continued the whole course of his reign. He revered the lofty genius of Plato, and was well received by that philosopher in return. He paid due respect to the rising name of Theophrastus, whilst he enrolled the elegant Isocrates in the list of his dearest friends. Nor was the intercourse which he maintained withAthens exclusively devoted to the cultivation of his talents or theimprovement of his taste. The political state, also, of that importantcapital, the passions, the views, and even the corruptions of its inhabitants, were objects which fixed his attention and extended hisknowledge of human nature. No man ever knew better than Philipall the weakness and all the strength of the Athenian character: andno one was more ready to esteem the good qualities of that people, todespise their faults, and to derive advantage from their prejudices,violence, and fickleness.In the course of his travels, he procured for himself the honour ofinitiation into the grand mysteries of Ceres, at one of the celebrationsof which he first met with Olympias, the second daughter of the king Interviewof Epirus, and at that time highly distinguished by the beauty and Olympias.grace of her person. He is also supposed to have accompaniedwith122 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Epameinondas in some of those expeditions which raised to such aheight the military reputation of that great Theban, and to havestudied under him those practical details of the art of war, which can be learned nowhere but in the field of battle.The time, however, was fast approaching when the exigencies of hispaternal kingdom demanded his presence, and gave full scope to theexercise of his natural talents as well as of his acquired skill , in the B. C. 383. arduous duties of a commander and statesman. The conflict withAscends the throne of Macedon.the Thessalians, in which Pelopidas lost his life, and the still moremomentous struggle at Mantinea, where Epameinondas died thedeath of a brave soldier, had deprived Macedon of her best friendsand most efficient allies, and left her almost single handed to maintainan unequal warfare with Athens, as well as with the barbarians whodwelt on her own borders. Bardyllis, the veteran king of the Illyrians,availing himself of the circ*mstances now mentioned, and having nolonger before his eyes the fear of Thebes, or the terror of her victoriousgenerals, seized the opportunity of renewing upon Macedon a claimfor tribute, said to have been paid by former sovereigns, and particularly by Amyntas, the father of Perdiccas. A refusal on the part ofthe Macedonian led to a trial of strength in the field. The valour ofeach army was equal; but the Illyrians were better disciplined andbetter commanded, and found no difficulty in gaining a completetriumph. Perdiccas, who endeavoured to make bravery stand in theplace of military skill, fell covered with wounds; whilst the poorremains of his army, of whom more than four thousand were cut topieces, were obliged to lay down their arms and submit to the mercy of the conqueror.The throne of Macedon being thus rendered vacant, Philip wascalled upon to succeed his brother at the helm of affairs , either in hisown right or in that of an infant nephew, the son of the late king.We are assured by Diodorus that Philip was still detained at Thebes in quality of a hostage, when the news ofthe total defeat of the Mace- donians and the death of their king reached his ears. But it is moreprobable that, as Athenæus has recorded, he was already in one of thefrontier provinces exercising a separate authority, or even possessing aportion of royal power, as was sometimes permitted to the youngerbranches of his family, when the serious reverses sustained by hiscountrymen opened a path to the painful pre-eminence of ruling adivided people, and of commanding a vanquished army.Circ*mstanced as Macedon was, at this conjuncture, a prince whoseonly virtue was courage must necessarily have completed its ruin;and one who possessed less of this virtue than Philip, would not haveattempted to re-establish it. The greater part of its forces had eitherperished in the field, or been taken prisoners by the enemy; and theIllyrians had scarcely gratified their rage for plunder, when thePæonians, a barbarous and warlike people, who inhabited the mountains of Macedonia, descended into the plains, to complete the workPHILIP OF MACEDON. 123of destruction which the others had begun. Ancient pretensions alsoto the sovereignty of this unhappy kingdom were once more renewed,on the part of two powerful competitors. Pausanias, whom Iphicrateshad set aside, openly asserted his right to the throne, and was now Difficultiesready to invade the country, at the head of a large army of Thracians, ofposition.who were induced to support his title. Argæus too, the ancient rivalof king Amyntas, had a strong party in some of the principal towns;whilst the people of Athens, resenting the conduct of the late kingPerdiccas, in joining the Theban confederacy, and opposing theAthenian claim on Amphipolis, sent Mantius to second his attempt,with a strong fleet and three thousand soldiers.Philip was not dismayed at these formidable preparations to disputehis succession. Deriving from nature great strength of mind, andhaving rendered himself a complete master of human motives, hisfirst cares were exerted to revive the courage of the Macedonianpeople, and to restore discipline to their broken and dispirited army.On this occasion, as through the whole course of his public life , heavailed himself of the superstitious feelings of his countrymen; andeither invented or brought to their recollection the remarkable responseof the oracle, which portended that Macedon should rise to the veryhighest pitch of greatness, under a son of Amyntas, of whose familyPhilip was now the sole survivor. Having thus identified his ownperson with that of the prophetic hero, this enterprising prince had nodifficulty in rousing his subjects to new efforts. Reminding them oftheir ancient prowess, he set before them the brilliant rewards ofmilitary toils; and by the exertion of an irresistible eloquence, hekindled in their hearts at once the love of glory, the desire of revenge,and the animating glow of ambition. The warlike genius of his His warlikecharacter displayed itself in a variety of improvements, applied not genius.only to the constitution of his army, but more particularly to the artof employing their energies in the presence of an enemy: and in ashort time the forces of Macedon, so lately vanquished and despisedby a barbarian general, struck terror into the best-disciplined ranks,and snatched victory from the most experienced troops of Greece.The phalanx was long a memorial of the fine talents of Philip, and themeans of his greatest triumphs. The weight and valour of its filesbore down all opposition among the armies of the east; and even thevictorious legions of Rome gave way before the impenetrable thicketof spears, and the huge mass of physical strength with which its onsetwas accompanied.The Illyrians having retired, or been driven from a territory whichthey had nearly exhausted, and the Pæonians showing no dispositionto carry on a war merely for the sake of reputation against so active aleader as Philip, there remained in the mean time only the Athenians,with their ally Argæus, to exercise the vigilance and employ the armsof the Macedonian commander: but the power and opportunities ofthese antagonists were extremely formidable. The Athenian fleet124 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Victory over Bardyllis.State of Greece.under Mantius anchored before Methone, a city placed on the Thermaic Gulf, and at that time in subjection to the government of Attica. Here Argæus joined with such forces as he had been able toraise, and proceeded forthwith to lay siege to Edessa, or Egæ, thecapital of the Macedonian province of Pieria, hoping that the fall ofso important a place would immediately produce the submission ofthe rest ofthe kingdom. The name of Philip, however, had alreadygiven confidence to his partisans, and prepared them for a vigorous resistance; and accordingly, when Argæus appeared before the wallsof the devoted town, he saw so little prospect of success, that itbecame his immediate care to prevent the destruction of the troopscommitted to his charge; and with this view he adopted the instantresolution of effecting a retreat to Methone. But this contingencyhad been foreseen by Philip, who attacked him on his march, and aftera smart engagement, in which Argæus fell, succeeded in making prisoners nearly the whole of the army. Such of these as wereMacedonians, the prince, without hesitation, incorporated with hisown ranks; whilst, in the spirit of a liberal generosity, he sent theAthenians home, loaded with kindness, and full of respect for theiryouthful conqueror, to lay the foundation of that popularity on which he afterwards built his fame and influence as the ruler of Greece.To deliver his western frontier from the constantly-menacing attitude of the Illyrians, Philip resolved to anticipate the movements ofthat active enemy by making an inroad upon them. The veteranBardyllis, though now passed his ninetieth year, appeared at the head of his forces to oppose the Macedonians; and in a battle whichensued, he acted with a spirit and activity worthy of his former fame,till he fell fighting, surrounded by seven thousand of his bravestsoldiers. A victory so signal was attended with the most important consequences. Illyria became a Macedonian province; and instead ofbeing, as formerly, a perpetual source of annoyance, it added greatly to the strength and repose of the rising kingdom of Philip.Having thus subdued his turbulent neighbours, and extended hissway farther than any of his predecessors had done, the active mindof the youthful king was now fixed upon the aggrandizement of his states, and upon the acquisition of a degree of power which mightmake itself felt in the remotest parts of Greece. Such projects soonbrought him into contact with the leading republics of the south, and,in particular, roused against him all the suspicions and military strength of Athens.To understand, however, the circ*mstances in which this youthful prince first tried the fortune of war in opposition to the Athenians, wemust revert for a moment to the condition wherein the leading statesof Greece found themselves placed, immediately after the battle of Mantinea.During the arduous struggle between Thebes and Lacedæmon, theinfluence of Athens was gradually on the increase, and after the fallPHILIP OF MACEDON. 125Athenians.of Epameinondas, the supremacy departed from his country; whilstit* rival, Sparta, was too much reduced to have the power of securing the prize for which it had spent its best blood and treasure. But theAthenian people were already beginning to feel the subduing force ofConditiona more dangerous enemy than even the sword of Theban or Lacedæ- ofthemonian; they were fast becoming the victims of effeminacy and ostentation; and in proportion as they had less to fear abroad, theyallowed themselves to become more licentious, giddy, and extravagantat home. Devoted to public amusem*nts, they spent much of theirtime in the theatre, and lavished on such places of public resort,together with the baths, the shows, and the festivals, the greaterportion of that wealth which should have been employed in strengthening their interests, and creating means of defence. The toils andprivations of actual war could no longer be endured by the soft citizen,the lover and patron of the arts; and mercenaries accordingly weresought on all hands to fill up the ranks of the phalanx, and even tooccupy those posts of honour in the field, once so ardently coveted bythe brave contemporaries of Cimon and Miltiades. The stern eloquenceof Demosthenes, and his moving appeals to their fears and to theirpride alternately, produced but weak resolutions or transitory efforts,when the luxurious Athenian, thinking the alarm false, or the dangergone by, returned to his music, his poetry, or theatrical entertainment, leaving the orator to exaggerate and the multitude to applaud.Sparta, as we have already observed , had been greatly weakened by Position of the successes of Thebes, and still more by the wise policy of her great Sparta.leader Epameinondas. He withdrew from Lacedæmon the morepowerful of her dependents, by encouraging Argos to turn her armsagainst her; by exciting the Arcadians to establish their independence,and by enabling the Messenians to rebuild and fortify the city fromwhich their ancestors had been expelled by the unfeeling dictates ofSparta. In this way was she surrounded by many secret or declaredenemies, who had felt her oppression, and who therefore were resolved to prevent the restoration of the power; whilst she, regardingthem as revolted subjects, showed the utmost desire to reduce themto their former obedience. Hence arose a spirit of discontent anddissension among the inhabitants of Peloponnesus, which it wasPhilip's interest to keep alive, and from which he afterwards drew no inconsiderable advantage.The Thebans again, whose mental qualities were not of the highest Thebes.order, possessed little hold upon the reverence or submission of Greece.Obstinate and brave, they were equal to everything under the guidance of Epameinondas, whose talents had rendered them sovereigns of Boeotia, and arbiters of the neighbouring states. But the battle ofMantinea had closed this reign of glory, two summers before Philipascended the throne; and all that now remained to them of theirproud character were only its fierceness and ambition . From them,therefore, the Macedonians had nothing to fear; and it is farther de-126 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Position ofandserving of notice, that the only general they had, after Epameinondas,was Pammenes, the early and devoted friend of the aspiring monarch whose life is now before us.The Phocians and Thessalians were by no means formidable, eitherthe Phocians for genius or power. The former, indeed, were brave, determined,Thessalians. and persevering; and in this protracted war with the other states ofGreece, they displayed a degree of military skill and fortitude whichshed no small lustre over their fall. At the period , however, moreimmediately under consideration, Phocis presented no serious obstacleto the ambitious views of Philip. The people of Thessaly, too, notedfor fickleness and the love of change, pursued a line of policy so completely subversive of their independence, as soon to throw into thescale in favour of Macedon the full weight of the power which aclearer view of their own interest would have led them to employagainst her. In recompense for the assistance which he lent them toexpel the tyrants Tisiphonus, Pitholaus, and Lycophron, they gave toPhilip the liberty of using and even of commanding their ports andshipping. Their cavalry too, the best and most celebrated in Greece,was appointed to accompany him in all his campaigns; and thus, bymeans of a gentle and affable address, and by affecting the greatestmoderation amidst the most splendid success, he secured to himselfall the advantages of conquest, while he avoided the opprobrium attached to a selfish policy and ambitious views.Philip's alliance with Athens.From this brief survey of the several members of the Grecian body,it is manifest that Athens was, in all respects, the most formidable,and possessed of the most extensive influence. The prudence ofPhilip's administration, therefore , naturally dictated to him the expediency of cultivating peace, in the mean time, at least, with this ambitious though degenerate state. To secure the favour of theAthenians, accordingly, it would appear that he offered the assistanceof his arms to repress the power of the Olynthians, and to recover forhis new allies the possession of Amphipolis, a city which they hadformerly held, and the command of which they now most ardentlycoveted. Amidst much doubt as to the terms and object of thisalliance, it is clear that a plan was concerted between the Athenianand Macedonian governments for the reduction of Olynthus by their combined arms. It is also ascertained, that the first movements madeto realize their purpose were attended with success. Potidæa yieldedto the attack of Philip, and Torone, a place of importance, submittedto the confederates; both of which received Athenian garrisons, andowned the Athenian power. Olynthus thus hemmed in, and deprivedof the principal means of defence, could not long have resisted theunited force of two such powerful enemies: and the fact that it didnot fall at this epoch, is to be ascribed to the operation of causeswhich are now imperfectly understood, but which were probably connected with an increasing feeling of jealousy between the confederated powers themselves.PHILIP OF MACEDON. 127For the next event, the hinge on which the following history ofAthens and Macedonia turns, the historian wholly fails us, and theorators to whom we owe certain knowledge of the important fact,have avoided all detail and all circ*mstances. That the purpose ofAthens in the Olynthian war was conquest there can be no reasonabledoubt; nor have her orators disguised that intention on her part.The views of Philip, however, are less obvious. To circ*mscribe thepower of Olynthus, long a formidable neighbour to Macedonia, or evento root out that power altogether, might seem expedient to this politiccommander; but to establish the reign of Athens over the wholeMacedonian coast, without any security or compensation to his owncountrymen, is a measure which indicates no trace of the wisdom bywhich Philip's proceedings were on all occasions distinguished. Theevent, however, above alluded to, and which took place at this period,threw a strong light on the motives of the one party, and determinedfinally the conduct of the others. Of Methone and Pydna, the principal seaports in his dominions, the Athenians had long possessed the Ambitiousformer, though adjoining both his capitals, Pella and Edessa; the views ofother being the only maritime town which had been retained in subjection to Macedon, was now in the hands of Philip. Upon this important place, also, the insatiable ambition of Athens darted its views;and sending her fleet thither, she encouraged the inhabitants to revolt,promising them the support and protection of the Athenian people.A more flagrant breach of confidence could not well be committed.It was in vain for Philip to send ministers to Athens to complain ofthe injury: no redress was obtained. On the contrary, Demosthenes,in his harangues to the people, congratulated them on this accessionto their power, as well as on the loss sustained by one whom he waspleased to pronounce their enemy. The fact is thus clearly avowed,though no attempt is anywhere made to justify it, or even to set forththe motives which induced the Athenian admiral to violate, by so unambiguous a measure, the alliance then subsisting between his republic and Macedon.Athens.raised.Having in this manner forfeited the co-operation of Philip, the siege ofAthenians relaxed in their efforts against Olynthus. Confining their Amphipolisviews in the mean time to Amphipolis, they sent their general Iphicrates against it with a considerable armament; but as this able officerwas superseded at the very moment he was arranging terms for acapitulation, the Amphipolitans refused to close the negotiation, andstood again to their arms. The siege was raised, and the troops,now under Timotheus, were directed against some inferior towns onthe coast of Thrace, the capture of which but poorly rewarded thelabours, and ill answered the expectations, which attended the equip- ment of fleets and armies.It was reserved for other means than the sword and the batteringram to reduce Amphipolis. Charidemus, an Athenian general, whohad passed over to the Olynthians with the forces under his command,128 PHILIP OF MACEDON.seems to have induced the leading men of that city to espouse thecause which he himself had appeared to desert. He used his interestso successfully with the Amphipolitans, that they consented to abjurethe Olynthian dominion, and to embrace the protection of Athens;but in what manner, or by what argument this revolution was effected ,it is now in vain to conjecture, it being a point of honour with theAthenian democrats to conceal and reward every act of treacherywhich seemed to promote their own views.ARGENT.War between Philip and the Athenians.Amphipolis.Before we proceed to unfold the operations which occurred in thewar between Macedon and Athens, we shall record a few of themore interesting events which diversified the domestic life of Philip.Upon his return to Macedon, after his successful campaign against thetyrants of Thessaly, when already regarded with admiration as a consummate soldier and statesman, Olympias, the daughter ofthe king ofEpirus, was conducted with all due honours to his court, where theirespousals were celebrated with much pomp and magnificence. Thebeauty and liveliness of this princess had struck him forcibly, when hefirst met her at Samothrace, whilst engaged in the mysteries of Ceres;but the fidelity of Philip, as a husband, has been generally called inquestion; and his irregularities on this head were no doubt the causeof the family quarrels which rendered himself so unhappy, and excited suspicions as to the legitimacy of Alexander's birth. In due time,the birth of an heir gratified the hopes of Macedon; and the news ofthe queen's delivery reached the ears of the delighted monarchimmediately after listening to the account of a victory gained byPHILIP OF MACEDON. 129his general Parmenio, and of a prize obtained by his chariots at the Olympic games.Philip had from his earliest years affected or felt a deep respect forlearning, and the profounder branches of philosophy; and among thegreat men to whose precepts he hadlistened, and from whose fame he hadderived lustre to his court, was the celebrated Aristotle. The letter addressed tothis sage, by the Macedonian sovereignon the birth of his son, is familiar toevery reader of Grecian history, and hasbeen universally regarded as expressingat once his reverence for the great Stagirite, and his sense of the vast importanceof giving a right bias to the mind of ayouth who was destined to preside overthe fortunes of a powerful kingdom. Theepistle runs as follows:-66 -Aristotle.letter toKing Philip to Aristotle. Health!"You are to know that a son hath been born to us. Wethank the Philip'sgods, not so much for having bestowed him on us, as for bestowing Aristotle.him at a time when Aristotle lives. We assure ourselves that youwill form him a prince worthy to be our successor, and a king worthy of Macedon. Farewell!"We pass over the absurd anecdotes which have been preserved byseveral annalists, relating to the various dreams and omens whichshadowed forth the future greatness of Alexander. These, as well asthe monstrous fiction which was invented to connect his paternity witha visit of Jupiter Ammon to the chamber of Olympias, were no doubtcirculated to feed the contemptible vanity of the prince, at the periodwhen, elated by his numerous triumphs, he thought proper to spurnthe recollections of an earthly origin , and to lay claim to the honour ofa divine descent. The gossip of Macedonian soothsayers is beneaththe notice of history; and although Bayle has gravely dilated on theletter which the queen addressed to her son onthe eve of his departurefor Asia, we cannot allow ourselves to believe that the ridiculous storyof the serpent was ever countenanced by Olympias.But to return to Philip and the interests of Greece, we may observe. Social War.that almost immediately after the unsuccessful attempt made by theAthenians on Amphipolis, a revolt took place among their confederatesat home, which led to what has been called the Social War. Rhodes,Chios, Byzantium, and the newly-established commonwealth of Cos,united together to resist a dominion which they considered not onlyoppressive but degrading; and they engaged in their alliance Mausolus,king of Caria, who, as well as the others, suffered from Athenianexactions upon the commerce of his subjects. Measures being thenconcerted, they joined in declaring to the government of Athens, " that[H. G. ]K130 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Philip'sOlynthus.they were resolved henceforward to protect their own commerce withtheir own fleets, and wanting thus nothing from the Athenian navy,they would of course pay no tribute for its support." The island ofEuboea, too, actuated by similar motives, was eager to throw off theyoke; and, for this purpose, invited to their aid a small army ofThebans, who crossed over, in order to establish a footing amongtheir allies , before the people of Athens could adopt any measures toshake their independence. All these precautions, however, were invain. The Athenians, under the prudent command of Timotheus,soon recovered their influence among the Euboeans, and reduced theTheban troops to such distress, that, without coming to a battle, theywere glad to accept of a capitulation and return home.The other confederates were not so easily brought to a concession.But before any decisive steps were taken against them, and just as thevictorious general was listening to the congratulations excited by hisreturn from Eubœa, messengers arrived from Amphipolis, with thealarming news that Olynthus and Macedonia were united in a confederacy, to carry their arms against that favourite colony of the Athenian people, so recently restored to their dominion; adding that itmust necessarily fall , if not succoured with that speedy support whichthey were sent to supplicate.The situation of Macedonia, deprived of sea-ports, and having heralliance with central provinces occupied by Athenian garrisons, dictated to Philipthe expediency of this alliance with Olynthus. Pydna had beenseduced from him by the most unjustifiable means; and he had recently seen Amphipolis transferred to the same people, by the operationof a species of influence which justly excited his strongest suspicions.Potidea and Methone were likewise subject to Athens; and theremainder of the sea- coast was in the possession of the Olynthians,with whom he had waged a hazardous war, for the sake of his Athenian allies, who requited his services by the seduction and capture ofPydna. Olynthus and Macedonia, indeed, were not likely to remainlong on terms of friendship. Their interests were so diametricallyopposed, that the rise of the one almost necessarily implied thedepression of the other; and yet they had both suffered so much injustice at the hands of the Athenian government, and had been treatedwith such barefaced iniquity, that they agreed in the meantime toforget their mutual aggressions and individual advantage, and profit bythe embarrassment of that people, now engaged in an arduous warwith their allies, in order to drive them for ever from the coasts ofMacedonia, and the shores of western Thrace.Nothing was more unexpected at Athens, than a treaty such as thisbetween Macedon and Olynthus. The possibility of it even had neveronce occurred to the orators and popular leaders of that aspiring city;and the tidings, accordingly, that Philip had joined his victorious armsto those of their inveterate enemies, the Olynthians, spread dismay andconfusion through all classes of the republic. This event afforded aPHILIP OF MACEDON. 131fair opportunity for covering with reproach that unprincipled party,who, by advising the nefarious aggression at Pydna, had forced avaluable ally to become a dangerous enemy. Violent disputes andmuch conflicting oratory ensued between the antagonist members ofadministration; of which the result was, according to the mind of thesovereign multitude, that negotiation should be entered into with theMacedonians and Olynthians, and the whole military strength of thestate employed for the important purpose of reducing their rebellious allies.It belongs to the general historian to trace the progress of the war Operationswhich Athens carried on against the several communities which had of Philip.dared to throw off her yoke. In this summary, we shall confine ourselves to the operations of Philip and his new confederates in thenorth, in pursuing the plan which he had adopted for diminishing theAthenian influence in the Macedonian and Thracian colonies.In pursuance of the decree passed at Athens, envoys were forthwith despatched to Macedon; and commissioners were sent thence inreturn to treat, on the part of Philip and the Olynthians, in the Athenian capital. Various proposals were made by both parties withoutany success, and perhaps without any sincere desire of accommodationon either side. In the meantime, the alliance between Macedon andOlynthus was advancing to a conclusion, a measure of which the expediency was rendered more manifest by the negotiation lately attemptedwith the common enemy. Philip resigned in favour of his allies thecity of Anthemus, which originally belonging to Macedon, had twicechanged its masters, and now reverted to a people whose dominionwas cherished, and who set a high value on the possession.But all this arrangement and concession on the part of the Mace- Capture ofdonian monarch, was only preparatory to the execution of his settled Amphipolis.purpose of wresting Amphipolis from the hands of the Athenians.The siege being formed, the skill which Philip had acquired in thescience of attack, availed him greatly in his efforts to intimidate thetownsmen into compliance; and the influence of a friendly partywithin the walls contributed, it is thought, not less than his batteringengines, to dispose the garrison to listen readily to terms. Diodorus,it is true, informs us that the town was taken by storm; and therecan be no doubt that the Athenian faction made a desperate resistance,and lost much blood in defence of their works, as well as in repellingthe various assaults which were made, wherever a breach was practicable. At length the determined resolution of the assailants deprivedthe besieged at once of the hope and of the means of holding out tillrelief could arrive from the Athenian territory. A surrender tookplace; and on this occasion the humanity and liberal spirit of Philipwere strikingly set forth, and added much to the reputation for magnanimity which he had formerly acquired. No one was put to deathfor having opposed the views of the king, or for entertaining politicalattachments inconsistent with his claims. Only the most violent of K 2132 PHILIP OF MACEDON.the Athenian partisans were banished, because they could not betrusted in a place now held by a different interest, or voluntarily withdrew, as not thinking themselves safe under so complete a change of circ*mstances. All prisoners of war were freely dismissed. Theaffability of Philip, and his kind consideration for all, gained everyB. C. 358. heart; and in uniting Amphipolis to the Macedonian kingdom, he didas little violence to the feelings of its inhabitants as to its municipalconstitution.Capture of Pydna and Potidæa.Generous policy of Philip.Having settled the affairs of this important station, the conquerorsnext proceeded to Pydna. Notwithstanding the revolt which haddone so much discredit both to themselves and to the Athenians, therestill remained among the citizens, a strong party attached to the interests of Philip, and such an arrangement was privately made withthese adherents, as opened the gates of the town at the first approach ofthe Macedonian army. His next object was the reduction of Potidæa.This place the reader is aware had formerly belonged to Olynthus;and the oppressive nature of the Athenian government had alreadyprepared the minds of most of the people for returning to their ancientallegiance, which the presence of a garrison within their walls aloneprevented them from effecting. As soon therefore as the combinedforces of the Macedonians and Olynthians appeared before the town,the Athenian party consulted their safety by retiring into the citadel,where they were almost immediately compelled to surrender at discretion.With his usual humanity, Philip instantly provided for the personalsecurity and comfort of the prisoners who thus fell into his hands.Giving up Potidea to the Olynthians, he reserved nothing for himselfbut the right of disposing of the Athenians found within the walls;sensible that his interference was absolutely necessary to protect theseunfortunate persons from the rage of the natives, who would havemade haste to revenge upon them the tyrannical treatment of whichthey had reason to complain. The generous policy of the Macedonian prince did not confine itself to mere personal security. Heliberally supplied the wants of his prisoners in the meantime; andwithout burdening them with the payment of ransom, or in any wayrestricting their liberty of action, he sent them to Athens at his ownexpense.The effects of this campaign made a deep impression on the Athenians. Every dependency of any consequence, on the northern shoreof the Ægæan, from the confines of Thessaly to the Thracian Chersonesus was wrested from them, and added to the strength of theirgrowing enemies. Meanwhile the Confederate or Social War, engagedtheir whole attention, and occupied all their means, without affordingthe most distant prospect of a favourable issue. Philip, eager to profitby this embarrassment at Athens, and to derive some advantage fromhis conquests, directed his thoughts to the gold mines of Thrace, whichbeing at no great distance from Amphipolis, seem to have given toPHILIP OF MACEDON. 133this colony the great value which it all along possessed in the eyes ofthe Athenians. At this period Cotys or Sitalces was king of all Cotys.Thrace; a singular person, and one who affected to exchange the unpolished mode of life habitual to his countrymen, for the soft andenervating luxury of more southern climates. He possessed little ofthat warlike spirit and savage boldness which had rendered his ancestors so formidable; but appears to have put his chief confidence in thepower of Athens, with which he was in alliance, and to one of whosegenerals, Iphicrates, he had given his daughter in marriage. Indeed,he appears to have laboured under a species of romantic insanity;which led him to forsake the habitations of men, and the protection ofcities, that he might plunge into the depth of forests, and hold hiscourt amid the wildest scenery of uncultivated nature, exhibiting hisstate on the banks of rapid rivers, and receiving perfumes from theflowers which sprang up around his tents.Thrace. Such was the man against whom Philip conducted his victorious Conquest ofarmy. The particulars of the expedition, indeed, are not recordedaccurately by any historian, whose works have come down to us. Itseems, however, perfectly ascertained, that Cotys did not remain todispute the advance of the Macedonian forces. On the contrary, hefled with precipitation, leaving to the desecration of Philip's soldiers adelightful residence in the woods, called Onocarsis, to which, as theplace of his chief enjoyments, the infatuated king had opened severalavenues meeting in a centre. Diffident ofhis power in the field, Coty'swas determined to try the effect of his literary powers on the mind ofthe invader. He despatched an epistle to Philip, the contents ofwhichhave unfortunately not transpired; but as the perusal of the pieceproduced a smile on the countenance of his brother monarch, theMacedonian courtiers caught the feeling which that smile expressed,and burst out into the loudest merriment at the very idea of a letterfrom the wrong- headed Cotys.state of theAdvancing into the country, the king of Macedon found a colony of PhilipThesians situated at Crenidæ, in the neighbourhood of the mines; for inspects theit appears that the people of Thasus had derived a lucrative employ- country.ment from working the veins of gold. This colony he instantly dislodged, and settled Macedonians in their place, giving to the newestablishment the name of Philippi, so famous afterwards in Roman Philippi.history for the defeat of Brutus and Cassius. He next proceeded toexamine the state of the celebrated mines. His soldiers descendedwith torches, and soon discovered a vein which had not been wroughtfor a considerable time. They found, however, that the former pos- sessors had not been deficient either in art or perseverance. Canalshad been contrived with infinite pains to drain off the water, whichwas directed into what appeared to them to be subterraneous lakes:and, on the whole, though the works bore recent marks of neglect orignorance, Philip saw abundant encouragement for renewing operationson a large scale. Numbers were accordingly employed, and all the134 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Thracian contrivances which ingenuity could suggest, were immediately put ingold mines. action, to draw from this fund of wealth greater treasures than it hadhitherto yielded. Nor were his labours unattended with success, forthe addition which he thus made to his resources was estimated at tenthousand talents, or two millions sterling annually; a sum so improbably large, that we cannot free our minds from the suspicion of amaterial inaccuracy. The amount has been reduced to a thousandtalents, a return not only much more reasonable, when viewed inreference to the means used for obtaining it, but also more commensurate with the wants which Philip had to supply, and the militaryoperations which he had to defray.While the Macedonians were thus successfully realizing their projects upon Thrace, a rebellion was stirred up against Cotys by Miltocythes, a prince of his own family; and, although this absurd kingwas in alliance with Athens, and had been honoured by the Athenianpeople with the freedom of their city and a golden crown, his causewas abandoned by the democratical party headed by Demosthenes, and the views of his unnatural relative encouraged and actively supported.The object of this turbulent and unprincipled body was evidently tocreate in Thrace an occasion for their interference against Philip, theprogress of whose arms had excited no small apprehension in theAthenian republic. But their plans were not crowned with success.Ergophilus, the first commander employed by them, was supersededbefore he could perform anything which deserved a place in history.Antocles, too, who was sent to succeed him, was not only in like manner soon recalled, but was even prosecuted and condemned forwant of zeal in this nefarious project. Still unrewarded by any material impression on Thrace, the popular chiefs at Athens had howeverAssassination the satisfaction to hear that Cotys was assassinated by two brothers,citizens of the Grecian town of Enus, whose names were Heraclidesand Python. The latter forthwith repaired to Athens, where, in thepresence of the assembled people, he avowed the murder, and expressing his satisfaction with what he had done, demanded the rewardwhich the Athenians had been accustomed to give for accomplishing the death of a tyrant.of Cotys.It should seem that Philip, though not an unconcerned spectator ofwhat was going forward, abstained rigidly from all participation in actual hostility, in favour of either side. He saw the Athenians continuing to prosecute their designs against the infant son of the murdered king, and even stirring up new competitors for the Thraciancrown; but neither policy nor a sense of equity, nor even the generoushumanity upon which he so often professed to act, overcame his determination to remain neutral. He estimated, with sufficient foresight and accuracy, the effects of protracted hostility as well on Athensas on Thrace; and as the great aim of his ambition was to weakenboth, and to extend his influence over the whole Grecian peninsula, hebeheld, no doubt, with an inward feeling of satisfaction, the waste ofPHILIP OF MACEDON. 135treasure and the effusion of blood , so copiously drawn from the twocontending parties.EAIt belongs to the annalist to detail the sundry movements made bythe Athenians to accomplish their ends in the neighbourhood ofMacedon, even whilst the confederate war raged in other quarters withunabated fury. These occurrences do not fall under our department,farther than they are connected withthe transactions of Philip's reign, and his concern in the affairs of Greece: aconsideration which induces us toquicken our steps, to pass over the treaty with Thrace, and the settlement of differences with the confederated powers, and to proceed at once to the Sacred or Phocian War; an Coin of Phocis.event which opened, in the very heart of the Grecian states, a theatrefor the talents, the ambition, and the military skill of the Macedoniansovereign.Phocian War.The war which we have just designated arose from the deep dislike B. C. 355.and envy which Thebes entertained towards Phocis and Lacedæmon. Sacred orThe first of these states was accused of occupying some lands situatedon the banks of the Cephisus, which the religion of ancient times hadconsecrated to Apollo, and thereby consigned to perpetual desolation.The Amphictyonic council, instigated by the intrigues of the Thebans,and professing to act as the guardians of religion and of the rights ofthe god, whose territory had been violated, found themselves induced to impose on the Phocians a heavy fine for their impiety. A similarpunishment was inflicted on Lacedæmon, for a supposed breach ofpublic faith in seizing, at a period of national peace, the citadel ofThebes; but as the decision of the venerable Amphictyons was not inthis case so powerfully backed by popular feeling as it was whendirected against the sacrilegious Phocians, it seems not to have beenvery rigidly enforced. These last offenders, however, were pursuedwith equal zeal and hatred by the partisans of Thebes, and they wereon the point of being expelled by their pious neighbours, when thesense of injustice, and a clear perception of the hypocritical motives oftheir principal persecutors, drove them to extremities, and dictated anappeal to arms. Philomelus, a man of talents and plausible address,was appointed their leader; who by means of certain private resources,and a small donation from Archidamus king of Sparta, succeeded inraising a body of troops, at the head of which he instantly marched toDelphi, took possession of the city, and assumed the custody of thetemple with its immense treasures.tyons.Aformal decree on the part of the Amphictyons pronounced the Decree of thepeople of Phocis enemies to heaven and to Greece, and an invitation Amphicwas addressed to all who acknowledged the authority of the council,and who retained any regard for religion, to draw the sword against136 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Methone.sacrilege, and thereby to discharge the sacred obligations which theyowed to the gods and to this country. This summons produced thedesired effect. In a moment, the Locrians, Thessalians, Perrhæbians,Dorians, Dolopians, Athamanteans, Achæans, Phthiotes, Magnetes,Enians and some others, influenced either by indignation at the profane conduct of the Phocians, or by the intrigues of Thebes, rushedinto the field to oppose Philomelus and his adherents.The Athenians employed in watching Philip, or in directing againsthim the arms of their mercenaries and allies, satisfied themselves withan empty promise to the Phocian general, and with the vain formalities of a treaty. They allowed him to be defeated and killed in abattle by the members of the holy alliance; and soon after this event,their fears were so much engaged by the menaces of the Persian court,that measures of self-defence occupied all their thoughts, and suggestedthe expediency of a lasting peace with the ruler of Macedonia. Aproposal even was made by some of the leading persons in the Athenian administration, to invite Philip to join them in an armed defenceagainst the common enemy of Greece; and it is said, that a deputationwas sent to the other states to induce them to acknowledge Macedonas a member of the Hellenic body. This, it is well known, wasardently desired by Philip, and was, there is reason to believe, inorder to gratify that monarch, proposed by some one of his partisansat Athens. The suspicions of Demosthenes, however, and a full disclosure of the designs of Persia, which were not directed againstGreece but Egypt, frustrated the hopes of the Macedonian faction, andexcluded the king from the honour which they had intended for him.B. C. 353. In the meantime, this prince, ever restless and aspiring, ever atten- Reduction of tive to the schemes which his ambition dictated, and ever providedwith some pretence to justify his hostilities against those who were obnoxious to him, turned his thoughts to Methone as a city which hisinterests required he should reduce. The Methoneans prepared themselves for an obstinate defence; and the siege which ensued is chiefly remarkable on account of a wound which Philip received in one of hiseyes, and which has given occasion to several fabulous narratives. Itwas inflicted with an arrow, which, on being extracted, was found tohave inscribed on it the following label: " Astor to Philip's righteye." This expert bowman, it seems, had offered his services to theking, recommending himself by the assurance that his skill in shooting was so nice, that he could with his arrows strike down a bird in itsflight. " It is well," said Philip, " I shall make use of thee when Iwage war with starlings."The Athenians had sent succours for the relief of Methone; but thesiege was pressed with so much vigour, that these only arrived in timeto witness the triumph of their active enemy. The city was immediately rased to the ground; the lands were divided among the soldiers and thus, instead of a station which the marauders of Athenshad long occupied for the annoyance and control of the MacedoniansPHILIP OF MACEDON. 137and Olynthians, a colony was planted to watch them, in their turn,and to oppose their machinations against the frontier settlements of either people.The moderation of Philip on this, as on all similar occasions, addedto his character a reputation much more precious and enduring, thanthe mere fame of conquest. At a time when slavery was the fate ofall such prisoners of war, as were not thought deserving of the severer Humanitypenalty of death, the Methoneans, who had submitted to his mercy,of Philip.without any stipulation, were allowed to march out of the city, everyindividual with one suit of apparel, in search of a new habitation.The spirit of party, from which no man has ever suffered more thanPhilip, will not allow that even here his motives were pure, or hisintentions really humane. The democracy of Athens now began tosee in the most praiseworthy actions of the Macedonian, nothingbesides an insidious desire to extend his influence over Greece, and togain by hypocritical professions those hearts whom he could not expectto subdue by arms.Philomelus, the Phocian general, was succeeded by Onomarchus,who, with much talent and address, induced his countrymen to continue the war, and to repair the losses of their army. After varioussuccess nearer home, this commander at length courted the allianceand co-operation of Lycophron, one of the Thessalian tyrants whomPhilip had deposed, and who seems eagerly to have embraced the present opportunity for recovering some portion of his former power.Troops were sent into Thessaly to further his views, and to re-establishhim at Pheræ, the capital of his dominions; where he immediatelycommenced preparations for securing his independence. Philip couldno longer remain inactive. He marched into Thessaly; attackedLycophron; and, notwithstanding the presence of the Phocian armyunder Phayllus, inflicted on him a severe defeat. Onomarchus, however, was at hand with a large and well-appointed force, determinedto revenge the loss sustained by his brother, and to confirm the hopesof Lycophron. Philip made haste to meet him, and to prevent, by abattle, the inroad which the Phocian meditated. The Macedonian Defeatedphalanx was already an object of dread to the best-disciplined troops , bycians.and Onomarchus knowing both its strength and its weakness, practisedagainst it a stratagem , which, on this occasion, succeeded in thwartingthe consummate generalship of his opponent. The Phocians gained avictory, the effects of which, in the existing circ*mstances of Macedon,might have proved fatal to a less determined prince than Philip, butwhich in his case served only to animate his exertions, and to improvehis military tactics, for more successful exertions.by thedefeated by Philip.Onomarchus, after having defeated the Thebans in the heart of their Phociansown dominions, appeared once more in Thessaly as the ally of Lycophron, at the head of twenty thousand foot and five hundred horse:being stimulated, it is said, by the promise of undisputed power inthat country, and the command of all its resources in prosecuting the138 PHILIP OF MACEDON. iPolicy of Philip.war with Boeotia and her confederates. The king of Macedon, unintimidated by the result of the late conflict with the same enemy,instantly took the field to oppose him. The two armies now advancedagainst each other, equally eager to engage, and equally animated withthe hopes of victory. Glory, ambition, and revenge, were the motiveswhich stirred in the breast of Philip, and glowed through all hisranks. His cause was fair and popular: he fought against tyrannyand oppression in the person of Lycophron; against sacrilege and profanation as chargeable upon the Phocians; and in defence of liberty,of Greece, and of Apollo, their injured and favourite divinity. Heordered all his men to deck their heads with laurel, a tree sacred tothat god; whilst the emblems and instruments of worship were displayed in the standards which accompanied his troops into the field.Many of the Thessalians too, alienated by the oppression of Lycophron,and abhorring the profane alliance in which he had joined, were foundin the ranks of Macedonia, burning with zeal for religion, as well aswith a desire to revenge their individual rights upon the head of thisusurping chief. The army of Philip, therefore, regarded themselvesas the soldiers of a pious cause; commissioned by heaven to inflictdue punishment on the robbers of temples and the profaners of shrines.The Phocians, on the other hand, came into action the champions ofa national quarrel; conscious, indeed of having taken a bold step forsecuring their ancient rights over the structure at Delphi, but smartingat the same time under the sense of injurious conduct, on the part ofthe Amphictyons, and of all who attempted to enforce their severedecree. The battle which ensued was obstinately contested , andvictory remained very doubtful. The infantry on each side equal innumber, and fighting with a resolution which nothing could subdue,kept the issue in suspense till the Thessalian cavalry, led on with theircharacteristic spirit and effect, broke the lines of the Phocians anddecided the fortune of the day. Horror and dismay hurried greatnumbers of the fugitives into the sea, which was contiguous to thefield of battle; and among these their general Onomarchus himself.A fleet was seen approaching the shore, as if to lend succours to the vanquished, or to afford the means of retreat. It was the armamentunder Chares, sent by the Athenians to support the enemies ofMacedon, and which arrived just in time to witness their completediscomfiture. More than six thousand Phocians perished in the conflict, or in the precipitate flight which followed it: the body of theirchief was sought out and hung upon a gibbet, as a memorial of sacriDefeat of the legious crime and divine vengeance: and three thousand of theirnumber, who had fallen prisoners of war into the hands of the enemy,are reported to have been delivered up to the dreadful penalty whichwas denounced by the general laws of Greece, against the violators of sacred things.Phocians.Fear, jealousy, and envy were the prevailing feelings at Athens,excited by the news of Philip's victory. Speeches were pronounced,PHILIP OF MACEDON. 139and resolutions were passed, and recrimination between the contendingparties was mutually indulged; but no decisive step was taken tocheck the rising power of Macedon. Unwilling themselves to takethe field, the Athenian demagogues attempted to stir up new enemiesto Philip in his own neighbourhood; and are said, with this view, tohave negotiated with the Olynthians, the former allies of Macedon,and to have promised them assistance in whatever enterprise theymight undertake against the conqueror of Onomarchus. It was,perhaps, at their instigation too, that fresh troubles arose in Thrace;but whatever might be the source whence they sprang, they onlyadded to the credit of Philip, who strengthened the hands of Cersobleptes, the reigning prince, and completely baffled the designs of the leaders.The obscurity which hangs over the minor events of ancient times prevents us from ascertaining the exact order in which several of theoccurrences of Philip's reign took place. For instance, it is difficultto determine what space of time elapsed, and what transactions intervened between the victory gained over the Phocians, and the descentof Philip into the lower parts of Greece, with the intention of joiningthe Thebans. It was, however, whilst the memory of his successeswas still vivid, and the might of his arms still felt, that he yielded tothe impetuosity of his Thessalian allies, and appeared at the Straits ofThermopyla. Nor does it appear that Philip was much in earnestin this attempt to penetrate into Greece. When Diophantus, theAthenian general, refused a passage, no disposition was shown toforce it; and although a slight movement on the part of the Bootianswould have laid open the Straits, by compelling the enemy to retreat,the leader of the Macedonians did not deem it expedient to advance.On the contrary, he quietly withdrew his troops, and, after a shortstay in Thessaly on his march homeward, he finally returned to hiscapital, to watch the progress of events, and to prepare new means foravailing himself of contingencies.position ofPhilip had now reached the point at which his ambition had long Highaimed; the power of influencing the councils of Greece, and even politicalof controlling the measures of the more prominent States. Thessaly Philip.and Thrace being now united to Macedon, either as allies or subjects,his dominion extended from the Egean sea to the Adriatic; and,having in his possession the principal ports on the eastern and southernshores of the neighbouring provinces, he secured the approach tohis capital against any sudden inroad, meditated by the naval forcesof the Athenians. His army, the best disciplined and effective inEurope, had an unlimited confidence in his talents and courage, andwas ready to follow him wherever he should lead. By the surrounding republics he was regarded as the avenger of sacrilege; theprotector of religion; and as alone worthy to take the direction in theexpiation of a crime, which ought to have united the whole world topunish and repress it. Nor was the influence attached to his personal140 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Sources of the power of Phocis.qualities less captivating than the success which crowned his military efforts in the prosecution of a righteous cause. Affable and humane,he tempered the exercise of despotic power with a marked attentionto justice and the feelings of individuals; and whilst he used hissubjects and their wealth as the means of gratifying his own ambition,he gave to every one of them so direct an interest in following up hisviews, that they at once admired him as a hero and reverenced himas a benefactor.Whilst Philip was consolidating his affairs at home, new labourswere preparing for him by the restless emissaries of the Athenian republicans . The horror of sacrilege had now lost so much of its force,that the Phocians found several of their confederates perfectly disposedto share with them the treasures of the Delphian god, and to prosecutehuman ends by means of divine resources. As long as the sacredgold continued to be drawn from the repositories of Apollo, no difficulty was found in raising soldiers to vindicate the sacrilege; and it isaccordingly mentioned by Diodorus, that in the spring, after the defeatof Onomarchus, large reinforcements were seen pouring in fromfriendly states to augment the Phocian army, now under Phayllus,the brother of their late commander. Athens, according to his report,furnished a mercenary force of no less than five thousand foot and fivehundred horse; and yet, he adds, the Athenian government from theDelphian treasury, drew pay for a still greater number. Lacedæmonsent one thousand men; Achaia from various towns two thousand;and Lycophron, the former tyrant of Thessaly, presented himself atthe head of two thousand. Of these forces, so heterogeneous in theirmaterials, and so discordant in their motives, Phayllus, the Phocian,was appointed commander-in-chief.These extensive preparations were not attended with any materialresult. The Phocians were repeatedly vanquished by the soldiers ofThebes, but apparently with no considerable loss; the former soonappearing again in the field, and even assailing the posts of theirvictorious enemies. Phayllus soon repaired his losses, and, by asystem of rapid movements and sudden attacks, which the morephlegmatic Thebans were not always prepared to meet, made a deepimpression on their army, and even reduced one of their principal towns. On the death of this general, however, the Phocians wereless successful; for hazarding a battle near Charonea, under thedirection of Mnaseas, they sustained a serious overthrow, and lostmany of their best troops.Thebes and Phocis, the principals in this sacred war, were aboutthis time diverted from the main object of their hostilities, by theattention which each was called upon to pay to the interest of certain cities placed under their protection. The scene of warfare wasaccordingly transferred into Peloponnesus, where Sparta, assisted bythe Phocians, drew out their forces against the people of Megalopolis,who, on their return, were encouraged and reinforced by the presencePHILIP OF MACEDON. 141of the Thebans. It belongs not to the object of this history to tracethe operations of a subordinate contest; nor to unfold the causeand progress of the troubles, which about this time arose in Euboea,and gave occasion to the interference of the Macedonians. We,therefore, proceed to the third period of the Sacred War, which Third period had the effect of bringing Philip into more intimate relations with the of the Sacredleading states of Greece, than had at any former juncture subsistedbetween them, and during which, Athens and Macedon became theprincipal belligerent powers.War.めからmarine ofIt had all along been the policy of the Athenian party to creatework for Philip among his Thracian or Thessalian neighbours, and togive employment to his arms at a distance from their own territory.The Olynthians, at first the enemies and afterwards the allies ofMacedonia, were now induced by the popular leaders at Athens tobreak truce with that prince, and to throw themselves upon the pro- tection of their state. It is not easy to perceive an adequate motivefor this revolution at Olynthus. In former times, indeed, the navalpower of Athens was predominant throughout the Ægæan sea; and theMacedonians, though victorious on land , had occasionally to endureboth insult and loss, from the marauding expeditions which from timeto time appeared on the coast, under the flag of that people. Unableto protect his own property, Philip could not extend protection to hisdependents or allies; but in order to obviate these evils, he had oflate directed his attention so successfully to the establishment of amarine, as to be able not only to ward off the piratical assaults of hisenemies, but even to carry the war into their own harbours. Ships Powerfulbearing his authority had already taken and plundered the islands of Philip.Imbros and Lemnos; had forced the sea-port of Gerastus in Eubœa,and captured a fleet of merchantmen richly laden; and, what made astill deeper impression at Athens, the coast of Attica itself was visitedby a hostile armament, and the sacred ship Paralus was taken out ofthe very harbour of Marathon. The Olynthians, therefore, had everything to fear from the power and activity of Philip, as an enemy,when they deserted his interests, and exposed themselves to the furyof his revenge. This politic commander was yet in Thrace, wheninformation reached him of the prevalence acquired by the Athenian party at Olynthus, and the threatened secession of that state fromthe Macedonian alliance. Without delay he exerted his utmost endeavours to know the cause of so unexpected a revolution; to hearcomplaints, to remove grievances, if any were felt, and by all means torestore between the governments that unshaken confidence, withoutwhich peace could not subsist. This, says Demosthenes, it was thebusiness of the Athenians to prevent; and to effect that object, themeasures employed by the popular agents proved in a little time effectual.Throughout this negotiation, the promises of Athenian aid were soample, that the Olynthians imagined the war was to be almost entirely142 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Advance ofadmiral.carried on by their new allies. A fleet, with a small land force underChares, was, no doubt, despatched with due expedition to ravage suchparts ofthe coasts as owned obedience to Macedon, and even to extenda predatory war a little way into the interior. No preparation beingmade to oppose him, the Athenian commander succeeded so well inhis plundering campaign, that at the end of a short period , he returnedhome to his employers laden with booty, to feast the multitude and boast of his own exploits.It was the close of the year before Philip could collect an armythe Athenian sufficient to chastise the Olynthians, and protect his shores from theinroads of Chares. In the commencement of the following season, theAthenian admiral appeared once more with his ships and light-armedtroops, to pursue his wonted exactions upon the defenceless inhabitantsof the coast; leaving the Olynthians to fight two battles with theirformidable enemy, who, routing them completely, drove them forrefuge within the walls of their town.Unable to oppose the progressof his arms, the infatuated inhabitants had recourse to treaty. Theysent to him when within a short distance of their gates, expressingtheir readiness to listen to terms, and to renew the former alliance.Philip replied that " it was now too late; that he had before abundantly and repeatedly expressed his earnestness to treat with them;but now it was become too evident that there was but one alternative-they must quit Olynthus, or he Macedonia. "B. C. 347.Capture of Olynthus.The town was besieged, and, after some experience of the usualoccurrences of assaults and desertions, surrendered at discretion intothe hands of the king of Macedon. The interests of his dominionspointed out the policy which it here behoved him to pursue. Hedemolished Olynthus, annexing the territory belonging to it to thenearest province of Macedonia; and, according to Diodorus, sold bypublic auction the whole body of the people, without regard to condition, sex, or age. Philip, it is added, was present at the sale, whereAristotle, the philosopher, is accused of assisting, and even of aggravating the misfortunes of a people with whom he had lived in friendship, by pointing out the richest of the inhabitants, and instructing theking how to extort their treasure and procure exorbitant ransoms.Were we to follow the authorities quoted by Leland, with regard tothe Olynthian war, we should allow ourselves to fall into the error ofascribing the defection of that people to the intrigues and corruptionsof Philip; who, notwithstanding, seems to have been taken completelyby surprise, and to have made no preparation to profit by a revolutionwhich he himself is imagined to have instigated. Diodorus, in thispart of his narrative, has evidently derived his information fromDemosthenes; whilst this orator, as is well known, drew his principalcharges against Philip, from sources tainted by the infusion of partyspleen, and pronounced them in language which is more remarkable for its vehemence than its truth.As every attempt to reduce the power of Philip was found to resultPHILIP OF MACEDON. 143in augmented influence, and even in an extension of his territorialdominions, the Athenians were now convinced, that, to render Macedonia harmless, it would be necessary to allow it to revert to the enjoyment of peace. Demosthenes himself gave his countenance topacific measures. The wiser part of the citizens could not fail to mark the growing power and successful ambition of their great enemy, andto be sensible, at the same time, of the increasing corruption and effeminacy of their own countrymen. From the period that they had attempted to recover Amphipolis, no less a sum than fifteen hundredtalents had been expended; one hundred ships had been lost; seventyfive tributary cities had fallen into the hands of the Macedonians;Olynthus was destroyed, and Euboea had revolted; the several Grecianstates having harassed and wasted each other by their foolish quarrels,were now completely alienated by mutual jealousy and suspicion; and,to crown all, Philip was more admired, more dreaded, more am- bitious, and more warlike than ever.The desire of peace was farther strengthened by the failure of anegotiation which had been entered into with Phocis, now, of course,become the bitter enemy of Athens. The first step, therefore, to betaken in this delicate state of affairs, was to ascertain the dispositionsof Philip with respect to peace; and the next was to prepare the mindsof the sovereign multitude for entering into terms with a man who,they had been taught to believe, laboured all day and meditated allnight, to accomplish their destruction . Two Athenians of some note,Stratocles and Eucratus, had been taken prisoners at the fall ofOlynthus; the former of whom, liberated without ransom, returned tohis native city full of gratitude and admiration for the generous princewho had set him free; and made known to his countrymen that Philipentertained a sincere desire for a close alliance and a lasting peace with the commonwealth of Athens. A decree had, however, beenfulminated at no very distant period, denouncing death to any one whoshould propose peace with that monarch, and forbidding, under asimilar penalty, the appearance of a Macedonian herald on the Atticsoil. To try the temper of the people, a motion was made to repealthat stern decree. The proposal was listened to with moderation,and, on the whole, the passions of revenge and of pride were now socompletely subdued by the love of security, that a commission wasappointed to convey to Macedon the wishes of the Athenian people.The members of this embassy were-Ctesiphon, Phrynon, Philocrates,Nausicles, Cimon, Demosthenes, Dercyllus, Æschines, and Aristodemus.Whilst Athens was thus employed in thoughts of peace, Philipwas pursuing his warlike designs within the Thracian territory. Hehad already circ*mscribed within very narrow limits the dominions ofthe devoted Cersobleptes, whom he had deprived of several importanttowns; and, at the period when the commissioners passed throughThessaly, on their way to Macedon, they found the celebrated generalParmenio besieging Halus, a town claimed by the Pharsalians, whoseOvertures from Athens for peace.144 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Atheniancause Philip had espoused, but which was attached to the Athenians,whose power in that part of Greece Philip had determined to undermine.Having arrived at the Macedonian capital, the deputies were introdeputation. duced to the king, and admitted to an audience. As they had agreedto speak in the order of their seniority, Eschines first addressed theking, endeavouring to convince him of the friendly disposition of theAthenians towards his person; of the justice of their claims uponAmphipolis, and certain other possessions of which he had deprivedthem; and, above all, he laboured to demonstrate the unreasonablenessof his hostile views upon the territory of their allies.Demosthenes, being the youngest, was the last to speak, and hadcertainly the most difficult task to perform. He was now in thepresence of a prince, whom in his absence he had frequently assailedwith the most furious invective, to whom he had uniformly ascribedDemosthenes.the most impure and selfish motives, andwhose actions he had often representedas cruel, treacherous, and unjust. Theperson whom he was to address wasnot only a consummate politician butan able orator; a master of the art inwhich Demosthenes excelled; a persuasive speaker himself, and a perfect judgeof eloquence in others. The courtiers of Macedon stood around, full of expectation and curiosity; the reputationof the great Athenian orator, had prepared them for an extraordinary displayof talent and address; and even the ambassadors themselves, who had so oftenheard their distinguished colleague thunder forth from the tribunal his indignation against Philip, were nowimpatient to witness the effects of his eloquence, and to hear thoseirresistible arguments and potent remonstrances, with which he hadpromised to attack, and hoped to confound, the obstinate policyof Philip. All was suspense, and the most eager curiosity; andevery man now waited in silence for some splendid specimen offorcible, dignified, and subduing oratory. But Demosthenes, unacDemosthenes customed to such an audience, and such a combination of circ*mstances,before Philip. lost courage and presence of mind. He who had so often bravedwith success the tumult and abuse of an Athenian assembly, was, inthis new scene, utterly disconcerted and abashed. His facultiesrefused their office. He began in a hesitating and ungraceful manner;muttered a few unintelligible sentences, till , at length, his terror andembarrassment increased to such a degree, that his recollection quiteforsook him, and he stood before the assembly totally unable to proceed. Philip saw his distress and pitied him. With that politenessand humanity which were natural to him, and with that condescensionConfusion ofPHILIP OF MACEDON. 145which he knew so well how to affect, he encouraged him to go on,reminding him that he was not now before an assembly of his countrymen, whose resentment he had to dread in case of failure; begged him to take time to collect again his scattered ideas and to pursue hisintended harangue. Demosthenes, accordingly attempted to resume hisspeech, but was not able; his confusion continued, his embarrassmentincreased, and he was once more compelled to take refuge in silence.The ambassadors being allowed to retire, Demosthenes instantlygave vent to his chagrin and disappointment, by condemning the freedom with which Eschines had addressed the king, and the severitywith which he had canvassed his political measures. "What!"exclaimed the baffled orator, " have you forgotten the present state ofAthens; how greatly the people have been harassed by war, and howardently they wish for peace? You have now so irritated Philip, andspoken so harshly, that, instead of ending the war by a happy accommodation, you have only to expect the most violent and hostile resentment, in place of the pacific and favourable disposition in which wefound him on our arrival!"Before Eschines could reply to this peevish invective, the envoys Reply ofwere again called into the presence of Philip. This able sovereign, Philip.whose command of temper never forsook him, immediately proceededto reply to their representations in the order in which he had listenedto them, with the utmost force and perspicuity. He addressed himself particularly to Eschines, and went over theseveral topics of his speech with muchfulness and accuracy; but in such amanner, as according to the report ofthis orator himself, did not implicatehim in the intrigues of the war- partyat Athens, or express any suspicion ofhis pacific professions in regard to Macedonia. As to Demosthenes, his harangueconveyed so little, either in the way offact or of argument, that no reply wasnecessary. Perhaps, too, it might suitwith the present views of Philip to treatthe Athenian orator with some degree ofslight. He might choose to affect a con- Æschines.temptuous disregard for his powers, as well to mortify his great opponent, as to remind the world that the man who had ever inveighed withthe utmost virulence against him in the hearing of a popular assembly,had not been able, on this important occasion, when reasoning and notinvective was expected by his audience, to offer anything to their noticewhich deserved either reply or observation. He then invited them toan entertainment; where, if we may give credit to Eschines, his colleague conducted himselfwith still greater weakness and confusion than[H. G. ] L146 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Address ofto thebefore. Presiding over the festivities of the banquet, Philip displayedthose powers of conversation and wit which at once rendered his societydelightful, and gave him a firm hold of the affections of his guests. Attable he reiterated his assurances of a pacific disposition towards Athens;expressed his respect and friendship for the government; and declaredthat as soon as the alliance between them should be confirmed , theAthenian people would have reason to be satisfied with the most substantial marks of his favour.Demosthenes, sensible that he made a mean figure at the Mace- donian court, is said to have conducted himself on the way homewardwith excessive obsequiousness and adulation towards the other membersof the embassy. Immediately on their arrival, too, when their proceedings were reported to the council of five hundred, the orator, asone of that body, spoke very favourably of his colleagues in general,and moved that, according to custom when the conduct of an embassywas approved, they should be honoured for their services with a publicsupper in the Prytaneum; and as the business of peace was so successfully begun, he further proposed that they should wear on the occasioncrowns of the sacred olive. The motion was acceded to, and theentertainment was given.When the matter came before the people at large, and the ambasDemosthenes sadors were introduced, in their turn, to give an account of theirAthenians. proceedings at Macedon, Demosthenes at once relinquished his complimentary tone towards his colleagues, and proceeded so far as toinsinuate, that, in their transactions with their countrymen as well aswith Philip, they had betrayed either ignorance or incapacity. As theyoungest he was as usual the last to appear. He began by observing,that all that the other envoys had said was little to the purpose; andrequesting that the decree of the people appointing the embassymight be read, he farther moved, that Philip's letter to the Athenians might be read also. “ Here then, ” said he, " is the substance of thebusiness on hand: and I propose that the herald expected fromMacedon be received; that the ambassadors who are to follow himbe likewise received; and that two days after their arrival, the peoplebe summoned to consult respecting the terms of the peace which isnow contemplated with Philip."A variety of particulars connected with this occurrence have foundtheir way into the biographical sketches of Demosthenes, some ofwhich, although resting on rather doubtful authority, are strikinglycharacteristic of that powerful orator. Impatient of all allusion tothe conference at Macedon and to the personal character of Philip,"You shall see," he exclaims, in his address to the populace, " howI propose to cut off these superfluous matters. Eschines praises thememory and eloquence of Philip. But so far am I from agreeingwith him, that I apprehend any other man in the same rank andcirc*mstances, would not be counted inferior to him in these particulars. Ctesiphon praises his person: I think my colleague Aris-PHILIP OF MACEDON. 147todemus has a figure no less graceful. Others tell you of his mirthand gaiety at table: I think Philocrates is by far the more jovialcompanion. One man says, it was left to me to speak about Amphipolis; but this your orator would not willingly suffer either youor me to speak.-But this is all trifling. I shall draw up a decreefor entering into a negotiation with Philip's heralds and ambassadors,who are now expected, &c."It is well observed that it was necessary to collect together all theaccomplishments of the several ambassadors, in order to give a just ideaof those which centered in the character of Philip: and it is impossibleto read the personalities of Demosthenes, on this occasion, withoutdisrespect for the man who could attempt to under-rate the qualitiesof a distinguished prince, by dwelling on circ*mstances in themselvesso extremely trifling, and to which that individual himself would havebeen the last to attach any intrinsic value.Macedonian The herald and the ambassadors from Macedonia arrived in due Arrival ofthetime. These last were three in number, and bore names which were, ambassadors.even at that period , respected in Greece , and which have since beencelebrated over the whole civilized world, Eurylochus, Antipater, andParmenio. The first was eminent for eloquence and valour, and isknown to have rendered effectual services by each of these endowments to Philip and to his son Alexander. Parmenio joined themerit of an honest courtier to that of a brave soldier; and we mayjudge of the esteem in which he was held by his discerning master,from the following characteristic remark. Being told on one occasion,that the Athenians had chosen their ten generals for the year:" Happy people! " exclaimed Philip, " who can every year find ten!In my whole life, " continued he, with his eye fixed on Parmenio, “ Inever knew but one. " Antipater is said to have been the mostrespected and most trusted of all Philip's ministers. This prince, weare told used frequently to say at table, " Come, let us drink deep;it is enough for me that Antipater is sober! " And when one morning he came into his audience chamber later than usual, “ I have beenlong a-bed, " said he, looking around him, "but it is no matter:Antipater was awake. ”discussion.Discussions now took place at Athens relative to the peace, and Athenianpartly in regard to the extent of the alliance to be entered into withMacedon. Philip was desirous of confining the treaty to theAthenians, exclusive of their allies, whilst some of the more moderateparty in the government insisted that the interests of these should beprovided for and secured. On this point, however, so essential totheir public credit and individual reputation, the wavering politiciansof Athens showed neither consistency nor stedfastness. To terminatetheir heartless disputes, it was resolved to send a commission of fivepersons to Macedon to bring the peace to a conclusion; in whichnumber was Eschines, now the devoted tool of Philip's designs.Demosthenes, under pretence of ransoming prisoners, contrived toL 2148 PHILIP OF MACEDON.B. C. 346.The treaty ratified.attach himself to the embassy and proceeded accordingly to the head- quarters of the Macedonian ruler.It was at Pella where Eschines and his colleagues obtained anaudience of Philip, who amidst these numerous negotiations and embassies, was usually employed in directing the movements of hisarmies. He was, indeed, at that period, on the eve of concluding theconquest of Thrace; an object which he wished to accomplish beforehe renewed his conferences with the Athenian ministers: and withthis view he allowed them to wait nearly a month in his capital,before he could be induced to leave his troops in the active season of asuccessful campaign. On his arrival at Pella, he found ambassadorsnot only from Athens, as he had expected, but also from Thebes andLacedæmon, imploring his interposition to settle some difference between these rival states, and to give the aid of his arms to bring to aconclusion the wasting warfare which was still going on between the Thebans and Phocians.After granting an audience to the Athenian deputies , in whichsome remonstrances were made in regard to the warlike attitude inwhich Philip continued to remain, and some vague explanations andprofessions on his part were returned to quiet their apprehensions;the king urging the necessity of his presence in Thessaly, where histroops were still investing Halus, proposed to carry the several embassies along with him; in the hope, as he was pleased to express himself, that their mediation might be the means of terminating the protracted contest between the Pharsalians and the inhabitants of Halus.The treaty with Athens received at length the ratification of Philip.In enumerating the allies of either people, Halus was excluded on thepart of Macedon, and Phocis on that of the Athenians. The Phociansassisted and protected by Athens in the commencement of the sacredwar, had, it appears, given offence to their proud neighbours by refusing to yield to them certain towns which commanded the straits ofThermopylæ, and were at present so much the objects of their displeasure, that they were specially excluded from participation in anybenefit of the treaty between them and the Macedonians. This exclusion of the Phocians is, indeed, ascribed by some writers to the policyof Philip, who still found his interest concerned in representing thatpeople as so completely polluted with sacrilege, and so obnoxious tothe displeasure of the gods, as to be altogether unworthy of the faithof treaties or the protection of arms. It does not appear, however,from an impartial review of his conduct, that the king of Macedonwas actuated by feelings of bigotry or the desire of revenge. Helonged for an opportunity to mediate as an armed umpire in theaffairs of Greece; and as he had promised to the deputies of the principal states, that their several views and interests should not be overlooked in the settlement of differences between Thebes and Phocis,he found it expedient to leave the consideration of these differences forfuture deliberation with the parties most intimately concerned.PHILIP OF MACEDON. 149war.To bring the Phocian war to a speedy conclusion, either by con- Preparationsference or by arms, appears to have been an object which engaged the for cluding con- the attention of Philip both before and after the peace with Athens. Phocian Even whilst the ambassadors were at Pella, preparations were onfoot to enforce his mediation with the belligerent states of Greece,and to terminate the destructive contest in which they had for nearlyten years employed their armies and expended their treasure; objectswhich the king did not disguise. It was probably therefore at thesuggestion of this monarch, that immediately after the ratification of the peace, a decree was passed at Athens declaring, that if the Phociansdid not duly surrender the temple of Delphi to the Amphictyons,the Athenian people would join in arms against them, and against allwho should support them in their contumacy. Philip, indeed, addressed a letter in his own name to his new allies, inviting them inthat capacity, and as an Amphictyonic people, to join his other allies,and the whole Amphictyonic confederacy, in a just community ofarms and of council, for ending an evil so extensively destructive andstill extensively threatening. The wisest part of the Athenians were Address ofdisposed to accede to this proposal; both because they could not Philip.possibly prevent the interference of Macedonia, and also because bybecoming parties to the measure of reconciliation, they might secure some advantages in favour of their allies in Phocis and in the revoltedtowns of Boeotia , whom, notwithstanding some disagreement, theywere desirous to protect from the vengeance of Thebes and of the Thessalians. The faction, however, which had ever numbered amongstit* ranks the constant opponents of Philip, although finding it expedient to promote the recent alliance with him, was still suspicious ofhis intentions, and eagerly disposed to thwart his measures: and exerting its influence with the people, finally succeeded in procuring anegative reply to be sent to the proposition of Macedon.Bent on war, the party headed by Demosthenes appear at thisjuncture to have renewed their overtures to Phocis, and to have knit themselves in closer alliance with the Lacedæmonians. The projectof occupying the three towns which commanded the pass of Thermopyla, and of garrisoning them with Spartan troops, was again revived; but the Phocians reposing little confidence in Athenianfaith, and doubting the sincerity of Lacedæmon, refused to accede tothe arrangement. They preferred the chance of obtaining favour inthe eyes of Philip, whose regard for their interests they had been ledto believe was cordial and firm, although political reasons had induced him to disguise it, during his negotiations with their enemies. Refusing therefore to surrender the towns in question, and yet unwilling tocome to a rupture with the Lacedæmonians, they excused themselves,by observing, that " Sparta had too much occasion to look to her owndangers."The tranquillity of Greece was now once more exposed to the Oration ofgreatest hazard. The popular faction at Athens, ready to sacrifice Isocrates.150 PHILIP OF MACEDON.everything for the maintenance of their own power, were fast precipitating their country into war, without the prospect of any rationalmeans whereby to bring it to a prosperous issue. Philip could notbe ignorant of their intrigues at Phocis, and of their tampering withthe Lacedæmonians; and as his preparations for advancing into theterritory of the belligerent states were already well matured, it wasobvious that nothing short of a general combination of the Grecianrepublics could impede his progress into the heart of their country.It was at this crisis accordingly that Isocrates published his celebratedoration to Philip; which, under the form of that species of address,was in reality an appeal from himself and the moderate party, atThe political Athens, to their fellow-citizens, and to the whole Greek nation. Theobject of this famous tract was to induce the king of Macedon toassume such a lead among the states of Greece, as would preventthem from imbruing their hands in one another's blood, and enablethem, at the same time, to unite in an unanimous and combined exerobjects of the treatise of Isocrates .Isocrates .tion against their common enemy, the barbarians of Persia. Taking a cursory viewof the actual condition of the several republics around him, he depicts, in livelycolours, the misery and humiliation towhich they had all reduced themselvesby their foolish jealousy and ill-directedambition; and then, turning his eyes toPhilip, he describes that sovereign as inevery respect worthy of confidence, and asby far the fittest person of the age toreconcile the Greeks to one another, andto lead their confederate armies againstthe tyrants of Asia. Encouraging bothGreeks and Macedonians with the almostcertain prospect of success, the ingenious orator concludes his addressto the royal commander in these words:-" The sum of what I adviseis this-that you act beneficially towards the Greeks; that you reignconstitutionally over the Macedonians; that you extend your sway aswidely as may be over the barbarians. And thus will you earn thegratitude of all; of the Greeks, for the good you will do them; ofthe Macedonians, if you will preside over them constitutionally andnot tyrannically; and of all others, as far as you relieve them frombarbaric despotism, and place them under the mildness of a Grecianadministration. Others must have their opinions of what the timesrequire, and will judge for themselves how far what is here writtenmay be adapted to them; but I am fully confident that no one willgive you better advice, nor more accommodated to the existing state of things."We are perfectly satisfied with the reasons assigned for placingthis oration in the interval between the peace with Athens and thePHILIP OF MACEDON. 151conclusion of the sacred war. And between these two points itfarther marks its time as having been put forth, after symptoms of adisposition toward a new breach with Macedonia had been manifestedby a party at Athens, and while the Lacedæmonians were apprehen- Date ofsive of an accommodation between the Thebans and Phocians. By Oration.Leland and other authors, the date of Isocrates' performance is placedafter the sacred war, and even subsequently to the execution of theAmphictyonic decree, which had been passed against the sacrilegious cities of the Phocian district.This calm appeal to the reason of the Greeks, taken in connectionwith the chances of an unsuccessful struggle against the power ofMacedon, had a very considerable effect in preparing their minds foran accommodation. The disposition among the republics, to co-operate with Philip towards the establishment of peace throughout thecountry, became very general, and was manifested with nothing oftheusual republican violence. It does not appear, however, that thispersonage himself was at all desirous to assume the office which wasthus created for him. So little solicitous, indeed, was he to take thelead in settling the troublesome and invidious business of the sacredwar, that we have the authority of Demosthenes for saying he invitedthe Lacedæmonians to charge themselves with its decision, anddeclared his readiness to submit entirely to their arrangement. Whatmay have been his motives for this moderation, or whether his declarations were really sincere, are points which history has furnished uswith no means for determining. It is probable, that he was aversefrom moving into Greece so long as he had enemies in Thessaly stillunsubdued at all events, he did not proceed to gratify the impatience of his allies in the south, until Halus had surrendered to hisarms. That town being garrisoned by Pharsalians, in whom Philipcould confide, and the Thessalians at large being devoted to his interests, the warlike Macedonian at length turned his face towards Thermopylae at the head of an imposing force..Isocrates'The Phocians sue for , commanded by Phalacus, the son or brother of their The Phocianslate general, were still in a condition to dispute the pass with Philip, peace.and even to occasion to him considerable delay and loss. Having,however, no confidence in the Athenian government; being suspiciousof the designs of Lacedæmon; finding that the Thebans had joined theinvader, and that the greater part of Peloponnesus was ready to riseat his nod, they saw the madness of attempting, single-handed, toarrest his progress; and made haste accordingly to profit by the disposition towards mild measures, by which Philip still professed toregulate his conduct. Not daring to entertain the hope that theywould be allowed to remain at Phocis, they stipulated with him forleave to emigrate unmolested, and to carry with them their personalproperty. On these simple conditions, the important military stationsof Nicæa, Thronium, and Alponus, were delivered to the king ofMacedonia; and Phalacus immediately after commenced his retreat152 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Conclusionwar.towards Peloponnesus, where he found a temporary refuge. Greecewas now open to the Macedonians and Thessalians, whose progressin a country, torn by mutual jealousy, occasioned the most painfulalarm. The vengeance of Thebes was more dreaded by the Phociansand the Boeotians who had favoured their cause, than the sovereigntyof Philip; and it required all the influence and management of thishumane ruler to repress the vindictive spirit which actuated his confederates. He succeeded, it is said, in procuring personal safety for all .The higher class of Phocians were content to quit their native soil;whilst the inferior orders , availing themselves of permission to surrender to the king of Macedonia, exclusively, were received, together withtheir principal towns, into his protection.The sacred war was now ended, and the fate of Greece placedof the sacred almost entirely in the hands of the king of Macedon. The moderationof this sovereign at the period now under review is the most remarkable feature of his character; and whatever may have been the motiveswhence it sprang, it certainly added not less to his influence as anumpire, than to his reputation as a conqueror. Amidst all the invective of Demosthenes, and the more perplexing partiality of Greek historians, we see clearly that the Macedonian prince, in pursuing thebrilliant objects of his ambition, never sacrificed the principles ofhumanity in the case of a vanquished foe, nor aggravated the sufferingsof the unfortunate, whatever might be their rank or condition. Hisclemency was particularly manifested in the pains which he took totemper the penalty incurred by the sacrilegious Phocians. It wasexpected, and even demanded of him by his allies, that the Amphictyonic law should be allowed to take its course against that unhappypeople. According to that constitution, which all Greece had forcenturies acknowledged, though not always, indeed, reduced topractice, the punishment to be awarded should be determined by theAmphictyons alone. But with a sincere desire to promote the endsof justice, and to obtain a milder sentence, as well, perhaps, as indeference to those states which had avowed resistance to the Amphictyonic decrees, on the ground that the judges acted under undue influence,Philip invited a congress of deputies from all the states of Greece.Absence of Æschines and Demo- sthenes.Among the representatives nominated by Athens, were Æschinesand Demosthenes; neither of whom, however, found it convenient to attend the congress. The former, about this period, desertedthe popular side; while his colleague went over to the party ofPhocion, which numbered in its ranks Isocrates, and all the leading characters who exerted themselves for the tranquillity of the republic,and a gradual diminution of democratical power and violence. To takeadvantage of popular feeling in the meantime, Eschines pretendedsickness, that he might be allowed to remain at home; and Demosthenes, to thwart the views of his adversary, declined the appointmentwith which he was honoured, and kept his station in the assemblies of the people.PHILIP OF MACEDON. 153The congress appears to have met first at Thermopylæ. The business before them was of the most delicate nature, involving the interests of all Greece, and the life or death of many thousands whoseparticipation in the crime of Phocis had subjected them to the bar ofpublic law. The two main points to which their deliberation wouldbe invited with the greatest earnestness, were, judgment on thePhocians, and a restoration of the funds belonging to the Delphiantreasury and as prejudice, vindictive feelings, and selfish views,actuated most of the deputies then present, it was wisely resolved tocome to no determination in the meantime, but to refer these important points to the authority of the Amphictyons to be thereafterassembled.Philip found his benevolent and liberal intentions in the congressnot a little impeded by the unreasonable conduct of his allies, theThebans and Thessalians. It became necessary therefore to secure, inthe second meeting, such a number of votes connected with a differentinterest, as would check the preponderance of these, and guide theirjudgment to a more equitable decision. This object seems to havebeen attained, and partly perhaps by the exertions of Athens, whichreappointed her former ministers to represent her on that solemnoccasion: but, it must be added that, in regard to the minor detailsand arrangements arising out of these important transactions, a greatdegree of obscurity prevails even in the best writers whose workshave come down to us.demandstyonicThe contending orators, Eschines and Demosthenes, each giving anaccount of this interesting meeting, do not give the clear and fullinformation which might be expected . There appears, however, to Cruelhave been a great deal of discussion and warm debate . According made in theto Eschines some of the Amphictyons, those especially from the Amphicsmaller republics, were very rude and uneducated men. The rough council.mountaineers of Eta, who also had a seat in the Amphictyoniccouncil, are said to have exceeded the Thebans themselves, in barbarous fanaticism and vindictive demands; insisting that, in order toappease the anger of the gods against the Greeks, the whole Phocianpeople should be put to death, by being precipitated from the cliffs ofthe sacred hills. Against such extreme intemperance the measuresalready taken would afford a main security: the most guilty or atleast the most distinguished of that devoted nation having submittedto a voluntary exile, and thereby removed themselves from the graspof their persecutors. Nor did the ferocious bigotry which impelledthe Etæans to crave the blood of their countrymen actuate the majorityof the congress. On the contrary, the decree which was finally passedby the Amphictyons, and sanctioned by the representatives of theGrecian states, although denouncing a punishment that cannot fail toappear excessive in the eyes of a modern reader, was yet much moremoderate than the stern spirit of the law required in the case of asacrilegious robbery. This celebrated document is given at length by154 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Decree against the Phocians.Proceedings of Philip.several authors; and it was in substance as follows: that the Phociansshould, in the first place, forfeit all the rights which had belonged tothem as federal members of the Amphictyonic council; that the threeprincipal cities of Phocis should be dismantled, and all the other townsdestroyed; that the people should live in villages not less than a furlong apart from one another, and none consisting of more than fiftyhouses; that they should surrender all their heavy armour and theirhorses, and not be allowed to possess any until the debt to the godshould be fully repaid; and that, in order to liquidate the said debt, arent of sixty talents yearly should be assessed upon the Phocian lands.The vote of which the Phocians were thus deprived was enforcedon Philip by a decision of the Amphictyonic assembly. The greaterpart ofthe Greeks viewed this sovereign as the protector of their civiland political rights, the avenger of the gods, and the restorer of naturalpiety. He was besides descended from Hercules, an advantage whichweighed much with this superstitious people, and he was known toset a high value on the rank of an Amphictyon, and the honour ofdirecting in the affairs of the Grecian confederacy. The double vote,therefore, formerly exercised by Phocis was now transferred to theking of Macedon and his successors for ever.The proceedings of Philip as arbiter of the disputes so long pendingbetween Thebes and the Phocians, although characterized by muchclemency and moderation, and particularly by the absence of all personal animosity against those who had the most exposed themselves tohis resentment, excited at Athens an unaccountable degree of alarm,jealousy, and contention. A violent ebullition of democratic fury succeeded the news, either of Philip's advance through the straits, or ofhis preponderance in the Amphictyonic council, and sundry precipitateresolutions were adopted in the warmth of the moment, by the leadersof the popular party, which would infallibly have drawn on them thepower of Macedon and the allied Amphictyons, had they not beenrecalled to their reason by a letter, in which he pointed out the folly and injustice of their intentions. We are inclined to think the commotion now spoken of was occasioned by the appearance of the Macedonians after passing Thermopyla, and not by the judgment pronouncedon the Phocians. In truth, the Athenians were so much disobliged bythe refusal of Phalacus to put into their hands the three towns whichthey wished to garrison, as the means of commanding the straits, thatthey had ceased to promote the Phocian interest, or even to maintainthe friendly relations to which they were bound by the terms of thetreaty subsisting between them; on which account the penalty inflictedon the violators of the Delphian repository could not, of itself, givethem any uneasiness, nor drive them to those hasty determinationswhich ensued upon the arrival of their messenger.It happened that their messenger, named Dercyllus, made hisappearance at Athens when the people were assembled in Piræus totransact public business; and such was the effect of his tidings onPHILIP OF MACEDON. 155their inflammable and vacillating minds, that a decree was instantlyvoted, commanding all free inhabitants of Attica to remove withoutdelay their families from the country into some one of the fortifiedtowns, and that these places should be immediately put into the beststate of defence. Nay, the alarmed and incensed multitude fartherdecreed, that a sacrifice should be instantly offered up to Hercules,according to the established ceremony usually observed in the com- mencement of a new war.favourable to peace.The epistle from Philip and the return of reflection, as well, The resultperhaps, as their total inability to oppose any effectual resistance tothe measures now in progress, prevented the Athenian populace fromhaving recourse to actual hostilities . The congress was accordinglyheld as already described, first, at Thermopylae and afterwards, as iscommonly believed, at Delphi; at which latter place the final judgment of the Amphictyons and their assessors was delivered, forre-establishing the religious peace and political tranquillity of the Grecian states.This weighty affair being settled, and the utmost efforts havingbeen employed in behalf of the unfortunate outcasts of Phocis, Philipreturned home, carrying with him the gratitude and respect of thewhole Greek nation, if we except the chiefs of the popular faction and their deluded followers in the city of Athens. To this the testimony of Demosthenes himself is so strong and explicit as to stand in need of no corroboration. In his oration " On the Crown," he admitsthat even at Thebes the voice of those prevailed, who at the timejoined the Thessalians in extolling Philip as their friend, benefactor,and preserver: and throughout Greece the people at large rejoiced inthe peace, for which they readily acknowledged themselves indebtedto the king of Macedon. With this warrant, the praise bestowed byDiodorus, on the same occasion, will be more easily admitted. " Philip,”says that historian, " after concurring with the Amphictyons in theirchoice for the common welfare of Greece, providing means for carrying them into execution, and conciliating good will on all sides byhis humanity and affability, returned into his kingdom, bearing withhim the glory of piety, added to the fame of military talents andbravery; in possession of a popularity which gave him great advantagefor the future extension of his power."Athens.Having entered so minutely into the transactions of Philip's reignas connected with that progress of events which gave him the supremacy over Greece, we must confine ourselves to a more general outlineof the subsequent part of his life. The people of Athens, violent only Conduct ofin their speeches and resolutions, continued to impeach his conduct,excite enemies against his person and government, and prosecute suchindividuals as were thought to favour his designs or to enjoy his goodopinion. It was at this period that Demosthenes pronounced themost splendid of his orations against that monarch, and concerted 1 Lib. xvi. c. lx.156 PHILIP OF MACEDON.court.measures for the expulsion from Athens of all the creatures of Macedon, as well indeed as of all who did not concur in the intemperatecounsels which it pleased him so much to recommend to the degenerate and credulous multitude over whom he presided. It washowever in vain for Demosthenes to harangue, or for Chares to practise intrigue. The democratical party in Greece was now too weak tooppose the influence of Philip's name, or to kindle a war among theexhausted republics which had so lately acknowledged the beneficialinterposition of that popular monarch. The smaller commonwealths,disgusted with the imperious conduct of their more powerful neighbours, who in their turn had domineered over the rest, and perceivingclearly that Athens, Thebes, and Lacedæmon were no longer able tomaintain their own independence, or to extend protection to theirallies, gladly committed to Macedon that tutelary ascendancy whichhad so long been an object of ambition and contest among the Greeksthemselves, and which had only passed from one to another to theruin of the whole. All Peloponnesus courted the alliance of Philip.The Messenians and Argians sent deputies to sue for his countenance,declining the offer of Athenian protection, and treating with neglectthe specious arguments of Demosthenes against Macedonian influence.We pass over the political intrigues and prosecutions which engagedthe attention of Athens for some time after the conclusion of the sacredAristotle at wars, and proceed to accompany Philip to Macedon. Aristotle wasnow invited to the court of the Macedonian king, and to him wascommitted the important charge of instructing the heir of the crown.Receiving from the father, as the object and motive of his anxiety tohave his son well educated, this sole direction " that he may learn to avoid those errors which I have committed and of which I nowrepent." To engage him more effectually to a faithful and diligentdischarge of this great trust, he loaded the philosopher with presents,worthy at once of the generosity of the giver, and the distinguishedmerit of him upon whom they were conferred. He caused Stagira,B. C. 342. the city which gave birth to the sage, and which had shared the fateof all the Olynthian towns, to be carefully rebuilt; and the inhabitants who were at that time slaves or fugitives to be restored to their original settlements, and to enjoy their former privileges. In addition tothis he made a grant of land for a spacious park, laid out in shady walks and ornamented with seats and statues of marble, for the use ofthe peripatetic philosophers, who were there induced to pursue thosestudies which have given so much celebrity to this sect, and immor- talized the name of their ingenious founder.Expedition From the unsettled nature of the surrounding governments, andinto Thrace. perhaps, too, from the active character of his own mind, Philip foundit necessary to lead an army into eastern Thrace, where a party,adhering to Cersobleptes, was attempting to undermine the influenceof Macedon, and to restore that of Athens. The result of this expedition was triumphant to the arms of the Macedonians, and added toPHILIP OF MACEDON. 157Pro- B.C. 339. their dominions the Grecian townships on the Thracian coast.voked, it is said, by Athenian intrigue among the savage tribes whichinhabited the shores of the Danube, or desirous to chastise the irregularambition of those northern hordes which occupied the extreme boundaries of his dominions, Philip felt himself induced to hazard a campaign in the Scythian wilds, at that time the region of fancy, andpeopled by chimæras springing from the lively imagination of the Greeks. The details of this interesting expedition are irrecoverablylost. It is certain, however, that the Macedonians, overtaken by anearly winter, found the roads towards their own country so completelyblocked up with snow, that it was impossible to send even a single messenger to announce their state or to solicit assistance. It wasreported in Greece that Philip had been seized with a severe illness,and even that he was dead; but his perseverence and constitutionsurmounted the numerous difficulties with which he was beset,and on the return of spring, he fought his way back into his ownkingdom. It is of this memorable invasion that Demosthenes speaks,when he says that " in quest of glory, Philip freely met all kinds ofhardship and danger in every shape; undismayed by wounds, unappalled by sickness, patient under confinement by snow, he was contented to pass the winter, living upon millet and rye, in a Thraciancellar. "The Athenians taking advantageof Philip's absence in Scythia, Cruise of thefitted out ships to cruise in the Ægaan, with the view of distressing Athenians.the commercial towns which were in alliance with Macedon, and alsoof inducing such of them as were not stedfast in their political attach- ment, to accept the protection of Athens, and to relinquish that whichthey now found so little efficient. Succeeding in this plundering andtreacherous warfare beyond their utmost expectation, the popularparty under Demosthenes, not only defended the piratical conduct of their commander, who, in open defiance of a positive treaty, was everywhere levying contributions upon the maritime states in alliance with Macedon, but even proceeded so far as to concert measures for a confederacy of the leading states of Greece; in order, if possible, torepress the formidable power of Philip, and recover that consequencewhich they had formerly possessed among the inferior republics ofPeloponnesus. With this view Demosthenes pronounced his thirdPhilippic; an oration which produced greater effect by the eloquencewhich pervaded it, than by the justice of the cause which it professedto advocate, or by the weight of the reasons upon which that cause was sustained.Too impatient to wait for a regular declaration of war, the sovereignmultitude at Athens, having Demosthenes now for their political chiefas well as apologist, sent positive orders to their commander on theThracian station to act against Macedonia, whenever a convenientopportunity might be found. Diopithes, accordingly, proceeded totake by storm two Grecian towns of the Macedonian alliance, and158 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Embargo laid upon Macedonian ships.Athenianence with the Persians.sent as prisoners into the Athenian colony of Chersonesus, all theinhabitants who had escaped the sword. Amphilicus, too, a Macedonian of rank, who was commissioned to remonstrate against thesehostile proceedings, and empowered to negotiate for the release ofthe captives, was himself thrown into prison, whence he was not setfree till a ransom was paid of nine talents, or near two thousandpounds sterling. Nor were the admirals, Callias and Aristodemus,less busy at sea. They stopped all ships bound to a Macedonian port,or to such as were in alliance with that country; condemned all onboard as enemies to the Athenian people, and sold them for slaves:and when complaints were made by Philip's ministers of these grossinfractions of a subsisting treaty, and the matter laid before the rulingfaction at Athens, decrees were immediately passed to sanction everything that had been done, and to convey their approbation to the com- manders under whose direction hostilities were carried on.To prepare for the conflict with Macedon, which such irritatingcorrespond policy could not fail sooner or later to produce, Demosthenes enteredinto correspondence with the Persian government, which had alsobegun to tremble at the ambitious views of Philip; and so well didhe know how to increase and turn to his own advantage the apprehensions of that effeminate court, that a considerable sum of moneywas remitted to him for the purpose of aiding the Grecian confederacyagainst their powerful neighbour. By liberal conduct towards Euboea,also, the confidence of that island was once more recovered in favourof Athens. The next object of the great orator was to secure a strongfooting in Byzantium, and some other towns, in the entrance to theEuxine; and thereby at once to effect some commercial advantages,and to establish a readier intercourse with the satraps of Persia.Perinthus, Selymbria, and the city just named, the interests of Athens,aided by the personal pleadings of Demosthenes, obtained a decidedpreponderancy; and thus, both in Europe and in Asia, a formidablecoalition was arrayed against Philip, who, in the meanwhile, was still detained amid the snows of Scythia.InAs a biographical anecdote, it is not unworthy of mention, thatwhen the Macedonians were returning from their Scythian expedition,encumbered with the bulky spoil which they had taken from theenemy, and which consisted of arms, chariots, and 20,000 mares, theywere attacked in a defile of the Mæsian mountains, by a people calledTriballi, who gained so much by the suddenness of their onset thatthey had nearly discomfited the veteran troops of Philip before it waspossible for them to recover from their confusion. In this imminenthazard, the king rushed into the middle of his army, encouraged hissoldiers, restoring order, and fighting with the most desperate valour,till at length his horse sunk under him covered with wounds, and hehimself fell senseless on the ground, having his thigh pierced with aspear. The young prince Alexander, who was also on this tryingoccasion performing actions of the most determined bravery, flew withPHILIP OF MACEDON. 159wounded.the noble and gallant attendants who were fighting at his side, to Philip rescue his father, who was now at the mercy of the enemy. He him- dangerouslyself covered him with his shield; the barbarians were driven back,and the king was removed from the tumultto a place of safety.Philip's wound occasioned a lamenesswhich continued to affect him throughlife . He is said to have borne it impa- tiently; a circ*mstance which led his sonto address to him on one occasion the goodhumoured query-" How can you, Sir,be displeased at an accident, which atevery step you take recalls your valour toyour remembrance?"Alexander the Great.Upon his return to Macedonia, Philipdirected his forces against Perinthus andothers of the Hellespontine cities, which,during his absence, had accepted the protection of Athens; but being deficient innaval strength, and having to sustain the opposition of several maritime states on both sides ofthe Egæan, he found it expedient to desistfrom his undertaking. This disappointment to the Macedonian rulerwas unquestionably effected by Demosthenes, who was now at thehead of affairs in Athens. Regardless of the treaty which bound therepublic in amity with that prince, the great orator employed all themeans in his power to annoy Philip, both in his own territory and inthose of his allies. He spared no pains, and grudged no sacrificeeither of principle or personal consistency, that he might accomplishthe two leading objects of his administration, to surround Attica withfriends, and Macedonia with enemies.Greece was again on the eve of being thrown into confusion by an People ofact of sacrilege on the part of the people of Amphissa, who were accused of Amphissaaccused of using the land consecrated to Apollo, not only for feeding sacrilege.their flocks, but even for the purposes of tillage. The matter beingreferred to the Amphictyons, in whose assembly both Demosthenesand Eschines now occupied seats as Athenian representatives, theAmphissians were punished with a fine, and by the banishment ofsome of their more guilty citizens. This decision, however, did notat once secure public tranquillity. The war-party at Athens encouraged the men of Amphissa to set at nought the sentence of themost solemn tribunal of their country, and oppose the execution of itby force of arms; and thus another sacred war would have instantlyravaged the finest portion of Greece, had not the designs of the Athe- Philipnians been in the mean time defeated by the ascendancy of more general ofpacific counsels, and particularly by the election of Philip to be the Amphic- general of the Amphictyons. This event, at least, if it did not tyons.altogether prevent an appeal to arms, gave a different character to theelected160 PHILIP OF MACEDON.hostilities which ensued, and led to a result which Demosthenes andhis friends could not have anticipated.GFJ ENTRevolt of the people of Amphissa.Amphissa.Whilst the Amphissians were in open rebellion against the wholeGreek nation, and setting at defiance the judgment of this supremecourt, the popular faction of Athens, by whom that insignificantpeople were excited to these irregular and violent proceedings, was mostactively employed in forming a confederacy of the principal states andtheir allies against the king of Macedonia. Thebes had been inducedto unite with her ancient enemy in this coalition; and Corinth, longdisused to martial exercises, and insensible to military renown, showedso much spirit in proposing to encounter the host of Philip, thatDiogenes, who was then residing within her walls, ridiculed herunwonted exertions by an incessant rolling of his tub from one spot toanother. Being asked why he put himself to this uncommon toil, thephilosopher replied, " that for once he would avoid the imputation ofsingularity, and so would not be the only person in Corinth notabsurdly employed. "It was impossible that Philip could be ignorant of the intrigueswhich Demosthenes was thus practising against his interests, and ofthe positive injuries sustained by his commerce from the incessanthostility of the Athenian cruisers. It was not yet, however, advisableto repel force by force, nor to avenge upon the people of Athens theunprincipled infraction of a treaty which had been solicited by themselves. Invited by the Amphictyons, he joined them at Thermopyla,where, in virtue of the office to which he had been lately raised, heissued requisitions to the several Amphictyonic states, to send forth-PHILIP OF MACEDON. 161with their contingent of troops to serve in the war, about to be wagedunder his command, with the refractory people of Amphissa.Athenians oppose thenic Council.The crisis was now arrived, when the war-party at Athens would Thefind themselves compelled either to relinquish their favourite projectagainst Philip, or to oppose themselves to the Amphictyonic council. AmphictyoThey chose the latter. Having ten thousand mercenary troops attheir command, they sent them to assist the Amphissians in the conflict with the confederate army; and in this way lifted their handsagainst the constitution of the great Grecian republic, in a cause which,even if it had been successful, would only have entailed disgrace upontheir politics.Of the actual warfare which followed, no details have reachedmodern times. It is, notwithstanding, evident that the talents ofPhilip obtained a complete victory over the Amphissians and theirallies, and reduced them, in consequence, to a speedy and unconditional submission to the power of the Amphictyons; and it is further manifest that this wise monarch exerted all the influence whichbelonged to his high rank and successful services, to alleviate as muchas possible the heavy penalty denounced against his foes.The result of this insurrectionary movement having proved injuriousto Demosthenes and his party, the ulterior views upon which all therecent measures had been made to bear were becoming more and moreimpracticable. No means were left untried to accomplish the greatobject of a confederacy to depress the influence of Philip. To engagehis attention in the meanwhile, two embassies were sent, complainingof his hostile proceedings, and reminding him of the treaty whichsubsisted between Macedonia and Athens; whilst emissaries wereactively employed at Thebes and other neutral states, craving cooperation in the war which the Athenians were preparing to directagainst the general of the Amphictyons. The reply of the king toone of the embassies is worthy of a place even in this outline of histransactions. It was worded as follows: " Philip king of the Mace- Letter ofdonians to the Athenian council and people, greeting: What your to the Philipdisposition towards me has been from the beginning, I am not Athenians.ignorant, nor with what earnestness you have endeavoured to gain theThessalians, the Thebans, and the rest of the Boeotians to your party.But now you find them too wise to submit their interests to your direction, you change your course and send ministers with a herald tome to admonish me of the treaty, and demand a truce; having intruth been injured by me in nothing. Nevertheless, I have heard yourambassadors, and I consent to all your desires, nor shall I take anystep against you, if dismissing those who advise you ill , you consignthem to their deserved ignominy. So may you prosper."Both Philip and the Athenians exerted themselves to the utmost togain the Thebans. The democratical form of government which nowprevailed among this people afforded ample scope for the eloquenceof Demosthenes, who, at length, had the satisfaction of securing them[ H. G.]M162 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Philip occupies Elateia.Defiance of the Athenians.for his purpose, as allies of Athens. The troops of the confederacywere soon after set in motion, and a large body of Athenian horse andfoot were quartered in Thebes, as being nearer than their own city tothe expected scene of hostilities: and such was the zeal of the sluggish Boeotians, that to accommodate their allies with a comfortable residence in their houses, they themselves marched out and encamped in the fields.Amidst these demonstrations, the king of Macedonia, still holdinghis place at the head of the Amphictyonic contingents, had contentedhimself with occupying Elateia, a town of great importance as connected with the command of the Thermopylaan pass, and consequentlywith the safety of the small army whose movements he continued todirect.It was already drawing towards the close of the year, when nosteps had yet been taken by the Athenians to moderate their desirefor war. Philip continued in Phocis with his troops; and knowingthat there was a large party, both at Athens and Thebes, who deprecated the fatal tendency of the measures pursued by the popularleaders, he was, perhaps, not yet entirely destitute of hope that peacemight be preserved. To prevent, however, all possibility of reconciliation, the united forces of Thebes and Athens broke up theirencampment, and proceeded forthwith to occupy a position on the Boeotian frontier, a few miles distant from Elateia. It even appearsthat the sword was immediately drawn by these ardent republicans,and that one or two skirmishes, attended with no material result oneither side, were provoked by them, in order to prove their arms,before winter should compel them to quit the field, and retire fromthe presence of their enemy.Notwithstanding all that had passed in the council, and in thecamp, among the partisans of Demosthenes; even after armies wereraised and blood was actually shed in battle, Philip still thought itbecame him, as general of the Amphictyonic confederacy, to makeone more effort to preserve the tranquillity of his constituents, and toward off the dreadful calamity which seemed to hang over Greece.He did not, therefore, allow the season of military rest to pass bywithout assuring the Thebans and Athenians of his continued desirefor peace, and of his great reluctance to have recourse to extremities.These professions, however, if sincere, had an effect on the popularmind, precisely the opposite of what was intended . The moderationof Philip was ascribed to his fears; and the Athenian multitude,confident in their own strength, and in the number of their allies ,loudly proclaimed defiance, and declared that no treaty should beentered into with the king of Macedon. The Thebans listened to thepacific proposals of the great Amphictyon, with more calmness anddeliberation. They even wavered in their resolution with regard to thesteps which they had already taken, and still more in relation to thehazardous policy upon which they were about to commence a cam-PHILIP OF MACEDON. 163paign against the most experienced soldier of the age; but Demosthenes, who was made acquainted with their thoughts, flew to Thebes,ascended the tribunal, and addressing himself to the assembled people,swore by Minerva, " that if any one should dare to say that peaceought to be made with Philip, he would, himself, seize him by thehair, and drag him to prison." He intimidated the pacific and rousedthe warlike; and had, at length, the triumph of counteracting by hiseloquence, all the effects of sober reasoning, and of the soundestpolitical views of the Theban public .send their Nor were the exertions of this distinguished person either smaller The alliesor less successful in preparing an army for the field . From the contingents.Euboeans, Megareans, Corinthians, Achaians, Corcyræans, Leucadians, Acarnanians, and the Athenians, he collected a mercenaryforce of fifteen thousand foot and two thousand horse; besides aliberal supply of money, of which the amount is not exactly known.The Boeotian heavy-armed troops are reckoned at fourteen thousand.Of the Athenians, the number is not anywhere given; but it is understood that the total amount of the confederate army, assembled atthe instance of Demosthenes, and ready to contend for the empire ofGreece, was not less than fifty thousand.In his choice of commanders for this important war, Demosthenes was less successful than he had been in the enlistment of soldiers.Having little confidence in the ability of Chares , who had received avariety of defeats, but who was still too great a favourite with themultitude to be entirely superseded, he resolved to divide the chiefcommand amongst several generals, and even to intrust a portion ofit to a veteran Theban. On the part of the Athenians, Lysicles and the above-named commanders assumed the main direction, and appearto have formed the array of battle with considerable skill, according tothe ground which they occupied, and the probable designs of their formidable antagonist.Philip led to the field of Charonea upwards of thirty thousand men, Battle ofthe greater part of whom belonged to the Amphictyonic states . Charonea.Alexander, now about eighteen years of age, assisted his father in B. C. 338.performing the arduous duties of general-in- chief, and is said to havedisplayed not less valour, whilst fighting hand to hand with theenemy, than consummate knowledge of tactics in directing the movements of the brave Thessalian cavalry which was placed under hisimmediate command, and which contributed essentially to the fortune of the day.The issue of this important struggle is well known. Neithercourage nor perseverance could balance, in favour of Athens, thegreat advantage of military talent which belonged to the side ofthe Amphictyons. The genius of Philip and Alexander bore downthe obstinate valour of Thebes, and checked the fiery impetuosity ofAthens; and, after a most sanguinary conflict, drove the confederatesfrom the field, covered with the bodies of their bravest troops, as wellM 2164 PHILIP OF MACEDON.as of the noblest of their youth, who had sworn never to yield. TheAthenian confederacy was totally annihilated, and the glory of Grecianindependence was for ever extinguished on the plain of Charonea.The gossip of biographers has made itself very busy in repeatinganecdotes of Philip's immoderate levity on the night succeeding thebattle; nor has it spared the cowardice of Demosthenes during theheat of the conflict, in which his violent measures had involved somany brave men. That the Macedonian king indulged too freely inthe festive banquet after the toils of that eventful day; and thatDemosthenes, to facilitate his escape, threw away his shield and fled ,may be historically true; but it is of more importance to us to notethe political effects of the victory at Charonea, and to record its consequences in relation to the subsequent proceedings of Philip.Chæronea.With that rare humanity and self-command, which distinguishedthe character of this warlike prince, he gave liberty to all the prisonersof war, and even sent to Athens the bodies of the slain, that they mightbe interred with that honour and respect, which were due to the re- mains of gallant men. To soothe the Athenians, and to confirm hisassurances of pacific views towards them, he appointed his own son,and Antipater his favourite councillor, to repair to their city, nowdisturbed by faction, and dreading the full weight of the vengeancewhich the popular party had taken so much pains to provoke. Heinvited them, in short, to renew the treaty which they had so shamefully violated, and to enjoy again the blessings of peace, which they so little knew how to value.Conduct of It is said, that among the commissioners sent to the king ofDemochares. Macedon to ratify the treaty, there was one Demochares, an excessivelyrude character, and at the same time, one who affected excessive freedomof speech. When admitted to an audience before taking leave, Philip,PHILIP OF MACEDON. 16566 in a very obliging manner, asked the embassy if there was anything particular in which he could further gratify the Athenians. Yes, "cried Demochares, " hang thyself." The indignation of all whowitnessed this unpardonable rudeness was loud and violent; but theking, with a very proper feeling of contempt for this brutal individual,silenced their demands for punishment, by exclaiming, " Let theridiculous brawler depart unmolested." And addressing himselfto the other ambassadors, he said, " Go, tell your countrymen thatthey who can utter such outrages, are much less inclined to peace and moderation than he who can forgive them."the Persians.We are now approaching the last public transaction in the life ofPhilip . Peace having been restored to the Greeks, their thoughtswere turned by him to the general enemy of their country, the king of Persia; and inducements were held out to the several states ofGreece, to enter into a confederacy against that powerful monarch.The motives which influenced the Macedonian in this undertakingwere not, perhaps, well understood at the time, and certainly have notbeen distinctly recorded by any contemporary historian. Diodorus, inthe following terms, narrates the circ*mstances merely in which thesentiments of that prince, as well as the Grecian confederacy, wereexpressed. " Philip, the king, encouraged by his victory at Charonea, Confederaby which the most renowned states had been checked and confounded, tion against was ambitious of becoming the military commander and head of the Greek nation. He declared, therefore , his intention of carrying war,in the common cause of the Greeks, against the Persians. A disposition to concur in his purpose, and to attach themselves to him, as theirchief, pervaded the Grecian people. Communicating then with all ,individuals as well as States, in a manner to conciliate favour, he expressed his desire of meeting the nation in congress, to concertmeasures for the great object in view, which accordingly met atCorinth. This explanation of his intentions excited great hopes, and so produced the desired concurrence, that at length the Greeks electedhim generalissimo of their confederated powers. Great preparationsfor the Persian war were put forward, and the proportion of troops tobe furnished by every state was calculated and determined."It is recorded that more than two hundred thousand men wereraised for this magnificent expedition against the sovereign of western Asia. But Philip was not destined to lead these troops in the victorious career which they then anticipated, and which Alexanderafterwards so fully realized. His last military exploit was alreadyperformed.Upon his return to Macedon, Philip had given his only daughter in B. C. 336.marriage to Alexander, the king of Epirus, and was now indulging inthose festivities with which royal nuptials are usually accompanied,when a young man, who had thought himself injured or slighted bythe king, plunged a dagger into his bosom, and laid him lifeless at his feet.The murderer, whose name was Pausanias, instantly fled towards the166 PHILIP OF MACEDON.Assassination gates of the city, where a chariot was ready to convey him to a place of Philip.of safety; but he was overtaken by some of the king's attendants,who, more desirous to revenge the deed than to ascertain the motiveswhich had led to it , despatched the guilty youth with innumerable wounds.His characterConjecture has assigned various reasons, and suggested a variety ofviews, to account for this atrocious crime; and several of these, asmight be expected , have had a reference to the vindictive temper ofOlympias, the queen, who had, the preceding year, been repudiated ,to make way for a more youthful consort, Cleopatra, the daughter ofAttalus, one of Philip's generals. The conduct of Olympias, uponhearing of the death of Philip, if it has been at all fairly reported,affords but too much countenance to the suspicions which were entertained with respect to the share which she had in inflaming theresentment of Pausanius, and even in directing it against the life ofthe king. The death of the assassin placed a seal on all the secretsconnected with his bloody enterprise; and the precise share, accordingly, which any of the leading characters of Macedon, Athens, orPersia, may have had in its contrivance or execution, must for everremain undetermined." Thus," says Diodorus, after relating the circ*mstances of Philip'sby Diodorus. murder, " thus fell the greatest potentate of his time. With verysmall resources in his outset, he acquired the most powerful monarchythat ever existed among the Greeks. His great success arose less fromthe force of his arms and the greatness of his victories, than from hisextraordinary talent for reasoning and conversation , and from his obliging and affable disposition towards every class of men. Heesteemed mere physical courage and physical strength in the field asamong the lowest qualities in a superior officer. He set an almostexclusive value on military science, as distinguished from personalprowess, and not less on the talent of conversing, persuading, andconciliating those over whom a general might be appointed topreside. Upon these last he founded the only favourable opinion which he entertained of himself; for, he was wont to remark, themerit of success in battle he could only share with those under him,whereas the victories he gained by argument, affability, and kindness,were all his own."ALEXANAER.CHAPTER VIII.ALEXANDER THE GREAT.FROM B. C. 336 TO B. c. 323.the throne.B. C. 336.WE concluded our biography of Philip with a brief account of his Accession of death, as inflicted bythe hand of Pausanias. Asthe assassin was almost Alexandertoinstantly despatched, no certain information was obtained, either withrespect to the motives which could induce so detestable an act, or asto the number and quality of the persons who were privy to the intention of perpetrating it. The repudiation of Olympias, and the secondnuptials, for which that event paved the way, are supposed by somewriters to have so deeply irritated the mind of Alexander and of hismother as to have prepared them to take a part in the vindictive counsels of the young Pausanias, and even to have encouraged him in hismeditated attack on the person of the king. There is no good reason,however, for admitting the operation of views and motives so highlydiscreditable to the character ofthe Macedonian conqueror. It is, onthe contrary, much more probable that the murder of Philip was connected with a conspiracy, of which the object was to change the line168 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.Alexander's generosity and sagacity.B. C. 336. of succession , and to transfer the crown, under the sanction of the Persian monarch, to Amyntas, the son of Antiochus; a member of thatbranch of the royal family which had formerly laid claim to the throne.Whilst these things are confessedly matters of mere conjecture, it isclear that the behaviour of Alexander was equally generous and nobleon his accession to the kingdom, thus unexpectedly deprived of thatrare wisdom and courage by which its affairs had been so long directed .No feeling of animosity, no deed of violence, stained the commencement ofthe brilliant career which he was about to run. The able and faithfulmen who had served his father in the cabinet or in the field, wereretained by him in their several offices. Neither minister nor generalwas displaced; and no one had the slightest reason to imagine thatAlexander cherished a grudge or remembered an injury, even where hehad just ground of complaint; and in cases, too, where measures ofseverity could only have been regarded as salutary examples or meritedpunishment. His forgiveness and confidence were extended to all whohad candour enough to acknowledge their misdoings, and generositysufficient in their own hearts to rely on the exercise of it in that oftheir prince. Even Alexander, the son of Aëropus, who had sharedin the treasonable counsels of Amyntas, was received into favour andemployed in offices of trust, merely because he showed a seasonableinterest in the rising fortunes of his royal kinsman, and confided his lifeto the noble clemency which marked his character. The first step hetook was to recal from exile the young friends, who, on his account,had incurred the anger or suspicions of Philip; and when we find amongthese the names of Harpalus, Laomedon, Nearchus, and Ptolemy, sonof Lagus, we shall be ready to do justice not less to his benevolencethan to his singular discernment. It is remarked, however, that no newman, no personal favourite, no person strange to the army or people ofMacedonia, was raised, in the beginning of the new reign, to any placeofpower, honour, or responsibility.Noble remark of Alexander.According to the custom of his country, Alexander was conductedwith much military pomp to the throne, immediately after his fatherhad expired, and consequently while the most painful apprehensionsstill prevailed concerning the political motives which might have occasioned that catastrophe. When presented to the assembled Macedonians, the young monarch, relying not less on the popularity of the lategovernment than on the strength of his own character, assured themthat no change would take place injurious to their interests or reputa- tion. " The king's name is changed," said he, " but the king, youshall find , remains the same:" a pledge which he fully redeemed, notonly by retaining his father's friends, and pursuing his father's system,but by surpassing, in the course of his splendid victories, the mostexalted ideas that the other ever entertained of Asiatic conquest and of Macedonian ascendancy.The confidence and sanguine hopes of Alexander were not, however,we may presume, widely spread among the most experienced and in-ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 169militarytelligent of his followers. The power acquired by the late king had B. C. 336.excited no small degree of envy and dislike in the minds of the democratical leaders at Athens, and had awakened in some of the otherstates a lively apprehension that their independence could not fail to beexposed to hazard by the predominating influence of their ambitiousneighbour. The sceptre of western Asia, too, was at that period Political andswayed by a sovereign who had already gained some reputation as asoldier; and who, byhis negotiations with the secret enemies of Philip, Persia.had afforded ample proof that he was acquainted not only with the quarter whence danger was to be feared, but also with the most effectual means by which it might be averted. The accession of a youngking, moreover, encouraged the hopes and favoured the intrigues of allwho wished to humble the power of Macedon: and we find , accordingly, that, in concert with the faction of which Demosthenes was thehead, the political agents of Darius were everywhere creating suchobstacles to the invasion of Asia by the confederated Greeks as nogenius inferior to that which now directed their arms could have successfully opposed and overcome. The rapidity and decision whichcharacterised all the movements of Alexander, were fully required tobaffle the designs which were now openly contemplated on both sidesof the Ægæan: and when he did at length take the field to accomplishthe arduous task which he inherited with his father's crown, he foundgreater opposition to surmount, on the part of the Greeks, than onthat of the barbarians.The first attention of the new government was directed to Thessaly,the oldest and most important ally of Macedonia. There the ambas- sadors of Alexander had the satisfaction to find on all hands the utmostwillingness to continue the friendly relations which had, during thereign of Philip, subsisted between the two powers; and, accordingly,the combined civil and military authority which had been exercised bythe father, was, with equal confidence and alacrity, extended to theNor was this all; for the trusty Thessalians farther assured thesuccessor of Philip, that they would exert themselves to the utmost inorder to secure his succession also to the chief command of the Grecianarmy destined to act against the Persians; an appointment which theywere well aware could not but gratify the ambition and give play tothe warlike spirit of their young protector.son.Having secured the good-will and co-operation of his immediate Alexander atneighbours, Alexander proceeded to Thermopyla, where the Amphic- the Amphictyonic council was assembled, in which he was readily allowed or in- Council.vited to occupy the seat to which his father had been raised as the headof that august body. The next step was to obtain the office of generalissimo of the combined army, an object on which it is natural tosuppose he set a inuch higher value than on his mere civil rank amongthe Amphictyons, and which, moreover, he had the best reason for believing was meant to be bestowed elsewhere, if not altogether abolished.Opposition on the part of Athens could not be concealed; for it was170 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. c. 336. not without much difficulty that the democratical faction in that citycould be induced to pay to the king of Macedonia the customary andvery simple compliment of sending an embassy to congratulate him onhis accession, and to express their readiness to renew with him thetreaties into which they had entered with his father.Electedof the Greeks.In due time, a congress of the Grecian states was announced forconsulting on their common affairs , and for deciding on measures relative to the projected invasion of Asia. The place chosen for this im- portant congress was Corinth, a situation which recommended itselfboth by its local convenience to those within as well as to those without the isthmus; its distance from Macedon was also calculated toremove all apprehension of improper interference with the freedom ofelection . Arrian, whose narrative commences with this occurrence,briefly informs us that Alexander, on his accession to the throne,marched into Peloponnesus, where, in a grand council of the Greeks,generalissimo he requested to be made general of the intended expedition against thePersians; and that this request was granted by all but the Lacedæmonians, who alleged that they were bound by an ancient custom,handed down from their ancestors, to yield obedience to none, but rather to claim the command of whatever forces should be sent byGreece to serve in foreign countries. It is certain, at all events, thatthe king of Macedonia was chosen by a large majority of the republics;the opposition of Sparta having no other effect than to make manifesther pride and her weakness, and to place on record the impotentjealousy towards the successor of Philip which she could no longersuppress. The dissent of this celebrated commonwealth answeredperhaps another purpose. It showed that deliberation was free, andsuffrage uncontrolled; a state of things altogether irreconcileable withthe assertion of Plutarch, that the royal candidate carried with him anoverwhelming force into Peloponnesus, and thereby rendered certainhis election to the high office which he affected to solicit.Whatever might be the difference of opinion as to the wisdom ofconfiding to a youth, not more than twenty years of age, one ofthe mostimportant expeditions ever meditated by the Grecian states, there seemsto have been perfect unanimity with regard to the expediency of thewar itself. Asia had long been a favourite field of adventure to theenterprising republics of Greece; and events comparatively recent hadenlisted against the Persians, the powerful passions of jealousy, fear,and revenge. As soon, therefore, as the assembly at Corinth wasdissolved, preparations were resumed for the armament of whichpreparations Alexander was appointed to guide the motions, whilst he himself,after having effected the object of his journey into the south, returnedhome to equip his hardy Macedonians for the numerous perils and toils into which he had resolved to conduct them.WarlikeofAlexander.The intrigues of Demosthenes, meantime, and the restless disposition of the barbarous tribes by whom the dominions of Alexander weresurrounded, had prepared a field in which to try his troops before heALEXANDER THE GREAT. 171should cross over into Asia. In the spring of the year, when he was B. C. 336.preparing to assemble his army for the great expedition, the younggeneralissimo was informed that his own kingdom was threatened withan assault on three different points at once: on the west by the Illyrians,on the north by the Triballians and other Thracians, and on the eastby that ambiguous class of men who united in their characters thequalities of merchantmen and pirates, and infested during troublesometimes the whole of the Ægæan sea. This intelligence roused the activespirit of Alexander, who, leaving the defence of his western borders toParmenio, hastened with a body of forces against the freebooters andrevolted Greeks who dwelt on the coast; and, coming upon themsuddenly, he not only defeated their attempts on some of his portsand strongholds along the shore, but forced them to take refuge in themountains, among their barbarian allies. The ardent genius of the kingimpelled him to pursue the fugitives even into the rocky defences ofMount Hamus, and to engage in a species of warfare which was alto- gether new, even to the veterans who had followed the fortunes ofPhilip.Arrian, who takes pleasure in narrating the exploits and contrivances Reducesof his military hero, gives a detailed account of the battle, which took Thrace.place in the wild district where Alexander overtook his enemies. Thebarbarians, he informs us, seized the tops of the mountains, and occupied the only pass through which the Macedonians could advance, withthe firm determination of preventing their further progress. Placingthemselves on the summit of a rapid declivity, where the road wasconfined on either side by lofty precipices, the insurgents formed their chariots in front, so as either to use them as a rampart against theattack of the phalanx, or, should an opportunity present itself, to hurlthem down the slope in the face ofthe advancing enemy. Alexander,perceiving their intention, prepared his men for the worst. He orderedthem to take every advantage which the nature of the ground affordedfor shelter and escape, and directed that the moment they perceivedthe enemy's machines put in motion, such of them as could, shouldopen their ranks and allow the waggons to run freely through, whilstthe rest who were confined by the narrowness of the approach shouldclose their shields and fall flat on the earth, so that when the vehiclespassed over them with their utmost velocity they might receive aslittle injury as possible. The event, we are told, fully answered hisexpectation; for by adopting the expedients thus pointed out to them,the Macedonians received the shock without losing a single man. Thepass being immediately carried, victory was no longer doubtful; forthe barbarians, unable to cope with the discipline and perfect armourof the phalangites, sought safety in flight, leaving on the field aboutfifteen hundred of their number, together with all their women andchildren, and a large quantity of rude spoil.Determined to inflict a suitable chastisem*nt on the Triballians,Alexander followed their steps northward of Hamus into that exten-172. ALEXANDER THE GREAT.Advances against the Triballians.B. c. 336. sive country which stretches to the right bank of the Danube. Syrmus,the king of this race of marauders, satisfied that he could not successfully oppose the warlike troops of the invader in the open plain, hadrecourse to the protection of those immense forests which intersectedhis territory, having previously adopted the precaution of sending thewomen and children to a strong island called Peuce, in the river Ister,where great numbers of the Thracians had already taken refuge.Alexander, after defeating a large body of the Triballian forces, advanced to the Danube to attack this island, whither Syrmus and his peoplehad now likewise fled for shelter; but commencing the assault withvery inadequate strength, he found himself unequal to the tumultuaryarmy of the barbarian chiefs, now fighting for everything they helddear in the world; he was consequently obliged to retire with some loss.Foiled in this attempt, which he did not think proper to renew, theMacedonian commander directed his attention to the Getæ, a peoplewho dwelt beyond the Danube, great numbers of whom were seenflocking down to the bank of the river, apparently busy in concertingmeans to oppose his landing, should Alexander resolve on entering their territory as an enemy. The Getæ, however, although evidentlymore civilised than their neighbours the Triballians, were yet comparatively ignorant of the numerous resources and expedients which awarlike nation can employ against the simple members of an agricultural community. Confident in the defences supplied by the mighty river which washed their southern boundary, they were not aware thatthe king of Macedon had at his command the means of conveying overit, not only his phalanx, so formidable to the most expert combatants,but also that active cavalry, before whose rapid and overwhelmingcharges no rude people had yet learned to stand. Ships from the conquered. Euxine enabled Alexander to transport, in one night, a large portionof his army, and thereby to effect a complete and speedy conquestof the Getæ. Hence, after destroying their capital, and reducing theinhabitants to a nominal subjection , he returned to the southern bankof the Danube, to pursue his hostile views against the Triballi andtheir Thracian confederates , whom he had left behind.The GetæThe Celts.The terror of his arms, however, rendered their farther employmentunnecessary. Syrmus sent an embassy to solicit peace, or rather toask on what terms he might secure that benefit for himself and hispeople; and shortly after, similar messages arrived from all the neighbouring states, charged with professions of friendship and expressions of respect. Among these, according to Arrian, appeared envoys fromthe Celts, who inhabited the country near the Ionian bay, a peoplestrong in body and of a haughty spirit; and the same historian informsus that Alexander, addressing himself to the members of this interesting embassy, desired them to tell him what was the principal cause oftheir apprehensions, expecting, no doubt, to be assured that the terrorof his name, and the dread of his arms, had made a deep impressionALEXANDER THE GREAT. 173on their minds, which had suggested their present act of homage and B. c. 336.reverence to his person. Their reply, however, could not fail to convince him that the Celts were not finished courtiers, and that if theyhad fears, it was not to him they were disposed to reveal them. Theambassadors proudly informed him, that “ they were afraid of nothingbut that the sky should fall upon their heads!" The king suppressedhis disappointment, received the Celts into the number of his allies,and satisfied himself with hinting to the envoys that their countrymenwere a proud people.Macedon. All things being now adjusted, Alexander was about to return Returns tohomeward, when intelligence was brought to him that the Autariatswere making preparations to oppose his march through their country,and also that the Illyrians, joined by the Taulantians, were meditatinga hostile movement on the western borders of Macedonia. Relievedfrom all fears of the first-mentioned tribe by the seasonable interposition of Langarus, king of the Agrians, the Macedonian prince directedhis forces against the revolted Illyrians; and conducting his inroadwith his usual rapidity and boldness, he reached Pellion , the capital,before measures could be taken to oppose him, and before the contingent of the Taulantian army had advanced to their aid. As, however,the combined powers, placing their chief confidence in the strength oftheir ground, acted solely on the defensive, some time elapsed beforethe Macedonians could bring them to action; and when a battle didtake place, the Illyrians and their allies were rather dispersed thanbeaten, spreading themselves over the mountains, and seeking safetyin fastnesses which heavy-armed soldiers could not approach. But itwas not the policy of either party to prolong a war from which neithercould reap any advantage, and Alexander, hearing of commotions inGreece which more deeply affected his interests, readily withdrew histroops from the mountains of Illyria, while the insurgent chiefs, left toreflection on their weakness and danger, appear to have returned totheir duty, and to a renewal of their former relations with Macedonand its young king.Thebes. The commotions just mentioned were occasioned by the revolt of Revolt ofThebes, one of the most important and melancholy occurrences in the reign of Alexander. Whilst this youthful commander was in thenorth, Demosthenes was most actively employed in exciting againsthim, not only the powerful hostility of the Persian government, butalso every feeling of jealousy and revenge which continued to lurkamong the Grecian republics themselves. Among no people werethese bad passions more active than among the Thebans, who, longaccustomed to aspire to command and influence other states, were,since the battle of Chæronea, reduced to a condition of comparativeinsignificance, and even of positive vassalage. A strong party, therefore, at Thebes, was always found hostile to the interests of Macedonia,and, indeed, to the principles of the confederacy of which that countrywas now the head; and it was obviously to subdue the refractory174 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 336. spirit manifested by these discontented republicans, and to maintainthe peace of the confederacy at large, that a resolution was passed inthe Amphictyonic council, authorising a garrison of the allied army tobe placed in the Theban citadel.Alexander marches upon Thessaly.Amyntas and Timolaus, the one supposed to be a Theban and theother a Macedonian, were the commanders of this fort at the period inquestion; who, having no apprehensions of the peaceable disposition ofthe people, were wont to sleep in the town, instead of taking up theirresidence at night within the precincts of the garrison . The revolt,for which, it is said, abundant means and encouragement were suppliedfrom Athens, was begun bythe murder of the two officers just named;upon which, criers were immediately sent through the city, summoningthe people to arms, and assuring them that Alexander had perished inhis northern expedition . The conspirators, who consisted chiefly ofexiles, who had been admitted into the town during the darkness ofthe night, reiterated the most positive assurances that the king ofMacedon was dead; and exhorting the citizens to throw off theforeign yoke under which they groaned, urged them to begin theglorious work of independence by laying siege to the citadel, and destroying or expelling all the Macedonian soldiers who should be foundwithin it.These events, when made known in Illyria, hastened the departureof Alexander, who, with a chosen body of light-armed troops, advancedby rapid marches upon Thessaly, where he arrived in seven days,whence, in six days more, he led his forces into Boeotia. So little,says Arrian, did the Thebans dream of his approach, that he was atOnchestus with his whole army before they had heard of his passingthe Straits of Thermopyla; and, even then, the authors of the seditionaffirmed that it must be an army newly raised by Antipater in Macedonia, for that Alexander had certainly perished in the northerndeserts. Nay, so obstinate were they in their incredulity, that whenit could no longer be doubted that the king was at the head of histroops in their very neighbourhood, they maintained it could not bethe renowned son of Philip, but that it must be Alexander the son ofAëropus, who was discharging the office of commander under thedirection of Antipater. Availing themselves of the delusion whichthey had thus spread among the people, they succeeded in drivingthem to the resolution of opposing by arms his advance towardstheir city; and the more effectually to prevent or to render abortiveany change of measures, they sent out a party of horse and light-armedfoot to attack the vanguard of the Macedonians, of whom, as they wereunprepared for such a sudden attack, they killed a few with missileweapons. The behaviour of Alexander afforded a striking contrast tothese furious and unwarrantable proceedings; for even after all thathad taken place, he caused a proclamation to be made, inviting all theThebans, without distinction, to relinquish the infatuated course uponwhich they had entered, and to partake of the common tranquillity ofALEXANDER THE GREAT. 175Greece. In return for this conciliatory proposal, the leading dema- B. c. 336.gogues in the city gave order that a herald, of powerful voice, shouldproclaim in the hearing of the Macedonians an invitation to all of themwho desired to restore liberty and independence to the Grecian statesto join forthwith the standard of the king of Persia and of the Thebanpatriots.Satisfied, however, that a large proportion of the people were Moderationfriendly to the Macedonian alliance, and that they were only prevented ofAlexander,from declaring their real sentiments by the violent measures pursuedby the agitators within the walls, Alexander was resolved to refrain,for soine time at least, from the application of force, and to wait thecourse of events. With this view, he advanced with his army, the following day, towards that gate of the city which led to Eleutheræand Athens, still forbearing any assault upon the fortifications, andonly placing himself in such a situation, with respect to the citadel,that he might have it in his power to assist the Macedonians whowere shut up in it, should they happen to be severely pressed.taken byBut matters did not long remain in this uncertain predicament. Aparty of the Macedonian army stationed near the walls, under the Thebescommand of Perdiccas, perceiving an opportunity to scale the rampart, assault.were induced, without either orders or authority from the king, tocommence the assault; and having effected a breach, they pursued B. c. 335.their advantage with so much ardour, that they soon found themselvesin close conflict with the Thebans, in the very heart of the city. Herea considerable number of them lost their lives, and among theseEurylotus, the leader of the Cretan bowmen. Perdiccas, too, beingwounded, a retrograde movement became necessary, whilst theThebans, in their turn , drove the assailants from the walls, and, following up their success with thoughtless impetuosity, they advancedso far into the plain as to come in contact with the heavy-armed troops of Alexander's army, whom he had just drawn forth from thecamp, in order to remedy the confusion and repair the disaster sounexpectedly occasioned by the rash conduct of his advanced guard.At this juncture the fortune of war changed once more. The Thebans,unable to abide the shock of the phalanx, recoiled from the first onset,and rushing in the utmost disorder and trepidation towards the gateswhence they had just issued, the multitude of fugitives so completely choked up the passage, that they not only trod one another under foot,but even prevented all possibility of securing the portals against the victorious enemy. Both parties entered at once, whilst the garrisonin the citadel, observing what had occurred, sallied forth from theirstronghold, and fell upon the miserable citizens, now no longer capable of resistance or master of their movements, and added not a little tothe indiscriminate slaughter which finally disgraced the success of the confederate army. Platæans, Thespians, Orchomenians, Phocians,and others, who composed the army under Alexander, having formerlysuffered from Theban tyranny, and dreading a renewal of it, gave a176 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 335. loose to the most furious passions. Ranging the town, careless ofMassacre of commands, which scarcely any could hear, they slaughtered equallythe Thebans. the resisting and the unresisting, not sparing even women and chilDecree fortion of Thebes.dren, not even the sacredness oftemples affording protection. A kindof intoxication of fury urged their destructive course, so that, as Arrianremarks, the extent of the calamity exceeded not more all previousapprehensions of the sufferers than all previous purpose of the perpe- trators.Nor was the vindictive feeling of the minor republics against the demoli- Thebes confined to the first moments of military execution. A solemncouncil was held, composed of the representatives of the several states,in which a decree was passed, declaring that the Theban name shouldbe annihilated, the town utterly destroyed, the surviving womenand children sold into slavery; that the territory should become theproperty of the victorious allies, including the friendly Thebans, andbe duly divided amongst them; and that, in order to secure the execution of these resolutions, a garrison from the confederate army shouldbe appointed to take possession of the citadel.Amidst these scenes of blood and still more repulsive manifestationsof revenge and jealousy entertained against one another by freemenand brothers, it affords some relief to find that in executing the horriddecree, of which the particulars have just been detailed, some respectwas shown to the claims of literature and genius. Alexander gaveorders, that in the general demolition of Thebes, the house of Pindar,the poet, should be spared, and that none of his relations should be subjected to the severe sentence passed upon their countrymen, -anact of clemency, it should be added, for which various motives havebeen assigned, according to the opinions and prejudices of different writers.Thebes in Boeotia.In this manner did Thebes expiate her revolt, with the loss of sixthousand of her people slain in the battle, thirty thousand sold intoALEXANDER THE GREAT. 177slavery, and, in a word, with the extinction of her existence as a separate B. c. 335.and independent state. Plutarch, who delights in anecdote and inrevealing secret thoughts and motives, which he was not likely to know, assures us that the calamities thus brought upon the Thebans,frequently gave Alexander great uneasiness in the subsequent part of his life , and that upon this account he treated others with less rigour.Certainly, says this author, he imputed to the anger of Bacchus, the avenger of Thebes, the murder of cl*tus, which he committed in hiswine, and the dastardly refusal of the Macedonians to follow him in hisIndian expedition. And, he adds, that there was not a Theban whosurvived the fatal overthrow, that was denied any favour he chose to request.Athens.Alexander.When the news reached Athens that Thebes had yielded to the Consternaarms ofthe young king of Macedon, a general consternation seized all tion ofclasses of the people, and such was the fear of an immediate attackupon their own city by the forces under the commander, who, they knew, could not be ignorant of their intrigues with all his enemies,both in Greece and Asia, that an instant order was issued to stop theEleusinian mysteries in which they were then engaged. A councilwas called, and a resolution immediately adopted to send an embassy to Alexander, conveying the congratulations of the Athenian citizenson his safe return from the Illyrian war, as well as on his success in inflicting a speedy and condign chastisem*nt on the seditious Thebans.Although perfectly aware of the motives which had produced this late and rather unseasonable compliment, the Macedonian ruler thought proper to receive it in good part; but, at the same time, he addresseda letter to the Athenian people, demanding that ten of their number, Demands ofwhom he specified, should be delivered up to him, to be dealt withaccording to the common law of Greece, as being, he added, the authors of all the troubles which had befallen their country, and particularly of the miseries which ensued upon the memorable battle ofCharonea. Among the Athenian leaders mentioned in this famousepistle, Arrian gives the names of Demosthenes, Lycurgus, Hyperides,Polyeuctus, Charites, Charidemus, Ephialtes, Diotemus, and Merocles.Such a demand threw the city into greater confusion than ever, andthe alarm of Demosthenes, on this occasion, is still spoken of by historians as having afforded a subject for ridicule. It is said that heconsented to pay to Demades the sum of five talents to secure theinfluence of that politician as an intercessor with Alexander, at whosehands he was perfectly aware he had great reason to apprehend the greatest severity. To avert, however, the hard fate which seemed tobe in reserve for their orators, the Athenians decreed a second embassyto the captain-general of Greece, beseeching him to extend such adegree of indulgence towards their republic as to allow them to proceed against the accused citizens, according to the forms of their owntribunals . To this request the conqueror acceded, on condition thatCharidemus, who had, in the time of Philip, acted as a spy at the[H. G.]N178 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.Preparations for the invasion of Persia.B. C. 335. court of Macedon, and who had on other accounts rendered himselfdisagreeable to the reigning prince, should be forthwith banished fromthe territory ofthe Amphictyonic states. Throughout the whole of thistransaction, indeed, where a sound policy, as well, perhaps, as the naturaltemper of the king, dictated moderate measures, the desire to come toa speedy adjustment of affairs in Greece, with a view of being at liberty to conduct the confederate army on the grand Asiatic expedition, isrepeatedly mentioned by Arrian as a principal reason for exercisingclemency and shortening his discussions with the disaffected Athenians.Having returned to Macedon and completed the religious festivalwhich had been interrupted by his father's death, Alexander lost no time in equipping the army placed under his command for the invasion of the Persian dominions. The forces with which he entered uponthis arduous undertaking did not exceed, in cavalry and infantry, thevery moderate number of thirty-five thousand; and at the head ofB. c. 334. these, in the spring of the year B. C. 334, the magnanimous son ofPhilipadvanced to Sestos on the Hellespont, where he had resolved to embark for the opposite shore. After performing sacrifice at the tomb of Protesilaus, he placed himself in a trireme under the direction ofMenetæus, and committing his fortune to the care of the gods, he tooka final leave of the shores of Europe. Eager to visit the site of ancientTroy, then occupied by a village, he proceeded thither, and finding, in a temple of Minerva, certain consecrated suits of armour, which weresaid to have been preserved there from the time of the Trojan war, heoffered up the usual religious homage, and then proceeding to dedicate to the goddess the arms which he himself wore, he carried awayfrom theholy fane one of the ancient panoplies, to be thenceforth carried beforehim on all solemn occasions, but more particularly when going into battle.Of the preparations made by Persia to oppose the invaders, nodetailed account is to be found in history. The satraps, who governedthe western provinces, appear to have been intrusted each with thedefence of his own territory, whilst a considerable force of mercenaryGreeks, under the command of Memnon the Rhodian, seems to havebeen charged generally with the protection of the Grecian cities on theAsiatic coast, which acknowledged subjection to the Persian crown.The want of vigilance or wisdom was, however, strikingly manifestedin the absence of the most ordinary means for preventing the descentof a hostile army in a populous part of the country, and at the verypoint, too, where such a descent was most to be apprehended . Not aship appeared to dispute the passage with Alexander, or to interrupthis supplies, though the Persian navy greatly outnumbered that whichtransported the invading forces; and thus, with allthe informationwhich the most public proceedings could convey to them, the lieutenants of the great king suffered his empire to be violated by aforeign enemy, with as much indifference as if he had landed merelyto present the homage of an ancient and devoted vassal.To shun the difficulties of a mountainous country, and perhaps,ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 179Alexander'salso, to avoid a premature encounter with Memnon, at the head of his B. C. 334.disciplined Greeks, Alexander pursued his march in a north-easterly Direction ofdirection, along the shores ofthe Propontis. His progress is minutely march."recorded by the faithful Arrian, who, as every one knows, professesmerely to follow the narrative of Ptolemy and Aristobulus, Macedoniangenerals who served in this campaign; but it is enough for our purpose to mention that, when he had arrived in the lower Phrygia, ofwhich Arsites was satrap, he found himself about to be opposed by aconsiderable army, suddenly collected from the neighbouring districts.According to Arrian, this army consisted of twenty thousand foot andas many horse; whilst Diodorus, including perhaps the skirmishersand retainers of the camp, makes it amount to a hundred thousand.That the latter number exceeds the bounds of probability is renderedobvious by the counsel administered by Memnon on this occasion,who recommended that the Persians should abstain from battle, laywaste the country, and thereby compel the invader to retrace his steps.This advice, prudent perhaps in any circ*mstances, when opposed tosuch an enemy as Alexander, is recommended by the considerationthat the Persians were inferior in regular infantry; but Arsites repliedthat he would not suffer a single house in his province to be burnt, orthe property of one inhabitant to be injured, whilst he had such amplemeans in his power to protect both.the Granicus. As delay was alike incompatible with the plans and the temper of Passage ofAlexander, he resolved to move forward his troops, and cross theGranicus, at a ford near Zeleia. The Persians, aware that his line ofmarch would be confined to that direction, encamped with their wholeforce on the opposite side , prepared to dispute with the Macedoniansthe passage of the stream, and the possession of the rich provincewhich stretched out beyond it. A battle now appeared inevitable,and the contending armies were already arranged for the conflict, whenParmenio, the brave and faithful friend of Philip , ventured to expostulate with his impetuous successor on the great hazard which wouldattend the crossing of the river, in the face of such a numerous and determined enemy. "Your reflections, " said Alexander, addressingthe veteran general, are just and forcible; but would it not be amighty disgrace to us, who so easily passed the Hellespont, to bestopped here by a contemptible brook? It would indeed be a lastingreflection on the glory of the Macedonians, as well as on the personal bravery of their commander; and, besides, the Persians would forthwith consider themselves our equals in war, did we not, in this firstconflict with them, achieve something to justify the terror which attaches to our name."66Having thus spoken, says Arrian, he appointed Parmenio to theleft wing, and on the right, where he himself presided, he placedPhilotas, the son of Parmenio, with the royal cohort, and the archersand pikemen. The historian then proceeds to describe, with muchminuteness, the order adopted on the side of the Macedonians atN 2180 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 334. large, to secure victory in this important fight. As, however, hismilitary terms are not quite familiar to our apprehension, we shall, forthe sake of our readers, avail ourselves of the exact and masterlydescription which is given of it by another historian, as being at oncethe fullest and most distinct that has yet been given in our language.Whilst Alexander was marshalling his army for the hazardousattempt on which he had resolved, the Persian generals , watchingfrom the opposite bank all his movements, were at no loss to gather,from the splendour and dress of the officers who surrounded him,where the king himself was to take his station; and, as far as timeand circ*mstances would allow, they drew their choicest troopstowards that point. This movement could not be so made as tobe unobserved by the Grecian army; and its purpose being conjectured , Alexander was confirmed by it in the plan which he hadformed in regard to the distribution of his troops, and the positionwhere he was to exercise his personal command. Could he defeatthat large part of the hostile force so immediately opposed to hiswing, he trusted, from the accounts he had obtained of Asiaticarmies, that the rest would not long keep the field.Advance of the Persian light horse.An advanced body, observes the historian, of infantry with cavalry,the former under Amyntas, son of Arnhabæus, the latter underPtolemy, son of Philip, crossed the river first, and began the battle.The Persian cavalry carried javelins, light enough to be thrown by thearm, in which then, as still at this day, being trained to it from earlyyouth, they were highly dexterous. In closing, they mostly used the scimetar. The Grecian horseman carried a lance for close action, butno missile weapon. The Grecian advanced bodies were received withsuch firmness, by numbers so very superior, on ground of great advantage, that they were quickly compelled to retire with considerableloss . Nevertheless, the employment they gave enabled the main body,led by Alexander himself, to cross the more quietly; but on approaching the bank it suffered, and on reaching it was so met in stationaryfight, that Arrian, following the account of the Macedonian generals,characterises the action by comparing it to a contest of heavy- armedinfantry. Alexander's lance was disabled: turning to Teres, hismaster of the horse, for another, that officer could only show him oneequally injured, so warmly had he also been engaged. The extraordinary skill of the Persian horsem*n in disabling an enemy's lance isnoticed by Xenophon in his account of an action in which he wasengaged under Agesilaus. There the Persians, hardly equal in numbers, as the candid historian allows, overbore the Grecian cavalry:but these were Asiatic Greeks, and very recently raised. The verysuperior practice of those under Alexander, animated by his example,gave prevalence to their superior formation and superior weaponsagainst very superior numbers, and the Persians gave way.A short leisure was thus afforded to Alexander; and Demaratus, aCorinthian, of the band royal, was the first to supply him with a soundALEXANDER THE GREAT. 181lance.personalNo sooner was he thus provided than he observed a powerful B. c. 334.body of Persian horse returning to charge, and a leading officer con- Alexandersiderably advanced before it. In the eager impetuosity of the moment, in greathe rode onward so hastily that before his attendants could join him he danger.had with his lance killed the leading officer, but almost in the sameinstant lost part of his helmet, by a stroke from another's sword, whomyet, with his shortened lance, he killed also. Nearly surrounded nowby enemies, one of them was aiming a sword-stroke at him whichmight have been fatal, when Clytus, son of Dropis, one of his lords ofthe body-guard, arrived so critically as to disable the uplifted arm by a wound in the shoulder.Passage ofthe Granicus.Throughthe retreat ofthe Persian cavalry first engaged, and the checkin their return to the onset by the death of their principal officers, theright wing of the Grecian army had leisure to gain footing on the plainground of the meadow. Meanwhile, the left wing under Parmeniohad a severe contest with the Persian right. In this contest the Thessalians, always esteemed amongthe best ofGrecian cavalry, particularlydistinguished themselves; and the Persians, being weakened, as beforementioned, to strengthen their other wing, were compelled to give way.great loss.The horsem*n of the Persian army, being thus broken and put to The Persians flight, there only remained a strong body of Greek infantry, who defeated withserved as mercenaries under the standard of the great king. Thisdivision of the enemy's army, if it had been properly commanded,would still have occasioned to Alexander no small embarrassment, andmight even have deprived him of that triumph which already appeared So secure. But Omares, who had been appointed to lead them, igno-182 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. c. 334. rant perhaps of their discipline and the mode of using their arms, andstruck with consternation at the sudden defeat of the cavalry, in whichthe Persians placed the greatest confidence, remained in his positiontill Alexander brought up his phalanx, supported by a chosen body ofhorse, to cut them in pieces or drive them from the field. Theydefended themselves with bravery; but courage in their circ*mstanceswas unavailing. Attacked in front by the formidable phalangites, andin both wings by the Macedonian cavalry, they soon covered withtheir dead bodies the ground on which they had received the enemy:for, says Arrian, the assault was so furious that they were all slain,not so much as one of their whole number escaping, unless such asconcealed themselves among the heaps of slain, and about two thousand who surrendered themselves prisoners.The amount of the The loss of the Persians in the battle of the Granicus is estimatedPersian loss. by Diodorus at ten thousand men. Plutarch, again, says that thebarbarians lost in this battle twenty-two thousand foot and two thousand five hundred horse; whilst he reduces the numbers who fell onthe Macedonian side to thirty-four, nine of whom were infantry.Arrian does not mention the number of the slain, satisfying himselfwith a list of the commanders who fell in the action; among whomwe find the names of Spithridates , governor of Lydia, Mythrobazanes,president of Cappadocia, Mithridates, a son- in-law of Darius, Pharnaces,the queen's brother, and Omares, the general of the mercenaries. Onthe part of the Macedonians, the slaughter is usually confined to aboutone hundred and twenty, of which number, twenty-five, belonging tothe royal guard or band of companions, were killed at the first onset,when fighting around the person of their king. Of these brave youths,statues cast in brass, by the masterly hand of Lysippus, were placedin the city of Dium, in Macedonia; whilst, to show his respect for themeanest individual who had fallen in his cause, Alexander granted thefreedom of their respective cities to the parents and other survivingrelatives of all the soldiers who lost their lives on the banks of theGranicus, and even conferred on their posterity a perpetual exemption from taxes.Rapid successes of Alexander.With the news of his splendid victory, the generalissimo of theGrecian army sent to the several states a portion of the military spoilgathered on the field of battle, in order to afford to them the means ofcommemorating their joint success against the enemies of their country.To the Athenians he sent three hundred complete suits of Persianarmour, which were dedicated to Athene, their tutelary goddess, andsuspended in her temple with the following inscription, dictatedby the conqueror: ALEXANDER, SON OF PHILIP, AND THE GREEKS,EXCEPTING THE LACEDÆMONIANS, OFFER THESE, TAKEN FROM THE BARBARIANS OF ASIA.After the victory of the Granicus, the progress of Alexander was,for some time, quite uninterrupted; whilst the rapidity with whichhe reduced into subjection the most important of the towns belongingALEXANDER THE GREAT. 183Surrenderto the Persian alliance surpassed his most sanguine expectations. B. C. 334.Dascylium, the capital of Bithynia, opened its gates at the approachof Parmenio, who had been despatched against it. Sardis, a place of Sardisstrong by nature, and rendered almost impregnable by art, was given up without a blow: Mithranes, the governor, going out, accompaniedby the magistracy of the city, and meeting Alexander, at the distance of seven miles from the walls, to entreat his clemency in behalfof the people. Possessed thus of the capital of the rich and extensiveprovince of Lydia, Alexander next directed his attention to Miletusand Ephesus, in both of which cities he was perfectly aware that the and Ephesus.friends of Greece were opposed by a strong party, who cultivated theconnection with Persia: and in the latter particularly, as he had beenrecently informed, the fury of the two factions had risen to such aheight that a frightful massacre was daily apprehended. The presenceof the king, however, prevented that catastrophe; and, assuming thedirection of affairs, he mediated so successfully between the democratical leaders and their opponents that he had little difficulty inrestoring the wonted form of government and in giving efficacy to the voice of law. Desirous of popularity, and knowing its vast importanceto him in the pressing circ*mstances in which he was then placed,Alexander made, on this occasion, a considerable sacrifice of financial Politic means, in order to secure the affections of his Ephesian subjects. Whilst measures ofunder the Persian dominion, these Asiatic Greeks were accustomed topay an annual tribute to the satrap of their province; a burden, itseems, from which they were not exempted even when enjoying themore natural protection of Athens and Lacedæmon. Unwilling, how- ever, to remit their taxes altogether, and doubtful of the expediency ofdemanding them for the use of his own treasury, Alexander gaveorders that the sums formerly set apart for the Persian monarchshould now be devoted to the service of Diana, and, in particular,employed in repairing the temple of that goddess, in which theEphesians had long found so much to gratify at once their pride and their superstition.Alexander.Miletus .Miletus, situated in the province of Caria, still owned the Persian Capture ofdominion, and was now become an object of very considerable importance, not only to the present rulers of it, as the means of protectingthe extensive territory that lay beyond it, but also to Alexander, whoseviews upon Asia rendered it a matter of no small consequence todeprive the fleets of his enemy of all ports on the Ægæan sea. A largenavy was, indeed, already prepared to act against the confederatedpowers on the coast of Lydia and Caria, with the intention not onlyof affording aid to such towns on the sea-coast as might happen to beattacked, but also to intercept those supplies of men and arms onwhich Alexander partly relied for carrying on his designs in theremoter provinces of the Asiatic peninsula. Having, therefore, settledaffairs at Ephesus, the king of Macedonia proceeded forthwith toMiletus, prepared to lay siege to it immediately on his arrival; and184 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. c. 334. so vigorously did he ply his battering rams, and the other means of assault supplied by his engineers, that in a few days the fortificationswere reduced and the garrison dispersed. It is worthy of remark, too,that this achievement was accomplished in the sight of the Persian fleet, which, although greatly superior to the small armament whichthe Macedonians had on the coast, allowed an important town to fallwithout making the slightest effort for its relief.CFSARGENTMPOUNHalicarnas- sus taken.Halicarnassus.The success which had all along attended the arms of Alexanderneither slackened his exertions nor satisfied his ambition. The possession of Miletus only served to remind him that Halicarnassus hadnot yet submitted to the authority of Greece; and, moreover, that thegreat talents and zeal of the celebrated Memnon had been some timeemployed in strengthening its resources, and in adding discipline tothe valour of its garrison. According to Arrian, this city was surrounded with a ditch thirty cubits wide and fifteen deep, which,before engines could be advanced against the wall, it was necessaryto fill up; an arduous undertaking in the presence of an active enemy,who annoyed, without ceasing, the Macedonian soldiers, by throwingfrom above every species of missile weapon. The skill and perseverance of Alexander, however, at length prevailed. After a numberof sallies by the garrison, attended with various fortune and heavyloss, the commander, Memnon, found himself reduced to adopt thehazardous expedient of withdrawing his troops by night, and ofcovering his retreat by setting fire to the engines and machinery whichhe had used in defending the ramparts. A part of the town wasinvolved in the flames; bu the citizens, among whom there wereALEXANDER THE GREAT. 185many friendly to the Macedonian cause, were, by the humane policy B. C. 334.of the conqueror, saved from the horrors of an assault. The castle,into which Memnon had thrown a portion of his army, was indeedstill prepared to resist the arms of Alexander; but the latter, unwilling to waste what remained of the season in reducing a fortress ,strong by situation, and diligently supplied with all the means forsustaining a long siege, and satisfied at the same time that the garrisonwas too small to occasion any danger to the acquisitions which he hadalready made, immediately directed his attention to matters of higherconsequence. He commanded his engineers, says Arrian, to conveythe artillery to Tralles, which city he soon laid level with the ground;and marching thence into Phrygia, left a body of three thousand foot Marches intoand two hundred horse under the command of Ptolemy to keep the Phrygia.province of Caria in obedience—a portion of his conquests, of whichhe committed the ostensible government to Ada, a native princess, whohad at first thrown herself upon his generosity and protection.Determined not to allow, either to himself or to his enemies, theusual respite afforded by the arrival of winter, the King of Macedonmade known to the army his intention of advancing eastward to meetDarius on the confines of Syria, should he think proper to take thefield in the spring, and, in the meantime, to complete the reduction ofall the Persian cities within the boundaries of Asia Minor. To remove, however, the most obvious ground of objection and murmuringamong the soldiers in the prospect of a winter's campaign, he allowedsuch of them as had been lately married to return home to pass thatseason with their wives, giving the command of this domestic partyto three of his general officers , Ptolemy, Conus, and Meleager, wholikewise happened to have recently entered into the state of matrimony.Having completed these arrangements, and despatched Parmenio totake post at Sardis, in order to preserve entire the communicationbetween Macedonia and the army during their progress eastward,Alexander commenced his march through Lycia and Pamphylia withthe design, as Arrian informs us, of reducing all the towns on the seacoasts, and by that means of rendering the enemy's fleet useless. Uponhis entrance into Lycia, the four principal cities of the country, Telmissus, Pinara, Xanthus, and Patara, readily submitted, and thirtysmaller towns almost immediately followed their example. Continuinghis march in the very depth of winter, he was met by deputies fromPhaselis, the principal town of the Lower Lycia, who, presenting himwith a golden crown, solicited his friendship and protection. He thenpassed, continues the accurate historian of Alexander's expedition, intothe province of Phaselis, which he reduced, as also a certain fortwhich the Pisidians had built there; whence the barbarians were wont,by frequent incursions, to harass and lay waste the country around.Whilst Alexander was at Phaselis, intelligence was brought to Conspiracyhim of a plot against his life , concerted, as it was said, by his name against thesake, the son of Aëropus, whom he had so generously admitted into Alexander.life of186 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 334. his friendship at his accession to the throne, and even appointed tothe command of the Thessalian horse. The Macedonian princeAmyntas, son of Antiochus, who had fled to the court of Persia,was also engaged in this conspiracy; and under pretence of sendingletters to the satrap of Phrygia, he despatched a nobleman namedAsisines to the treacherous Alexander, assuring him that if he wouldprocure the murder of the king, he should have the crown of Macedonia conferred upon him, besides a gratuity of a thousand talents ofsilver. The Persian messenger, however, was seized by Parmenio,under whose immediate command the son of Aëropus was at thattime serving, and having confessed the real nature of his embassy wasforthwith sent a prisoner to the head- quarters of the unsuspectingking, that he might reveal in his personal hearing the actual intentionsof the conspirators. No doubt being entertained that the general ofthe Thessalian horse was implicated in the evil intentions of Amyntasand the Persian court, it was resolved in the council which Alexandersummoned on the occasion to send a private messenger to Parmenio,with verbal instructions to supersede him in his command and retainhis person in safe custody.Marmareians destroy themselves to avoid punishment.Having discharged this unpleasant duty, which, it should seem, hewas induced to perform rather in compliance with the wishes of his army than to gratify his personal fears or dislike, Alexander resumedhis progress; and, advancing from Lycia into Pamphylia along theline of the sea-coast, he had an opportunity of profiting by one ofthose natural contingencies which the ancients were much in the habitof ascribing to divine interposition. At a certain part of the road, themountainous ridge of Taurus projected into the sea, and thereby,except in a particular state of the wind, precluded all passage alongthe beach; and as it fortunately happened that the wind, which hadblown a long time from the south, carrying the waves with greatviolence into the bay, changed to the north as the Macedonians approached, and thus drove back the billows towards the deep, leavinga clear path between the sea and the rock, the enterprise of Alexanderwas regarded by all who witnessed this simple occurrence as sufficiently pious to merit the favour of the gods, and as sufficiently important to demand their interference.An occurrence, unnoticed by Arrian, is here mentioned by Diodorus,which serves to throw some light on the character of the people whoat that period occupied the hilly country which separates Lycia fromthe adjoining province on the east. As the baggage and cattle belonging to the Macedonian army were under the protection of a smallescort, passing through a valley commanded by the strong town ofMarmara, the inhabitants, smitten with the love of spoil, issued forthfrom their hiding places, and at once possessed themselves of thewhole convoy. Halting his troops, Alexander returned to chastisethese predatory barbarians; and, having applied his engines to theirwalls, was on the point of compelling a surrender, when the desperateALEXANDER THE GREAT. 187plunderers, holding council among themselves, agreed on the horrible B. C. 334.resolution to kill all the women, children, and old men, and then, bynight, force their way across the besiegers' lines to a place of refuge inthe neighbouring mountains. A general feast preceded the executionof this savage expedient. The best provision of meat and drink wasproduced, and all were invited to partake; when, having just allowedtime for a hearty meal, a signal was given for the intended massacre,by setting fire to all the houses. Six hundred of the youth, however,had the humanity to refuse concurrence in the atrocious plot to murdertheir parents, wives, and children; and no mention is made by thehistorian to what extent the bloody purpose of the Marmareians wasactually realised . The projected sally, however, was performed withconsiderable success; for it is stated, that the young men who werefortunate enough to execute their design reached in safety the mountain fastnesses.Having dispersed this nest of robbers, Alexander pursued his marchtowards Perga, in Pamphylia. On the way he was met by commissioners from Aspendus, a town situated in the same province, whoprofessed themselves ready to acknowledge his power on the simplecondition that he would not burden their citizens with a garrison.To this proposal the king readily acceded; requiring, in return, thatthe horses annually sent to Persia in the name of tribute should nowbe sent to him; and, besides, that the Aspendians should advanceto him a contribution of fifty talents, or about ten thousand poundssterling. The deputies yielded their consent to these stipulations onthe part of Alexander; but whether the inhabitants of Aspendusthought the terms too hard, or whether their proposals for negotiationwere merely intended to gain time and prepare for resistance, certainit is that they refused to deliver either horses or money, and evendenied admittance within their gates to the persons whom the Macedonian sent to demand them.Such conduct could not be allowed to pass without severe punishment. Perga and Sida having been surrendered to him at discretion,Alexander directed his forces against Aspendus, and invested it without delay. Unable to resist, the inhabitants desired capitulation,offering to fulfil the conditions to which their deputies had bound them; but the Macedonian monarch, though unwilling to protractthe siege, positively refused to listen to such terms. He requirednow, together with the horses, double the amount of the sum whichhe named as a subsidy, a yearly tribute in money, and subjection to agovernor whom he should appoint to superintend their affairs.the LacedæBut the attention of Alexander was soon after drawn to certain Intrigues ofmeasures concerted by the indefatigable Memnon, who had now ob- Memnon andtained command of the Persian fleet, with full powers to carry on monians.a vigorous war in the Ægæan. The Lacedæmonians, still obstinate intheir refusal to join the Grecian confederacy, were, moreover, irritatedby the success of the Macedonian arms in Asia Minor, and therefore188 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 334. not a little disposed to co-operate with the views of Memnon in distracting the councils of the youthful conqueror. To effect this object,Agis, the king of Sparta, condescended to solicit the republican statesof Peloponnesus, and had even prevailed with some of them to receiveinto their territory a considerable land force engaged in the service ofthe Persian monarch. Meanwhile, too, Darius himself was preparingto take the field with a powerful army, composed as well of Greeks as of Asiatics, in order to meet Alexander if he should advance, or topursue him should he be compelled to retreat.B. C. 333. Informed of these circ*mstances, the Macedonian ruler discoveredthe necessity of assembling the different divisions of his army, and ofmeeting the reinforcements which he expected from Greece. Gordium,the ancient capital of Lower Phrygia, was the place appointed formustering such of his soldiers as had wintered at home, who, accordingto instructions received , were expected to join early in the spring,bringing with them a body of recruits. To that city he directed hissteps, over part of the high grounds of Taurus, where he had toconquer the furious but ill-concerted opposition of several hordes ofpredatory mountaineers, who attempted to oppose his march throughtheir country. Having reached Celænæ, the principal town of thegreater Phrygia, he found the inhabitants ready to acknowledge himas their head, being indifferent whether they paid tribute and ownedAdds Phrygia subjection to a Persian or Macedonian sovereign. This province was to his conquests. accordingly added to his conquests; whilst the rapid progress of hisarms, whether employed against the roving barbarians of the Taurianridge or the more civilised natives of the Lycian plains, had already increased so much the terror and fascination associated with his namethat the appearance of his standard was, in many cases, equivalent toa victory.Before, however, he had completed his march to Gordium, intelligence was conveyed to him of the active proceedings of Memnon inthe Egaan. Chios had already yielded to his powerful fleet; and inLesbos, Mitylene was the only town which held out against him andprevented the progress of his formidable armament to the Hellespontit*elf, whence he threatened an immediate attack on the hereditarydominions of Alexander. Antipater, who was left at Pella with thepower of regent, employed indeed all the means which he couldcommand, in order to raise such a navy as would protect the Mace- donian shores: but had not Memnon died, while as yet he was onlybeginning to realise his extensive plans, the Grecian confederacy mustB. c. 333. have recalled their general from his victorious career in Asia to combatthe Persian legions within the limits of Europe. The loss of Memnon,however, defeated the views of Darius in the invasion of Greece.Death of Memnon.Intelligence ofthe death of Memnon, and of the withdrawal of thePersian land forces from the Ægæan, relieved Alexander from allapprehensions with regard to his own kingdom, as well as the statesof his allies; whilst the movement of the Persian Greeks from allALEXANDER THE GREAT. 189quarters to join the standard of the great king in the east, marked out B. c. 333.for him the point to which his attention was to be principally directed.It was now obviously the purpose of Darius to employ his wholestrength for the recovery of his lost dominions; and it thereforebecame the business of Alexander to provide for the maintenanceand defence of that great peninsula which he had already overrun;an object which he was most likely to accomplish by meeting thePersian king on its eastern boundary, or even beyond the mountainrange which separates it from the plains of Syria and Mesopotamia.Limiting his stay, therefore, at Celænæ to ten days, he proceeded toGordium, where, as we have already stated, he meant to collect hisarmy, and adopt such measures as might be rendered necessary by thehostile attitude recently assumed by the government of Persia.Gordian A story is told of the Macedonian hero during his residence at Story of theGordium, which the gravest historians have not disdained to preserve knot.in their pages. Plutarch tells us that, upon taking this town, whichis said to have been the seat of the ancient Midas, he found the famedchariot fastened with cords made of the cornel tree; and was informedof a tradition , firmly believed among the barbarians, that “ the fateshad decreed the empire of the world to him who should untie theknot." This, as most historians state, was twisted so many privateways, and the ends of it were so artfully concealed, that Alexander,finding he could not untie it, cut it asunder with his sword, and maderany ends instead of two. But Aristobulus affirms that he easilyundid it, by taking out the pin which fastened the yoke to the beam,and then drawing out the yoke itself.This place is also remarkable for an embassy, sent by the Atheniansto Alexander, requesting him to release those of their citizens whohad been taken at the Granicus fighting under the banner of the kingof Persia, and who, according to Arrian, were then with two thousandothers detained prisoners in Macedonia. For very obvious reasonsthe prayer of this petition was refused. He did not, says the historian,think it advisable, while the Persian war yet continued, to removefrom the Greeks that salutary fear which would prevent them fromtaking up arms for barbarians against their own countrymen; onwhich account he dismissed the deputies with the assurance that,as soon as the war was finished, he would listen to their solicitationsin behalf of their citizens who had fallen into his hand.marches The news was from time to time reiterated, that Darius, at the Dariushead of a large army, had commenced his march westward, and was towards thealready crossing the great desert with the intention of repelling the west,Macedonian invader. To secure his conquests in the Lesser Asia, andto be able to sustain with success the immense pressure of militaryforce which was arrayed against him, it appeared to Alexander absolutely necessary that he should possess the great chain of mountainson the eastern confines, where several strong posts might be occupied,and the advance of the enemy essentially retarded. But within that190 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. c. 333. boundary two important provinces, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, stillacknowledged the Persian dominion; the former of which commandedone side of the pass, by which, almost exclusively, a large army couldcross the ridge of Taurus, and have free communication between theLesser and the Greater Asia. To effect this important acquisition,however, there was no need to have recourse to arms. As soon asAlexander had reached Ancyra, an embassy from the Paphlagonians,soliciting his friendship, relieved him from the painful alternative ofcompelling their subjection; and Cappadocia, in like manner, unwillingto trust to the hazard of war, received a governor appointed by theMacedonians, and owned the confederated Greeks as their paramountsovereigns.Cilicia subdued.The province of Cilicia was now the only portion of Asia Minorthat owned subjection to the Persian empire; and against this im- portant district, commanding an extensive line of coast on the Medi- terranean sea, the Macedonians now resolved to conduct their victoriousphalanx. Advancing, with his usual rapidity, to cross the mountains at what was called the Gate of Taurus, Alexander was informed thata strong body of the enemy had already occupied the pass, and were prepared to dispute his farther progress towards the south. Withouta moment's delay he made arrangements for attacking them in the course of the ensuing night; but the Persians, intimidated by thefame of his valour and military skill, retreated before the break of day, and left an open passage to his army into the maritime plains of Surrender of Cilicia. Tarsus, the capital, soon opened its gates; the governor,Arsames, having fled with the garrison, to meet his master, Darius,and to carry to him the ominous intelligence that the Persians hadhardly any longer a foot of ground left, or a stronghold to flee unto,in all the rich provinces ofthe Asiatic peninsula.Tarsus.It was at Tarsus that Alexander was seized with that memorablefever which had so nearly proved fatal to him, and which was theB. C. 333. means of affording to the Persians considerable advantages in thechoice of their ground before the decisive battle of Issus. This severeillness is ascribed by Aristobulus to mere fatigue, sustained by theking in his forced march from Cappadocia into Cilicia. Other writers ,however, inform us, that it was the consequence of an unseasonableuse of the cold bath in the city of Tarsus; for, arriving there greatlyheated, and admiring the clearness of the river Cydnus, which flowsthrough the town, and knowing that it was celebrated for its coolnessin the summer heats, as coming in rapid course from the snowymountains of Taurus, he plunged into the current and amused himselfsome time with swimming. He was soon after seized with the violentfever of which we have just spoken, and was so extremely ill that hislife seems to have been despaired of by all except by his able andfavourite physician, Philip the Acarnanian. Whilst the latter waspreparing a draught for his patient, a communication arrived from thegeneral Parmenio, advising the king to beware of Philip, who, it wasALEXANDER THE GREAT. 191Alexander had B. c. 333.betweenbelieved, had been bribed by Darius to poison him.hardly finished perusing the letter when the physician presented to Interviewhim a potion; and taking the cup from his hand, the royal patient Alexanderdesired him to read the note which he had just received , and while he and his physician.was yet reading, says Arrian, the king swallowed the draught, perceiving by the undisturbed countenance of the Acarnanian that heentertained no design against his life . Nor were the skill and honestyof Philip long in doubt; for the rapid recovery of the king provedthat Parmenio's information was groundless, and that the alleged infidelity of the physician was a malignant calumny.thehighlandsHis first movement upon his restoration to health was to despatchParmenio with a competent force to occupy the pass which leads intoSyria, with the view either of preventing the enemy from entering, orof reserving to himself the power of carrying the war beyond themountain barrier. In the meantime, with a body of light troops, he Marches to turned aside into the hilly country of Cilicia, to consolidate his govern- of Cilicia.ment over the wandering tribes which inhabited that portion of theprovince. The first day's march brought him to Anchialus, a townsaid to have been built by Sardanapalus the king of Assyria, andwhich, by its extent and the magnificence of its fortifications, continued to bear evidence to the traditionary character of that monarch'smind. A monument representing this luxurious sovereign was stillfound there, attested by an inscription in the old Assyrian language,to which, whether well or ill interpreted , the Greeks gave the following meaning: " Sardanapalus, the son of Anacyndaraxes, in oneday founded Anchialus and Tarsus. Eat, drink, play; all otherhuman joys are not worth a fillip." Leaving Anchialus, the conquerorproceeded to Sali, where he imposed a contribution of about fortythousand pounds, and stationed a garrison . Thence he advanced toMegarsus, where he sacrificed to Athene, and afterwards proceeded toMallus, a colony originally peopled from Argos, where he succeeded inattaching the inhabitants to the Macedonian interest, by granting theman immunity from the tribute formerly paid to the Persian government.Alexander was still at Mallus when information reached him thatDarius had crossed the plain of Syria, and was already encampednear Sochi, about two days' march from that pass in the mountainsusually called the Syrian gate. Finding his army eager to meet thePersians, he advanced to the rocky barrier which separated him fromhis enemy, and, passing the strait now named, near the town ofMyriandrus, formed an encampment on the eastern side of the mountains. The king of Persia, who, listening to the counsel of his Grecianofficers, had resolved to wait the approach of his antagonist in theopen plain, now thought it expedient to yield to the wishes of hisown subjects and make a forward movement, so as to meet theMacedonians in their descent from the hills , or to drive them backinto the wilds of Cilicia. Aware that the main pass was in possession of the Greeks, Darius moved his army towards a similar strait,192 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 333. known by the name of the Amanic gate, through which, as no stepsDarius moves had been taken to oppose him, he pushed on his advanced guard totowards the Issus, and thereby placed himself between Alexander and the countriesAmanic gate. which he had recently conquered.his armyBattle of Issus.wereIt is not concealed by Aristobulus and Ptolemy, the authoritieswhom Arrian avowedly follows, that this movement on the part ofthe Persians created some degree of agitation among the Macedoniancounsellors who surrounded the king. Decisive measuresobviously necessary to obviate the fatal effects which might resultfrom this neglect to occupy the Amanic pass, and thereby allow theirflank to be turned; and Alexander accordingly, with that promptitudeand self- possession which characterised all his proceedings, instantlyresolved to retrace his steps, and secure at least the command of thepass by which he had entered Syria, and which was now more than ever necessary to maintain his communication with his friends inGreece. To palliate the real motives for this retrograde movement,he told his army that the step which Darius had taken was preciselythat which they should most have desired; that he had certainlyfollowed the worst advice which had been offered to him, or ratherthat some divine impulse had led him to marshal his force in a placewhere its greatness could neither be displayed nor called efficaciouslyinto action; that his cavalry would be useless, and his light troops,armed with missile weapons, absolutely unserviceable. He concludedby assuring them that the Deity had clearly demonstrated his intention that victory should be theirs, and that the Persian empire should pass into their hands.The main object contemplated by the Persians was unquestionablyto prevent the return of Alexander to Cilicia, and for this purposeB. C. 333. they took ground near the Syrian gate, by which they knew he wouldendeavour to effect his retreat across the mountains, should he finally resolve on that measure. A river, called Pinarus, issues from thehighland district in the neighbourhood of the pass now described, andafter flowing some distance in a westerly course diverges to the south,and falls into the Mediterranean. On the northern bank of this celebrated stream Darius drew up his army in battle array, his right extending to the sea, and his left occupying a very strong position at the foot of the mountains. Alexander formed his troops on theopposite bank, with his right supported by the high ground whichbounded the plain, and his left by the sea, or bay of Issus, which spread out towards the west. It is remarked that as the Persianarmy occupied the exterior of the curve formed by the river, the interior or shorter curve was left for the Macedonians. Having ascertained his adversary's formation, the hero of the Granicus placed hisown formidable phalanx to oppose the Greeks in the Persian service.His republican Greeks he divided on each flank to oppose the Cardacsand the cavalry. The command of his left wing, occupying theground next the sea, where cavalry might act advantageously on eitherALEXANDER THE GREAT. 193side of the stream, and where the powerful charge of the Persian B. c. 333.horse might be expected , he committed to the veteran Parmenio. Theimmediate command of the right wing he took upon himself, withthe apparently desperate purpose, it seemed, of forcing the strongposition of the enemy's left, should they not be imprudent enough todescend from their vantage- ground and attack him.force of theNothing is more perplexing, when examining the statements ofancient history, than to arrive at correct notions with regard to numbers,and more particularly with respect to the number of men who fought orfell in any given battle. It is recorded in the present instance, for Numericalexample, both by Arrian and Diodorus, that the Persian army persianamounted to more than half a million, a computation which, if it army.apply to the fighting men whom Darius conducted across the Syriandesert, must exceed not a little the bounds of all probability. Acelebrated historian, confining himself to the details of the formerwriter, and summing up the number of the several bodies specified byhim as holding a place either in the march or in the battle, reducesthe amount to about one hundred and forty thousand combatants, ofwhich nearly one- third was cavalry. The difficulty is nearly as great inattempting to ascertain the precise number of the warriors who foughtin the army of the confederated Greeks. In the absence of all documents on whichto found an accurate calculation, it has been conjecturedwith much probability that the forces which Alexander led to the Syrian gate were at least as numerous as those with which he crossed theHellespont. Taking this computation at the highest, there was stillan immense disparity between the contending hosts, for from the concurring testimony of the best authors it seems clearly established thatthe Macedonians, with their allies, did not exceed forty thousand men.Arrayed as we have described, both armies for some time kepttheir ground, unwilling apparently by any rash movement to put tounnecessary hazard the fortune of that important day. Alexander, itis manifest, had expected that the Persians would begin the action ontheir left, and with this view had drawn to his right the most efficient ofhis cavalry; and it was not till he found that they were resolved todirect the principal weight of their charge against the wing underParmenio, that he despatched his Thessalian horse and a chosen bodyof foot to sustain the attack meditated in that quarter, whilst he himself, at the head of his light-armed troops, advanced to drive theenemy from the heights which they had occupied on their left.Crowned with success in this bold manœuvre, he seized the moment Advanceof confusion which ensued to march the phalanx of allied Greeks across Macedonianthe stream, and instantly fell upon the Persian line with such deter- phalanx.mined valour, that the Cardacs who composed it soon turned theirbacks and left the field. The Macedonian phalanx which was placedin opposition to the Persian Greeks, the best troops which servedunder Darius, seems to have waited this event as the prescribed signalfor advancing to the attack; and accordingly moving forward these[H. G. ]OoftheIssus Battle ofAlexander ,between Darius and From .Mosaic the discovered Pompeii at1831 in.ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 195Darius.renowned soldiers of Alexander dashed into the current, to decide the B. C. 333.fate of two powerful sovereigns and to change the empire of the East.The conflict here was singularly obstinate and bloody. The mercenaryGreeks, trained under the experienced Memnon, and commanded byapproved officers, highly accomplished in the art of war, wereformidable adversaries even to the phalangites of Macedonia. Thesem*n, says Arrian, solicitous, though in a foreign service, to show themselves worthy of the ancient fame of their nation, as the Macedonianswere to maintain their new renown, occasioned to the latter a dearlybought victory. One general and a hundred and twenty-five officers ofinferior rank were killed . But Alexander's first bold measure provedthe key to success. Onthe flight of the enemy's left, the Greeks of theconfederacy occupied their ground, and thus placed a powerful divisionof troops on the flank of the Persian Greeks, now actively engagedwith the Macedonian phalanx in front. This celebrated body, sorelypressed and suffering severely in the contest, was now relieved by theseasonable approach of their victorious allies, whilst the brave Greekson the Persian side, unable to resist the combined assaults of two suchmasses of disciplined combatants, were nearly all put to the sword.Meanwhile Darius was performing everything that courage could Flight ofdictate to the commander of a mighty army, fighting for the masteryof the Asiatic continent, as well as for the safety of his wives anddaughters who were present in his camp. Mounted in his chariotwith four horses abreast he appeared conspicuously in the centre ofhis line, and mixed in the tumult and carnage which the onset of theheavy-armed foot had already carried into that part of his host. Beingrecognised by the Macedonians, he was so closely attacked and sovigorously pressed upon by the victorious phalanx that his horses werewounded and rendered quite unmanageable, whilst the heaps of deadbodies and arms so impeded and alarmed them, that the king wouldin all probability have been carried into the enemy's ranks but for thegallant exertion of his brother Oxathres, who at the head of a body ofhorse charged the confederates with so much impetuosity as to gaintime for the servants of the household to bring up another chariot, intowhich the monarch immediately removed. The fortune of the field,however, being now determined in favour of the Macedonians on theright and centre of their army, the individual exertions of Dariuswould have been of no avail even had he possessed all the skill andbravery which some authors are willing to ascribe to him; for thePersians, destitute of that degree of discipline which enables soldiersto repair their broken ranks whilst there remains any hope of victory,and to retreat in good order when that hope can no longer be enter- tained, no sooner saw their ruler turn his back upon the enemy, thanthey precipitated themselves from the field in a general rout, regardless of everything except their personal safety. The cavalry on their Valour of theright wing, indeed, attempted to redeem the character of Persian Persianhorsem*n; having, according to Arrian, maintained a severe conflict cavalry0 2196 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 333. with the Thessalians under Parmenio long after the main body of theMacedonians had crossed the river and repulsed the heavy- armed foot,in which Darius seems to have placed his chief confidence; nor was ituntil they perceived that a total discomfiture had been inflicted on theleft and centre of their army, and that their sovereign himself was nolonger on the field, that these brave troops relinquished a contestwhere even the most complete success would have been of no avail.Numerical loss ofthe Persians.Owing to the nature of the ground over which they had to pass, thePersians suffered severely in their flight, both from the close pursuitof the enemy and from the confusion and panic which prevailed intheir own ranks. It would appear that Darius had left the field someconsiderable time before Alexander was made aware of his departure,or at least before he deemed it expedient to pursue him. At length,however, when victory was fully secured , the conqueror placed himselfat the head of a body of cavalry with the view of overtaking thefugitive monarch, who appears to have retreated as far as the roadswould permit in his chariot of state, and afterwards to have mounteda horse and hastened through the Amanic pass which led into Syria.The approach of night induced Alexander to desist from the pursuit,and carrying back with him the chariot of Darius, in which werefound his shield, bow, and cloak, he returned to the Persian camp,now in the possession of the Macedonian soldiers, and proceeded toseek repose in the royal tent.The number of the slain is so variously reported that it is impossible to ascertain the exact amount, and it is somewhat remarkable atthe same time that the Grecian writers, whilst they affect much accuracy in regard to the Persian loss where they had small means ofarriving at the truth, abstain from all particulars relative to the killedand wounded of the Macedonians, concerning whose casualties theymight easily have obtained information. Arrian relates that of thearmy of Darius no fewer than a hundred thousand fell, including tenthousand cavalry. Diodorus estimates the loss at a hundred andtwenty thousand foot, and ten thousand horse; whilst Orosius, toninety thousand slain, adds forty thousand prisoners. The statementof Justin differs considerably from that of all other historians, as hereduces the killed to sixty-one thousand foot and ten thousand horse;agreeing, however, with Orosius in the number of captives. Of commanders possessing the highest rank, Arrian mentions the names offive who lost their lives; three of whom, Arsomes, Rheomithres, andAtizyes, had fought as chiefs of cavalry at the battle of the Granicus.Considering the obstinacy with which the conflict was maintainedon the side of the Persians, particularly by the horsem*n in their rightwing, the loss sustained by the confederate army could not fail to be severe. Arrian, however, satisfies himself with informing us that inthe battle of the Issus the Macedonians had one general killed , Ptolemythe son of Seleucus, and others of no mean account, to the number ofone hundred and twenty. This very vague statement is no meansALEXANDER THE GREAT. 197improved by the narrative of Quintus Curtius, who, with an appear- B. c. 333.ance of detail, which only aggravates the improbability of his account,assures us that the loss of the army under Alexander was confined tothirty-two infantry and a hundred and fifty horse.There are several anecdotes connected with this memorable fight,which though differently told by the authors who have related them,appear to have a solid foundation in fact. It is said, for example,that upon the return of Alexander from his pursuit of the Persianking, having in his possession, as we have already stated, the shield,bow, and cloak of that unfortunate prince, some one inconsideratelyconveyed this intelligence to the wife, mother, and daughters ofDarius, who were now prisoners in the camp, and who, concluding that he must have been killed, instantly raised a loud and very piteouslamentation. On learning the cause of their distress, Alexander Humanity ofhumanely sent Leonatus, one of his principal officers, to inform them Alexander.that Darius was not dead, but that, on the contrary, as he had outstripped his pursuers, there was every reason to believe that he hadreached a place of safety; adding an assurance on the part of the Macedonian commander that the princesses would be treated by him withthe utmost delicacy, and in a manner becoming their royal rank, andthat even towards the king himself he entertained no personal enmityfarther than was implied in their contest for the dominion of Asia.Alexander and the Family of Darius.It is likewise reported that Alexander, on the following day, takingwith him his favourite general Hephæstion, repaired to the tent of thecaptive ladies to pay them a visit of condolence. On entering the apartment together, without any one to announce him, the mother ofDarius, mistaking the attendant for the prince, threw herself, after thePersian fashion, at the feet of Hephaestion, who, it should seem,198 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 333. appeared in her eyes the more dignified and gainly person.Anecdote by Arrian.Collateral advantages attendant upon the defeat of the Persians.Thegeneral, drawing himself back, pointed to Alexander, who immediatelyrelieved the embarrassment of the aged queen by telling her that shehad committed no mistake, for that man to whom she had paid herrespects was worthy to be esteemed his equal. Hephæstion, said he,is another Alexander. This passage, adds Arrian, I neither relate astruth, nor condemn as fiction: if it be true, the pity and indulgenceshown by Alexander to the women, and the honour bestowed on hisfriend, deserve commendation; whilst, if we suppose them feignedand only related as probabilities, it is still honourable to him to havehad such speeches and actions recorded by the writers of his owntimes, not only as being generally believed, but as consonant with the character which he bore among his contemporaries.Arrian further informs us, that soon after the battle of Issus, a confidential eunuch in the service of the captive queen, found means torepair to her unfortunate husband, now returned to his capital. Onhis first appearance, Darius hastily asked whether his wife and childrenwere alive; and when the messenger assured him that they were notonly well, but treated with all the respect due to royal personages, thefears of the unfortunate monarch took another direction . The queenis said to have been the most beautiful woman in Persia; Darius'snext question, therefore, was, whether his honour was still entire, orwhether she had yielded to her own weakness, or the violence of others?The eunuch, protesting with solemn oaths that she was as pure aswhen she parted from her husband, and adding that Alexander wasthe best and most honourable of men, Darius raised his hands towardsheaven, and exclaimed , " O great God! who disposest of the affairsof kings among men, preserve to me the empire of the Persians andMedes as thou gavest it; but if it be thy will that I am no longer tobe king of Asia, let Alexander, in preference to all , others, succeed tomy power." So powerfully, observes the historian, does generousconduct gain the affections even of an enemy.The victory of Issus opened a passage for the confederates into theheart of Asia; but before proceeding eastward, Alexander thought itexpedient to subject to his dominion the Persian provinces of Syriaand Phoenicia. With this view he despatched Parmenio, with a bodyof troops, to reduce Damascus, the principal city of the former district,in which, too, Darius had placed his treasury, and whither many ofthe fugitives, from the late battle, had fled for refuge. In this undertaking the success of the Macedonian general was rewarded, not onlywith the capture of the military chest, destined to maintain theenemy's army and to secure the fidelity oftheir Grecian allies, but alsowith the seizure of several prisoners of importance, who had been commissioned to attend Darius by the party opposed to Alexander atSparta, Athens, and Thebes. Indeed, one of the greatest advantagesresulting from the recent splendid victory over the Persians was manifested in the complete disappointment of the republican faction in theALEXANDER THE GREAT. 199three cities now named, where a correspondence was constantly main- B. C. 333.tained with the satraps of Darius, in order to distract the operations ofAlexander, and even to invade his hereditary states. We have alreadyremarked that a Persian fleet, under the command of Pharnabazus andAntophradates, was sent round to the Ægæan, with the intention ofaiding the Lacedæmonian king, Agis, in a descent upon Macedonia,whilst the immense armament, led by Darius himself, was advancingacross the desert to repel the conqueror from the confines of Syria.But the issue of the conflict between the grand armies thwarted all thearrangements entered into at Sparta. The Persian fleet almost immediately left the shores of Peloponnesus, and directed its course to thesouthern coast of Asia Minor; relieving thereby the apprehensions ofthe king of Macedon in regard to the safety of his native territory, andsecuring to him the most perfect liberty to pursue his conquests in theSyrian provinces, and ultimately in Egypt.Whilst, therefore, Parmenio advanced upon Damascus, Alexanderled the rest of his army towards the coast of Phoenicia . The mainobject of the conqueror in following this route, was to reduce the cityof Tyre,-a place of great importance as a maritime station, andwhence, as he was well aware, the Persian navies derived their bestrecruits and most abundant supplies. Before, however, he engaged inthe famous siege, by which he found it necessary to subdue the powerof this mistress of the seas, a deputation from Darius overtook him atMarathus, charged with offers of friendship and alliance, and with arequest, as from a king to a king, that his wife and daughters mightbe released. The answer of Alexander, it is well known, was extremely haughty and threatening. He accused the Persian monarchof intriguing with the Greeks, and even of having countenanced theconspiracy for assassinating his father Philip. He recounted all theinjuries which the Macedonians had sustained, or had cause to fear , atthe hands of the Persian faction in the republican states, and concluded by announcing to Darius his pretensions to the sovereignty ofall Asia, and his readiness to treat with him as a vassal prince. Aslord paramount of the east, the young hero invited the vanquished kingof the Medes and Persians to come personally to him and prefer hisrequests. " Ifyou have any apprehension for your safety, send a confidential person to receive my plighted faith. When with me, ask foryour wife and children, and whatever else you may desire, and youshall have all: ask freely; nothing shall be refused . But whenever,hereafter, you would communicate with me, I must be addressed asking of Asia, lord of all you possess, and of all you can desire; otherwise I shall consider myselfundutifully treated. Ifyou propose yet todispute with me the sovereignty of Asia, be it so; prepare for my approach: I shall seek you wherever you may happen to fix your quarters. "Proceeding southward to Tyre, Alexander was met by the son ofthe governor, accompanied by some of the principal townsmen, offeringhim allegiance, but refusing, on any account, to allow him to enter200 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 332. within their walls. Aware of their disposition, and sensible, at the sametime, that it would not be prudent to advance into Egypt, leaving sopowerful an enemy behind him, he demanded from the Tyrians an unequivocal avowal of their alliance, and threatened , in the event of their refusal, to compel them by force of arms to open their gates.They refused to comply with these conditions, and defied his power.Tyre taken by assault.B. C. 332.Gaza taken by assault .We cannot enter into the details of the memorable siege whichfollowed. The insular situation of the town, at the distance of half amile from the shore, gave the Tyrians many opportunities of defence,and numerous advantages in repelling the invader, which, directed byan unusual degree of skill and courage, had nearly baffled all the effortsof Alexander. A mole, stretching from the mainland to the island,facilitated the operations of the conqueror; but it was not till he hadobtained a fleet, and trained his men to fight on shipboard, that hefound himself a match for the expert sailors of Tyre, who destroyedhis works as fast as he erected them, and burnt his towers and machinesbefore they could be brought to act against their ramparts. At length,after a siege of seven months, the Macedonians took the city by storm ,putting eight thousand of the inhabitants to the sword, and reducingto slavery not fewer than thirty thousand, who had survived thehorrors of the siege and the carnage of the last assault.It was while Alexander lay before Tyre, that a second deputationreached him from Darius, bringing the offer of ten thousand talents,about two millions sterling, for the ransom of his family, and proposinga treaty of peace and alliance. To further this last object, the Persianoffered the additional inducement of his daughter in marriage, and all thecountry between the Euphrates and Mediterranean sea in lieu of dowry.The proposal was, as usual, submitted to his council; and it was onthis occasion, according to the concurrent testimony of historians, thatthe Macedonian prince pronounced, in reply to one of his generals, thepithy expression which has been so often repeated, and so inconsiderately admired. " If I were Alexander," said Parmenio, " I wouldaccept the terms.' -" And I, " rejoined Alexander, were I Parmenio."The answer returned to Darius was so harsh, so destitute of feeling,and withal so unlike the romantic generosity of Alexander's character,that we readily participate in the doubts entertained as to thegenuineness of the expression in which it is conveyed. He replied tothe ambassadors, says Arrian, " that he did not want Darius's money,and that he would not accept of a part of his empire when he had aright to the whole; and as to his daughter he would marry her, if hepleased, without her father's consent; but that if he had a wish to puthis humanity to the proof, he might come and see him in person."22 66Gaza was now the only town in Syria which intervened betweenthe Macedonian and his views upon Egypt. It occupied a strongposition in the midst of deep sand, which rendered approach to it onall sides extremely difficult; but as Alexander was resolved to leavebehind him no fortress of any consequence in the hands of the enemy,ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 201he instantly adopted measures for its reduction. The garrison, accord- B. c. 332.ing to the statement of Arrian, consisted of Arabians, hired for thepurpose by Batis, the governor, who likewise had laid up an immensestock of provisions to enable him to hold out during the long siegewhich the obstinacy of the Macedonians in their investment of Tyrehad prepared him to expect. But no precautions were found sufficientagainst the resolute bravery of Alexander. The place was taken bystorm after a gallant defence on the part of the citizens, who, whenthey saw the enemy within their walls, collected together in a bodyand fought till every man lost his life on the spot on which he stood.The women and children were, as usual, sold for slaves to reward thetoils of the conquerors, and the town itself was bestowed upon thepartizans of Macedonia, who forthwith founded a colony amidst the ruins of its buildings.The fall of Gaza was rendered memorable by a wound whichAlexander received whilst conducting an assault against the ramparts,and which has been recorded by historians with all the accompaniments of credulity and superstition usual on such occasions. Plutarch,whose love of the marvellous had no bounds, relates a variety of particulars concerning it, full of augury and omens, but the only thingwhich admits of no doubt is the fact that the captain-general ofGreece was severely wounded in leading up his men to the enemy'swalls, at a period of the siege so extremely critical that personal example and encouragement had become absolutely necessary.Samaria, andSyria, including Judæa, Samaria, and Phoenicia, being now added Reduction ofto the conquests of Alexander, he lost no time in directing his march Syria, Judæa,towards the richer and more important provinces of Egypt. Arriving Phoenicia.before Pelusium, the key of that country, he summoned it to surrender, upon which the Persian deputy, unable to resist the powerof the conqueror of Tyre and Gaza, and finding the Egyptians heartilydisposed for a change of masters, immediately delivered that stronghold into his hands, together with the whole of the territory which atthat period acknowledged the dominion of the great king. Thus inthe course of a few days did the Macedonian chief obtain possessionof that wealthy and powerful nation which had so long defied theforce of the Persian empire, thereby excluding the navies of theAsiatic monarch from all the shores of the Egæan and Mediterranean seas, and also securing to himself the command of the vast trade andother resources of which the Arabian Gulf had already become theprincipal channel. It was perhaps at this period that for the first timehis mind opened to the numerous advantages which would redound tohis extensive dominions from the establishment, in Egypt, of a regularemporium for the commerce of the east. It is certain, at all events,that from this epoch he turned his attention to those magnificent plansfor laying the foundation of a permanent intercourse between Indiaand the states of the west, which reflect so much honour on his discernment and patriotism .202 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.Alexandria Founded .B. C. 331 .Alexander visits the temple of Jupiter Ammon.Thebes (Egypt) .Determined to employ the first moments of peace in surveying thevast country which he had so easily acquired, he proceeded up theNile as far as Heliopolis, and crossing the river at that point, returned by the way of Memphis; where, we are told, he had immediate recourse to all his arts of popularity, with the view of gaining the affec- tions of his new subjects. Having next examined the several mouthsof the Egyptian river, and considered the comparative advantages ofPelusium and Canopus, he rejected both as unsuitable for the great object which he had in view. At length, passing to the western sideAANANAlexandria.of the branch on which thelatter city stood, he made choice of a site between theriver and lake Mareotis; andthere he resolved to build atown, which in point of magnificence and commodiousness, should eclipse all similarworks on either shore of theMediterranean. To Dinocrates he committed the design and execution of his newcity; which, as if he hadwished to attach his reputation to the labours of peace and improvement, rather than to those ofwar and desolation, he named after himself Alexandria.The resolution of this wonderful man to visit the temple of JupiterAmmon, has never been clearly explained , nor traced to motives suchas usually influenced his sagacious mind. Arrian merely informs usthat Alexander, about this time, was smitten with a desire of visitingthat famous temple, and of consulting the oracle; because Perseus andHercules had formerly consulted the god, and because he countedthese personages among his ancestors. As was to be expected, anumber of supernatural occurrences distinguished this expedition.ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 203Rain fell miraculously from heaven to quench the thirst of the ex- B. C. 331 .hausted Macedonians whilst travelling through the desert; and whenthey had lost their way amidst the trackless sand, a couple of dragons,or large serpents, appeared in order to conduct them to the sacredterritory of Ammon. It was worthy of remark, that whilst Ptolemydescribes these guides as belonging to the species of animals we havejust named, his brother officer, Aristobulus, who was also of the party,informs his readers that they owed this seasonable interposition to apair of ravens. Rooke, in his notes attached to Arrian's history,indulges in much absurd merriment, in regard to these divine heralds,whilst he seems altogether incapable of penetrating the mystery whichis occasioned by the use of this figurative language. The learnedBryant, on the contrary, proceeding on the fact that both the serpentand the raven were symbolical of sacred things among the Egyptians,conceives that such names might be given to different orders of priests,who, in their turn, might act as guides to the devotees whose zeal ledthem to cross the Libyan desert. A more natural explication of thepassage has been suggested by an annotator on Strabo, who remindsus, that in a wilderness destitute of water, the flights of birds is commonly held as a sure indication of the existence of woods and fountains in the neighbourhood towards which it is directed .the oracle. Arrived at the land of Ammon, which is described as a green and Arrives atpleasant spot in the arid waste, the Macedonian prince was receivedwith the respect becoming his high rank, and with that reverence towhich his great piety had entitled him. The answer of the oracle, ofwhich we are told nothing more than that it was satisfactory, seemsnot to have come down to the time of Arrian; and there is, moreover,much reason to believe that the response to be delivered from the holyshrine, was the least important object which Alexander had in view,when he undertook a march of more than three hundred miles overthe moving sands of an African wilderness. It is not to be imaginedthat such a man as he could allow his mind to fall a prey to theabsurd vanity of obtaining from the oracle, an assurance that hisparentage was divine; or that there could be any ground for thepuerilities narrated by Plutarch and Quintus Curtius as having beenplayed off by the juggling priests to gratify their illustrious visitor.No character of antiquity could employ more successfully than the sonof Philip those passions and weaknesses of the human race whichhave their origin in superstitious fears and anticipations; but, on nooccasion, does he appear to have yielded to them so far himself, asto become the dupe, either of prophets or of the interpreters of prophecies.Upon his return to Memphis, the king of Macedon arranged theaffairs of his extensive government, and appointed presidents of hisnewly-acquired provinces; keeping in view his great object, the conquest of Persia, which was about to engage all the powers of hisactive mind, as well as all the resources of the confederated states.204 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 331 .Crosses the Euphrates.In the spring of the year he proceeded to Tyre, where the naval andmilitary forces which he had raised in Macedonia, or which wereintrusted to his command by the Grecian republics, had been orderedto assemble. Having transacted business here with certain commissioners from Athens and other allied cities, he put his army in motion,in order to commence his third Asiatic campaign, and to complete thesubjugation ofthe Persian monarchy.In the beginning of June, in the year noted in the margin, theMacedonian hero reached the Euphrates, having performed his marchthither without any opposition. At Thapsacus, where he intended tocross that celebrated barrier of the Persian territory, he found thebridges broken down, and about four thousand horsem*n manoeuvringon the opposite bank; stationed there, however, rather to observe hismotions, than to dispute his passage, for they immediately retiredupon ascertaining his purpose to transport his troops to the easternside. Meeting no hostile force, Alexander advanced along thenorthern border of Mesopotamia: in the course of which march, helearned from certain prisoners taken by his mounted skirmishers, thatDarius had already occupied a strong position on the farther bank ofthe Tigris, where he seemed disposed to await the approach of hisadversary. It had been the intention of the confederates, as suggestedby Alexander, to proceed at once to Babylon, to strike a decisiveblow at the very heart of the empire; but no sooner were they informed of the situation and apparent views of the Persian king, thanthey yielded to the advice of their able commander, and immediatelydirected their march towards the Tigris, in order to bring on a battle.CLINE SAGCJunction of the Tigris and Euphrates at Chebar.Pursuing the line of this river, the fourth day brought the Macedonians in sight of the enemy; who appeared to be retreating stillALEXANDER THE GREAT. 205farther into the southern provinces, either with a view of falling B. c . 331 .back upon his resources, or of exhausting the army of Alexander byfatiguing marches. Darius, however, was so closely pressed, that hecould not any longer follow this judicious system. It was nownecessary for him to hazard a battle; and he therefore proceeded tomake preparations for it, with considerable skill and foresight, andwith a due reference to the nature of the ground where he was posted,and the character of the troops under his command. Leaving hisheavy baggage and military chest in the fortified town of Arbela, hemade choice of a field about six miles off, on the banks of theBumadus, a stream which falls into the Tigris, where the open plainappeared suitable for the action of his numerous cavalry, and particularly of his armed chariots.enumeratedÎn estimating the number of troops engaged in this memorableconflict, we are, as usual, puzzled with the various and inconsistentstatements of the several Grecian historians. Arrian, indeed , favours Force of theus with a very minute muster-roll of the different nations which fought Persians aunder the standard of the great king, as well as with the names of the by Arrian.respective commanders who conducted them to the war; but he is,at the same time, so extremely negligent in regard to the actualnumbers which every tribe brought into the field , that we have nomeans of satisfying ourselves as to the accuracy of the total amount ofthe Persian force, with which Alexander had to cope at Gaugamela.This historian relates that the infantry under Darius, was not shortof a million; whilst the cavalry, according to his estimate, amountedto forty thousand, the armed chariots to two hundred, and theelephants to about fifteen; a computation which is evidently as muchexaggerated, as the Macedonian army engaged in this battle is diminished the numbers of the latter being reduced as low as forty thou- sand foot, and seven thousand horse.The invader having granted to his soldiers a rest of four days, beganto fortify his camp and make preparations for an attack on the enemy'slines. At the second watch of the fifth night, accordingly he drewout his forces, with the intention , as it should seem, of leading themagainst the Persians by break of day; but having advanced about halfthe distance which intervened between the two camps, and reachingthe summit of some small hills which had concealed each host fromthe other, Alexander perceived so many tokens of defensive preparation on the part of his adversary, that he thought it expedient to halt and summon a council of war. The majority of the commanders werefor an immediate attack: Parmenio, however, opposed himself to thatrash opinion, and advised the king to examine well the nature of theground on which they were about to risk their safety and reputation,and by all means to postpone the attack till night. The advice ofthis faithful veteran coincided, in this instance, with the judgment ofhis royal master; who, repressing his usual ardour and impatience,spent the day in viewing the several bearings of the field, and in206 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 331. securing himself against the use of stratagem or any other undue ad- vantage on the side of the Persians. Both armies appear to haveremained at their posts, ready for battle, till the next morning; wheneach, desirous to bring to a decision the momentous interests whichwere suspended on the fortune of the day, advanced slowly to meet the other.Battle of Gaugamela,Darius.B. C. 331 .The action commenced with the cavalry and chariots, and soonand flight of became general throughout both lines, and sanguinary in the extreme.Arrian admits that the battle was for some time doubtful. TheScythian horse, well armed and remarkably brave, pressed hard onthe Greeks, and even compelled them to give ground; but disciplineand skill at length prevailed over numbers and courage. The Macedonian phalanx advancing to the charge, overthrew the Persian foot,and created so much confusion in their ranks, that Darius was carriedoff the field among the fugitives, and, according to Arrian, set an earlyexample of flight and despondency.Fierce conflict of the cavalry.The fortune of the day, however, was not yet quite determined, andthe eagerness of Alexander to secure the person of their unhappymonarch, had nearly thrown the victory into the hands of the Persians.Having weakened his left wing in order to make a more efficientattack with his right, he instantly commenced pursuit at the head ofhis victorious cavalry; leaving the former wing exposed to a furiouscharge from a large body of the enemy's horse under Mazæus. Thisofficer, who seems to have been one of the most active in the Persianservice, broke through a double line of phalangites, commanded byParmenio, and proceeded forthwith to take possession of the Macedonian camp, which, during the battle, was protected by a very smallguard. Overcoming the resistance of this inadequate force , the troopsof Mazæus betook themselves to plunder; and having set at libertysuch prisoners as they found in the hands of the enemy, they encouraged them to take a share in the booty and massacre, to which theymost inconsiderately confined their attention, even at a time when themain body of their army was involved in a total rout, and their king driven from the field.Messengers were despatched after Alexander to inform him of theprecarious circ*mstances in which Parmenio now found himself.Returning, therefore, with the utmost speed, he charged a body ofPersian cavalry, which were still hanging on the left wing, and whichhad prevented the Macedonian general from sending relief to thecamp. A conflict, singularly fierce and destructive, immediatelyensued. Sixty of that famous corps called " The Companions " werekilled , whilst fighting around the person of their prince; and Hephæstion, Conus, and Menidas, generals of high rank in his army,were severely wounded. The tactics and valour of the Greciancavalry, however, restored once more the balance of fortune: thePersians betook themselves to flight; upon which Alexander gaveorders to Parmenio to take possession of their camp, whilst he, at theALEXANDER THE GREAT. 207head of his indefatigable horsem*n, instantly resumed the pursuit of B. c. 331 .the fugitive king.After the delay occasioned by his return to the relief of his leftwing, it was not to be expected that the most rapid movement,practicable for troops at the close of an obstinate fight, could bring Alexander within reach of Darius. Arriving, accordingly, upon theapproach of night, at the river Lycus, which the Persian had alreadycrossed in safety, the victor issued orders to his men to relinquish thepursuit, and refresh themselves. He himself, however, seemed torequire no repose. At midnight he set out for Arbela, and arrivedso unexpectedly, that he obtained possession of the town without anyopposition; finding in it the rich treasures which had been depositedthere for the use of the army, together with a chariot, bow, and shieldof the Persian monarch, the second set of spoils of the same description which had fallen into his hands.The numbers of the slain in the contending armies, as recorded byArrian, are marked with so much improbability, that it is only surprising they should ever have been received by creditable writers.“ The Persians,” says he, " lost three hundred thousand men in killed ,and a still greater number in prisoners. " The loss of the Greeks, according to the same authority, did not exceed a hundred men; astatement, not only grossly improbable in itself, when consideredwith a reference to the fierceness of the combat, but even quite inconsistent with the details of the battle, as narrated by Arrian himself.Babylon.Darius having collected some of the scattered remains of his army, Surrender of turned his face towards the north, and prepared to make, in the provinces of Media, a last effort for the preservation of the empire.Meanwhile, Alexander directed his march to Babylon, with the viewof rendering himself master of the fruitful provinces of the south; andarriving there at the head of his victorious forces, was met by thewhole population of that great city, who came forth unarmed; thenobles and priests leading a solemn procession, bearing presents intheir hands to the conqueror of the east, and prepared to inform him that the town, the citadel, and the treasury, were already placed athis disposal. These fruits of his victory were much more ample thanhe had expected; and he knew well how to profit by them. Hegratified his soldiers with sums of money; received the vanquishedinto his favour; appointed some of them to offices of trust; soothedthe people with demonstrations of his respect for their religious rites;and even assisted at a festival held by his orders in the temple ofBelus, the chief of their gods.During his stay in the capital of Assyria, information was conveyedto him, that the Armenians also were eager to acknowledge hissovereignty; and he was soon after favoured with the intelligence,that the inhabitants of Susa, the principal seat of the Persian government, were likewise willing to change their dynasty of rulers.Ac-208 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 331. cordingly, proceeding thither with his army, he was met by the sonof the satrap, accompanied by a messenger, who was authorised toassure him that the city would be surrendered immediately on hisarrival, and the treasury, containing about ten millions sterling, wouldbe given up into his hands. On the twentieth day, says Arrian,after his departure from Babylon, he arrived at Susa, and entering thetown, took possession of all the money, amounting to fifty thousandtalents, besides the royal furniture. Many other things, he adds,were found there, which Xerxes had formerly carried out of Greece,and particularly the brazen statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton,those celebrated tyrannicides, so deeply venerated by the Athenians asthe avengers of liberty. These works of art were ordered by Alexander to be sent to the people of Athens, as a testimony at once ofhis respect for their character, and of his own conquests over their ancient enemies.Reinforce- ments from Macedon.Diodorus and Curtius agree in the statement that Alexander, whenat Susa, placed the wife and family of Darius in the palace-royal, andcommitted the civil government of the town to a native Persian.Whilst here, too, a powerful reinforcement arrived from Macedonia,accompanied by fifty youths of the first families in that country, sentby their parents, and recommended by Antipater to be admitted intothe king's guard. Finding his army thus strengthened, Alexandermade arrangements for pursuing his conquests in Persia Proper,the birthplace of the famous Cyrus, and the stronghold of the vastempire which that conqueror established in Asia. A range of mountains divided the territory of Susiana from that of Persia, inhabited byhardy and determined barbarians, who thought themselves able tocheck the progress even of the Macedonian commander, when shut inamong the narrow and difficult passes of their rugged country. Butthey knew not the enemy with whom they had now to contend . Thelight troops of the invader, deceiving their vigilance, or anticipatingtheir movements, secured the straits, before the rude mountaineers hadperceived their advance; and thus, instead of obtaining payment oftoll, which they had been accustomed to exact, even from the Persiankings, the Uxian villagers found themselves at the mercy of a foreignsovereign.A severer conflict awaited Alexander at a pass in the Sogdianmountains, where the satrap Ariobarzanes awaited his approach witha body of troops, amounting, according to Arrian, to forty thousandfoot and horse. The Persian had taken his ground so well, and defended it so resolutely, that the best soldiers of Macedon were unableto make any impression upon his lines; and it was not until Alexanderhad found means to conduct a body of men through another pass,to fall upon his rear, whilst the main body attacked his forcesin front, that the gate of Persia was secured for the combined army.The main object of the invader now, was, to get possession of thetreasury in Persepolis, before the news of the satrap's defeat couldALEXANDER THE GREAT. 209induce the Persian officers, commanding in that city, to remove or B. C. 331 .destroy it; and, accordingly, to prevent such a spoliation, (which hehad reason to believe, was actually intended, ) he advanced with extraordinary rapidity to the capital, and completely defeated the designs of his enemies.The fatigues and anxieties of war were here followed, as usual, Destructionwith much festivity and rejoicing; and the destruction of the magni- of the king of the palaceficent palace of the ancient kings of Persia, unfortunately commemorates of Persia atthe intemperance of Alexander during his stay in Persepolis.Persepolis.Thecelebrated Thais, an Athenian courtesan, was admitted to the banquetat which the Macedonian prince entertained his commanders. Beingheated with wine, and stimulated by the recollection of what shehad heard concerning the demolition of Athens in former times, bythe hands of the Persians , she proposed to avenge the cause of hernative land, by reducing to ashes the royal dwelling of its haughtyenemies. Some of the Grecian officers, we are told, willing to checkin their captain-general the growing partiality, which they could not fail to observe, for Persian luxuries and manners, and afraid, perhaps,that he might be induced to establish his residence in the east, did notthink it necessary to refuse their concurrence to the mad proposal of their countrywoman. The hero of the Granicus, accordingly, perceiving that his friends expressed no decided aversion to the frolic,sallied forth with a torch in his hand, and set fire to the gorgeous palaceof the great king, the conqueror of Assyria, and lord of the Medes and Persians. He was, however, immediately seized with repentance;and exerting himself to stop the progress of the conflagration, he fortunately succeeded in saving a part of the royal buildings, as well asin preventing the ravages of the flames from extending to the houses of the city.againstdefeat byWe have already mentioned that Darius, after his defeat at Arbela, Confederacyconducted the few troops which he was able to collect into the Macedon,country of the Medes; and it appears from the concurrent testimony and itsof historians, that during the four months the victor spent at Perse- Antipater.polis, the vanquished monarch, in conjunction with the anti-Macedonian party among the Greeks, found the means of exciting an activewar against Alexander in his hereditary states. The Lacedæmoniansat the head of this confederacy took the field, and offered battle toAntipater, the viceroy of Macedon; who, descending into Pelopon- nesus with such a force as he could raise, attacked the enemies of hismaster, and, after a sanguinary conflict, secured for him a completevictory, dispersing the combined army of Spartans, Arcadians, andAchaians, and leaving Agis, the king of Lacedæmon, dead on thefield. In consequence of this successful campaign, Alexander hadthe satisfaction to find that the governors of Sparta, no longer hostile tothe allied republics, made haste to send into Asia their contingent oftroops, to assist him in the complete subjugation of the Persian empire.As soon as the season would permit, Alexander commenced his[H. G. ]P210 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B.C. 330. fourth campaign in the east, by marching into Media to attack Darius,who was said to have collected such a body of troops as to justifyanother appeal to arms, in defence of his northern dominions. Thedefeat of his partisans in Greece, however, and the rapid advance ofhis indefatigable adversary, produced a sudden change of determinationon the part of the Persian, and he fled from Ecbatana, the capital,with an escort of about nine thousand men, carrying with him a mass of treasure valued at a million and a half sterling.Rapid pursuit of Darius.Assassination of Darius.The extensive territory of the Medes having thus, without a blow,been added to the conquest of Alexander, he became more desirousthan ever to obtain possession of the fugitive monarch's person.Making a selection , therefore, of his most active troops, he set outfrom Ecbatana in pursuit of Darius; and having during eleven daysperformed marches of incredible rapidity, he arrived at Rhagæ, near thecelebrated pass, called the Caspian Gate, in the mountains of Caucasus;where he learned that the unfortunate king, despairing of successfulresistance, had abandoned the strong hilly ground, and was now continuing his fight in the open plains of Parthia. Whilst the conquerorremained at the town just named, in order to refresh his men andcollect provisions, information was brought to him by two Persianchiefs, who could no longer accompany their sovereign in his rapidretreat, that Bessus, the satrap of Bactria, with another satrap, andthe commander of the cavalry, had conspired against the unhappyDarius, whom they were then dragging along as their prisoner; andwhose life would, in all probability, be sacrificed to the accomplish- ment of their ambitious views, or personal safety.Such intelligence could not fail to prove a fresh stimulus to Alexander. Marching, accordingly, throughout the night, he found himselfnext day, at noon, in a village which the satraps, with their royalcharge, had left but the preceding evening; and, again pushing forward across a waterless desert, which presented a nearer road than theone taken by the fugitives, he had the pleasure to discover, with thefirst light of the morning, the enemy hastening before him in a disorderly retreat. As he continued to gain upon their steps, a few ofthe more resolute attempted resistance; but finding that they couldnot possibly convey away their prisoner alive, and afraid, it shouldseem, that his name and influence might be turned against them, did he fall into the hands of Alexander, the barbarian satraps plungedtheir swords into the body of their ill-fated prince, and immediatelyrode off, leaving him mortally wounded. Before the pursuers couldreach his chariot, Darius had expired; and nothing now remained ofthe mighty sovereign of Asia but a bleeding corpse, presenting a silentappeal to the generosity of the youthful conqueror, about to be indebted for the rites of sepulture to the very hand which had deprivedhim of all the power and splendour belonging to the greatest potentate of the east. Nor did Alexander refuse the claim that was thus madeupon him. He ordered the lifeless body to be treated with honour andALEXANDER THE GREAT. 211respect; and sending it into Persia, gave command that it should be B. c. 330.deposited in the royal tomb, with all the pomp and ceremony formerlyused at the burial of the kings of that country.The death of Darius may be regarded as the conclusion of the Conclusioneventful war which the confederated Greeks, under the Macedonian of the war.chief, waged with their ancient enemies, the rulers of Persia andAssyria. Bessus, indeed, that faithless and unfeeling satrap, who,upon the murder of his master, assumed the title of Artaxerxes, hadthe presumption to aspire to the sovereignty of the empire; and was,it is added, already busy in the attempt to gain over to his views theadherents of the late king, and particularly the Greeks who had servedin his army. As, however, his ambition was not supported either by power or by talent, it only paved the way for his downfall; and,placing him ultimately in the hands of Alexander, brought upon himthat severe punishment by which he atoned for the assassination of his sovereign.Philotas and Whilst engaged in reducing some of the northern provinces attached Execution ofto the Median dominions, the attention of the king of Macedon was Parmenio.attracted to symptoms of disloyalty among certain of his officers. Thefirst who was brought to trial was Philotas, the son of Parmenio,accused of having engaged in traitorous measures against him. Thenature of the charge is nowhere clearly explained; but it appears tohave satisfied the military judges who were appointed to inquire into it, for the young general was condemned and executed. The deathof Philotas was soon followed by that of his father, Parmenio, theconfidential friend of Philip, and reputed the ablest commander in the Macedonian army. This brave soldier was at the head of a body oftroops in Media when certain officers were despatched thither tosupersede him in his military authority, and to place him before atribunal. What the crimes or suspicions were which rendered expedient so severe a measure against a favourite old general, we haveno means even of forming a conjecture; the narrative of the historianbeing confined to the simple fact that, in pursuance of a sentence, Par- menio suffered death.Bessus.Determined to inflict punishment on the murderers of Darius, the Pursuit ofGrecian hero once more directed his course eastward; and havingobtained the submission of Bactria, Aria, and Aornos, he continuedhis progress till, crossing the deep and rapid Oxus, he entered the province of Sogdiana, which was at that period under the command of the satrap Spitamenes. When on the eastern bank of the river nownamed, Alexander received information that Bessus had taken refugein a small fort, after being deserted, if not even actually betrayed, bySpitamenes, on whose invitation he had been induced to intrust his lifeto the fidelity of the Sogdians. This stronghold was summoned byPtolemy, the son of Lagus, who promised security to the town andgarrison on the sole condition of their surrendering the assassin ofDarius into the hands of the king of Macedon. The terms were P 2212 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B.C. 330. accepted; and Bessus, after being cruelly mutilated, according to thefashion of the oriental barbarians, whose practices Alexander nowshowed some inclination to adopt, was put to death, either in the capitalof Media, or in that of the Bactrian satrapy, his former residence andseat of government.B. C. 329.Reduces the Bactrians.B.C. 327.fortress.The Bactrians and other inhabitants of the remote provinces whichextend between the Caspian sea and the river Iaxartes, continued, notwithstanding the death of Bessus and the nominal submission ofSpitamenes, to occupy, during several months, the arms of Alexander.Naturally courageous, and smitten with the love of independence, thesehardy barbarians yielded with much reluctance to the progress of Macedonian invasion . The fidelity of Spitamenes, too, was seducedby the prospect of kingly power; and he invited the natives of Sogdiana, as well as the roaming Scythians, who fed their flocks on thebanks of the laxartes, to join his standard, in order to repel theGreeks from their territory, and establish an independent sovereigntyin the north. The rude warfare of barbarians, however, provedunequal to the experienced tactics of their invader. Spitamenes wasdefeated by the Macedonian general Conus; and, flying into thedesert, was put to death by his own people, who sent his head to theconqueror, as a token that they would no longer continue theirresistance, or with the more immediate intention of securing theirpersonal safety.There now remained only two fortresses in Sogdiana, or in theCapture of adjoining province of Parætacene, which opposed the arms, and badethe Bactrian defiance to the engineers of Macedonia. Into one of these Oxyartes,the Bactrian, removed his wife and children; and as the rock onwhich the Sogdian stronghold stood was very lofty, and so steep onall sides as to be almost inaccessible, the garrisons usually placed in itimagined they had nothing to fear, except the assault of famine.Having, however, on the present occasion, an abundant supply of provisions for a long siege, and deriving a copious supply of water fromthe snow which lay deep around their buildings, the Bactrians wereso confident in their strength , that when summoned by Alexander tosurrender, they contemptuously asked him whether his soldiers hadwings. To this extraordinary man difficulties always proved astimulus to exertion; and being determined, in this instance, toexhibit an instructive lesson to the rude soldiers of the Scythian wilds,he called into action all the means which he possessed, whether ofskill or hardihood, in his army, in order to reduce the vaunted castleof Oxyartes. He offered a reward of twelve talents to the individualwho should first mount the top of the rock on which it was situated,and smaller sums to those who should immediately follow him in the assault. The place was next day in the hands of Alexander; whofound among the captives the beautiful Roxana, a daughter of thewith Roxana. revolted chief, and who soon became wife to the renowned conquerorof Asia.MarriageALEXANDER THE GREAT. 213This union with the family of Oxyartes, though offensive to the pre- B.C. 327.judices of his Grecian subjects, was dictated not only by affection forthe fair Bactrian, but also by political considerations, affecting the stability of his empire in the east. There is reason to believe that alarge portion of his soldiers had been for some time recruited in theconquered states of the Persian dominions, and that his views werenow directed to such alliances among his European and Asiatic subjects as might ultimately effect a complete consolidation of his powerover the wide regions already traversed by his victorious army. Inthe mean time the example of Oxyartes, who had submitted to Alexander, and the generous conduct of the latter to those whom he vanquished in war, induced Cherienes, the governor of the fort in theParætacean hills, to listen to terms of capitulation, and to accept, inlike manner, the friendship of the conqueror.brilliantBy such achievements, the great empire of Persia and of theMedes was at length transferred to the Macedonians. The arms ofAlexander were already touching the boundaries of India, and wereabout to disturb the repose of those ancient kingdoms in eastern Asia,of which imagination, and an uncertain tradition, had presented themost splendid pictures to the minds of Europeans. Mean time, wemay be allowed to remark, that in the conduct of the eventful warwhich was now brought to a close, the transcendent abilities of thisgreat commander were conspicuously displayed. His example taught Effects ofthe troops to despise hunger, cold, fatigue, and danger. Neither Alexander'srugged mountains, nor deep rapid rivers, nor wounds, nor sickness, example.could interrupt his progress, nor abate his activity.His courageindeed often exposed him to difficulties from which he could only beextricated by such new efforts of bravery as, in any other general,would have passed for unwarrantable rashness. Amidst all the perilsand hardships of a military life, too, he still respected the claims ofhumanity, and practised the virtues of forbearance and clemency.The conquered nations were all allowed to enjoy their ancient lawsand privileges; the rigours of despotism were softened; arts andindustry were encouraged; and the proudest governors compelled bythe authority and example of their chief to observe the rules ofjustice towards their meanest subjects. To civilise the fierce inhabitants ofthe hilly country he built a city, to which he gave his name, in therange of Paropamisus; and to habituate the roaming Scythians to themanners of cultivated society, he founded towns and planted colonies on the banks of the Oxus and the Iaxartes. Even his operations inthe field, and his extensive campaigns, usually ascribed to restlessactivity or blind ambition, appeared to his discerning mind as notonly essential to the security of the conquests which he had alreadymade, but also as necessary preparations for those more remote andsplendid expeditions which he still meditated.From this period , indeed, his views have been described as lesspatriotic, and as being actuated almost solely by personal ambition,214 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 329. and the love of military glory. His resolution to invade India, too,has been regarded as a measure of very doubtful expediency; but evenby those who are the most severe in their strictures on the policy ofhis eastern expedition, the wisdom, humanity, and skill which he showed in the war with Persia, have been most unequivocallyapplauded.Murder of cl*tus.Whilst in winter- quarters in Bactria, two occurrences took placewhich contributed not a little to disturb the enjoyments of Alexander,as well as to admonish him that the maxims and habits of Orientalswould ultimately alienate the affections of his Macedonian subjects,and thereby undermine the foundations of his power. We allude tothe murder of cl*tus, and the conspiracy of his young guard.This celebrated commander, indignant at the flattery which wasB. C. 329. poured into the ears of his prince, during an entertainment in honourof Castor and Pollux, thought proper to reprove the sycophants,who abused the rising vanity of the conqueror. The interferencewas disagreeable to Alexander. He remonstrated with cl*tus, whoheated with wine, turned fiercely on the king himself, and addressed him in very offensive terms. After a pause, the provocationwas renewed; when the monarch, no longer able to restrain his fury,snatched a weapon from one of the guards, and killed the general onthe spot. This unhappy event was, we are told, followed by deep remorse. Three days Alexander confined himself to his chamber, andwould neither eat nor drink; and it was not until the rash act wasascribed to the anger of Bacchus, that he allowed himself to receivecomfort, and to desist from his merited self-upbraidings.Conspiracy The conspiracy among the band of pages, as they have been called,originated in an affront which one of them received from the king,B. C. 327. during a boar hunt, in the neighbourhood of Bactria. Hermolaus, aof the band of pages.youth of the class now mentioned, struck the game before Alexander,who was at hand, and was, for this indiscretion, immediately chastised with rods and deprived of his horse, in the presence of all hiscompanions. The wounded pride of the page dictated a terriblerevenge. As the band to which he belonged had the duty of keeping watch during the night in the royal bed- chamber, Hermolausinduced four of the number to enter so completely into his vindictivepurpose as to agree to murder the king in his sleep. The plot was,however, discovered by means of an old woman, who dissuaded hermaster from going to bed that night; and the young conspirators beingnext day put to the rack, revealed all the particulars of their horridplan, and declared that Callisthenes the philosopher, a turbulent andrude personage attached to the suite of Alexander, was their chief instigator. Punishment was immediately inflicted , according to theusage ofthe Macedonians; and the king, already tired of the inactivityincident to winter quarters, began his preparations for a march into India.The spring of the year being somewhat advanced, the conqueror ofALEXANDER THE GREAT. 215expedition Asia set his troops in motion; and crossing the ridge of Paropamisus Alexander'swith an army of more than a hundred thousand men, he descended to India.into the plains which divide Persia from the rich territory that is B. C. 327.watered by the Indus. Having reached the banks of the Čophenes,he divided his forces; and, placing a detachment under Hephæstionand Perdiccas who were directed to advance to the river just namedand make preparations for crossing it, he himself, with the main body,assumed the more laborious undertaking of subduing the barbarians who should happen to oppose his progress.After many severe conflicts with a variety of tribes, whose namesare now altogether unknown, and the reduction of the strong fortressof Aornus, which was situated on a rock, nearly a mile and a half inheight, Alexander led his army southward, into the country between theCophenes and Indus, where stood of old, the celebrated town calledNysa, said to have been founded by Bacchus, in the fabulous ages ofGrecian conquest. He immediately crossed the Indus, and receivedthe submission of the several princes who dwelt on its eastern banks.Among these was Taxiles, a ruler of considerable eminence, who,besides other presents, brought to the Macedonian seven thousandIndian horse; offering, at the same time, the surrender of his capital,the most wealthy and populous city between the Indus and Hydaspes.Alexander, however, still actuated by the same generous motiveswhich marked his conduct towards the vanquished chiefs of Persia ,and desirous to have friends rather than enemies behind him, not onlyrestored to Taxiles his dominions, but even added to their extent.Preparing to pass the Hydaspes with the view of pursuing his con- Is opposedquests eastward, the king of Macedon was informed that Porus, a by Porus.powerful and warlike monarch, had advanced with a large army to the bank of the river, to dispute his passage. Το expose his troops inthe face of an enemy so numerous and determined, was a measure,which, viewed in connection with the ultimate objects now entertainedby Alexander, and his increasing distance from his resources, he couldnot fail to regard as extremely hazardous. He therefore had recourseto stratagem. Feigning an attack on Porus, night after night, he atlength so far deceived the vigilance of that commander, as to throwa part of his army across, before the break of day, a movement whichbrought on a general engagement, and obtained for the Macedonians acomplete victory. The unfortunate Indian lost both his sons, all hiscaptains, twenty thousand foot, and three thousand horse, and washimself carried a prisoner into the camp of the conqueror. Alexander,it is said, admired his stature and the majesty of his person; but headmired still more his courage and magnanimity. Having asked inwhat he could oblige him? Porus replied, " By acting like a king."That, said Alexander with a smile, I should do for my own sake, butwhat can I do for yours? Porus replied, " All my wishes are containedin that one request." Struck with the firmness of the captive prince,Alexander declared him reinstated in his throne, and received him into216 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B.C. 327. the number of his allies and friends: and having soon after reduced apeople, named the Glanse, who had thirty-seven popular cities on his eastern frontier, he added this valuable province to the dominion of his new confederate.Alexander founds the cities of Nicæa andDefeat of Porus.The conqueror, devoting some time here to the refreshment of hisarmy, exhibited on the banks of the Hydaspes the gymnastic andequestrian games of his native country: and before leaving that riverBucephalia. he signalised his victories by founding two cities, one of which hecalled Nicæa, in reference to the battle with Porus, and the otherBucephalia, in honour of his favourite horse, which died there, wornout by age and fatigue.Intrusting to Craterus a division of his army, which was to be employed in building and fortifying the new cities, Alexander continuedhis march eastward. He crossed the river Acesines, which is said tobe fifteen furlongs broad; and having subdued the feeble opposition ofanother prince called Porus-a word which seems to have importeda title rather than a mere name-he next passed the Hydraotes, astream of the same breadth with the Acesines, but flowing with a moregentle current. Arrived on the eastern bank, he received intelligencethat several independent tribes were prepared to oppose his progress.A battle ensued, in which the undisciplined courage of the barbarianswas, as usual, overcome by the experience and more perfect arms ofthe invaders; and the former being driven from the field took refugein their city, Sangala, a place of considerable strength as well by natureas by very laborious fortifications. The Indians, unhappily, resolvedto abide the hazard of a siege, and their town, after an obstinateALEXANDER THE GREAT. 217defence, was taken by assault. Seventeen thousand are said to have B. C. 327.fallen on that occasion, and about seventy thousand to have been takenprisoners. The city itself was razed, and the confederates eithersubmitted to Alexander, or attempted, by retiring to the banks of theHyphasis, to find safety beyond the reach of his arms.his troops to proceed.The captain-general of Greece was now master of that valuable Refusal ofcountry which is at present called the Punjaub, watered by the fivegreat rivers, whose united streams form the Indus. The Hyphasis,the most eastern of the five, was not crossed by the victorious army;for it was whilst this indefatigable chief was preparing for the passageof that current, that his European troops adopted the resolution ofreturning into Europe, and relinquishing all further conquest in theeast. It was with no small reluctance that Alexander yielded to theirdetermination. Misled by inaccurate ideas of Indian geography, heimagined that he was at no great distance from the extreme boundariesof the Asiatic continent; and exhorting his soldiers to proceed, heassured them of a short passage homeward by sea, from the Indianocean through the Persian Gulf. All his arguments and remonstrances, however, were in vain: and at length finding that even hisveteran Macedonians would accompany him no farther, he made apretence of consulting the gods, and announced to his army, that thewill of heaven coincided with their wishes. Proceeding, then, to erecttwelve altars on the banks of the Hyphasis, equal in height to thehighest towers used in fortifications, he left them as monuments of hisvictories, as well as to define the extent of his empire towards the east.He committed to Porus the command of seven nations, including, it issaid, two thousand cities, and forthwith commenced preparations forsailing down the Hydaspes, to its junction with the Indus, and thencealong that majestic stream to the ocean.escape of Alexander divided his army into three parts: one of which he in- Narrowtrusted to Hephæstion, another to Craterus, commanding them to Alexander.proceed along the opposite bank of the river; whilst himself, at thehead of the third, embarked in vessels prepared by his Phoenician andCypriot followers, to drop down the stream in company with theforces ashore. This navigation employed several months, being frequently retarded by hostilities with the natives on either shore,particularly with the Malli, a tribe of warlike and resolute barbarians.Having landed, in order to chastise these active assailants, the kinglaid siege to their capital; and proceeding to storm it, he allowedhimself to be betrayed by his courage into an exploit, which, in anyother man, would have been accounted madness. The Mallians, chasedfrom their ramparts, had taken refuge in the citadel; upon whichAlexander commanded the scaling ladders to be applied with all possible expedition; but the persons appointed to perform this service,not advancing with a rapidity equal to his impatience, he snatched aladder, fastened it to the wall, and mounted in defiance of the enemy'sweapons. The Macedonians alarmed for their king, followed in such218 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 327. numbers, that the ladder broke, just as he reached the top; and forsome moments, Alexander remained alone on the wall, conspicuous bythe brightness of his arms, and exposed to thick volleys of darts fromthe adjacent towers. Immediately he sprang into the place: andposting himself with his back to the wall, he slew the chief of the Mallians and three others who advanced to attack him. MeanwhileAbreus, Leonatus, and Peucestes leaped in, to assist his single arm,and, if possible to save his life. The first was instantly wounded andfell; the two others, regardless of their own safety, defended the king,whose breast was already pierced with an arrow, until a larger bodyof his men succeeded in bursting into the citadel to effect his rescue.The Macedonians at length carried the stronghold, and procuredMacedonians. Without a moment's delay, such medical aid for their gallant leader,as placed his life beyond the reach of danger.Is rescued by theB. C. 326.Marries the daughter of Darius.B. C. 325.Having arrived at the ocean, and provided necessaries for a longmarch, the Macedonian hero determined to proceed towards the capitalof Persia, through the barren wilderness of Gedrosia. His motives tothis most arduous undertaking were not those of vainglory, or a wishto surpass in extraordinary exploits the fame of Cyrus and Semiramis.On the contrary, as he had determined that his fleet under Nearchus,should sail on a voyage of discovery, along the shores of the IndianOcean and the Persian Gulf, it became necessary that a land forceshould proceed by the coast, to supply the ships with water, and todefend the crews when in search of provisions. The fleet and thearmy mutually assisted each other; and, by the example of their heroicsovereign, both soldiers and sailors were taught to despise toil , danger,and the severest privations. On foot, and carrying his usual armour,Alexander traversed the parching sands of the Gedrosian desert,sharing the fatigue, hunger, and thirst of the meanest soldier; nor wasit till after a march of two months, distinguished by unexampled hardships, that the army and their royal leader arrived at the cultivatedprovince of Carmania.The king of Macedon had much to reform , and not a little to punish,when he returned to the Persian dominions. The governors ofBabylon, Persepolis, and Susa, had abused their power during hisabsence, and oppressed the people; and as all just complaints werelistened to and redressed, such of the accused as did not save themselves by flight, were visited with a speedy and condign retribution.It was now, indeed , a leading object with Alexander to conciliate byall the means in his power, his numerous subjects in all parts of hisempire; and with this view he encouraged marriages between theGreeks and Persians, and also adopted in his own person so much ofthe manners and habits of the latter people, as appeared necessary to recommend them to his court, and even to his army. We haveobserved that he left in the palace royal at Susa, the family of Darius,who had fallen into his hands at the battle of Arbela. He now married the eldest daughter of that unfortunate sovereign, though his wifeALEXANDER THE GREAT. 219Roxana, the daughter of Oxyartes , was still alive; whilst he gave to B. C. 325.Hephaestion, his friend and favourite general, the youngest sister ofhis new queen, as a consort, who, by her rank at least, was worthy of the fame and services of that noble soldier. In like manner he provided wives for about eighty of his distinguished commanders; and itfell to the lot of Nearchus, the celebrated admiral, to receive as hisspouse, the daughter of Mentor, that able Grecian officer who sofaithfully served the Persian monarch; and who, had he survived toaid the counsels of his brother Memnon, would in all probability havenot only sustained the throne of the great king, but have even effected achange in the affairs of the civilised world. All the weddings took placein one day, and were celebrated after the Persian fashion: a complimentwhich could not fail to be agreeable to the families of the ladies. Inshort, by imitating the manners and using the language of the van- Domesticquished, Alexander gained rapidly in the affections of his eastern politics ofsubjects; at the expense, however, it must be added, of forfeiting tosome extent, the respect of the Greeks, who still continued to regardthe barbarians with contempt, and to cherish a rooted dislike for theirspeech and domestic habits.Alexander.of commerceHaving arranged matters in Persia Proper, the conqueror proceeded B. c. 325.to realize a plan which he had formed, for visiting the interior provinces of his empire. Sailing down the river Eulæus, he ascended theTigris with the purpose of ascertaining the capabilities of those streams,in a commercial point of view, and of introducing such improvements,as an actual survey by experienced officers might suggest to him, in thecourse of the voyage. Upon his arrival at Babylon, he found theEuphrates obstructed with dams and mounds, drawn across the current; a precaution adopted by the kings of Persia, for defending theirprovinces from sudden incursions by water, as well as for confining theambition of their Assyrian subjects to the trade and affluence affordedby the culture of their own fields. But Alexander having nothing tofear from hostile armaments, made haste to open his rivers for fleets of Promotesmerchantmen. He repaired the harbours, constructed arsenals, and the interestsbuilt at Babylon, a dock sufficiently large to contain a thousand ships, and agriculture By these and similar improvements, he expected to facilitate internal of Persia.commerce among his central provinces, while by opening new channelsof communication, he hoped to unite the wealthy countries of Egyptand the east, with the most remote parts of the known world. Norwas his attention altogether confined to the commercial and militaryresources of his empire. He promoted likewise the important interestsof agriculture. Finding that the Euphrates no longer supplied to thehusbandman the usual quantity of water for the purposes of irrigation,whilst an extensive tract of the alluvial soil along its banks was, bythe periodical floods, converted into a useless and unwholesome marsh,he employed a great number of men in erecting such works, as mightsecure to the inhabitants all the advantages of that magnificent river,both as an instrument of commercial intercourse, and as a source of220 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 325. fertility, beauty, and comfort to the extensive regions through which it flowed.Mutiny of his troops.Death ofB. C. 325.Having, after his voyage down the Eulæus to the ocean, ascendedthe river Tigris, as far as the city of Opis, he gave rest to his troops,and celebrated the usual festival of the Macedonian Olympiad. Here,too, he had to sustain the assault of a mutinous disposition in his army;who, dissatisfied with his attention to his new subjects, and longing torevisit their native country, clamorously insisted on the relinquishmentof his eastern conquests, or on obtaining a speedy discharge from theservice. The speech, which Arrian reports as having been pronouncedby Alexander on this occasion, is not less eloquent than affecting. Hebrought back his soldiers to a sense of their duty, and even revived intheir hearts that love with which they had so long regarded theiryouthful king, and that implicit reliance which they had so long reposedin the talents and courage of their unrivalled commander.He senthome to Greece ten thousand veterans, loaded with rewards andhonour; giving the charge of them during their march, to the sage andpopular general Craterus, whom he at the same time nominated tosucceed Antipater as viceroy, in Macedon, and his representative in the assemblies of the confederated Greeks.From Opis the conqueror marched into Media, with the intention Hephaestion. of reducing to obedience a tribe of fierce, but very warlike mountaineers, who occupied the high grounds between that country andPersia, without owning a regular subjection to either. In the courseof this march, Alexander was gratified with the sight of an Amazonianbody-guard, supplied to him by one of the Median satraps; composedof a hundred women, mounted and equipped like troopers, but, insteadof lances, carrying battle-axes. In the same expedition, too, he lost,by death, his dear friend and favourite officer, Hephæstion, who, atEcbatana, sunk under the fatigues and privations of war, after an illness ofseven days. The grief of the king was inconsolable. He shuthimself up three days, indulging in the most immoderate sorrow; andit was not until he had buried the deceased commander in a style ofextravagant magnificence, and found occupation for his mind in themountain warfare with the Cossees, that the attendants of the affectionate monarch ceased to have serious apprehensions, in regard to theeffects of the uneasiness which preyed upon his spirits.B. C. 324. When in Media, Alexander formed a plan for ascertaining the extentand geographical relations of the Caspian Sea. At the period of whichwe are writing, that large sheet of water was understood to be connected with the Arctic Ocean, on the north, and to open into the Pacificin an easterly direction; the boundaries of the great continent of Asiabeing then very imperfectly known, and, as it appears, erroneously considered to be very much contracted towards the pole and the rising sun.To remove all doubt, therefore, respecting the limits of the Caspianlake, the king of Macedon sent, under the command of Heraclides, abody of shipwrights into the forests of Hyrcania, with instructions toALEXANDER THE GREAT. 221build vessels and provide equipments suitable for a voyage of dis- B. c. 324.covery.The Caspian Sea.Meanwhile, the conqueror of Asia made preparations for his entry His entryinto Babylon, the chosen capital of his eastern dominions. The priests into Babylon.of the temple of Belus, to whose hands he committed the manage- B. C. 324,ment of a large revenue, when he visited that city, after the battle ofArbela, and who were, perhaps, not quite prepared for a minutescrutiny into their disbursem*nts, arrayed against him all the terrors oftheir superstition, and laboured, by the most frightful predictions, todissuade him from approaching their walls. A deputation of theseChaldean soothsayers met him at the distance of thirty miles from thegates, and assured him, that he could not at present enjoy a propitiousentrance into Babylon; but Alexander was too well acquainted withthe various arts of priestcraft to be diverted from his purpose byomens and oracles. He satisfied himself with replying to their ex- traordinary admonition in the words of Euripides: " He the bestprophet is, who guesses best."Seated in the palace of the Assyrian kings, whence so many proclamations were issued to all people, nations, and languages of theearth, the victorious son of Philip, far from indulging in the pleasuresand pageantry of eastern princes, directed all his thoughts to the im- provement of his vast dominions. He resumed his project forimproving the river, and for relieving the rich soil which spread outon its banks, from the destructive incumbrance of stagnant waters.He even spent whole days in anopen boat under a burning sun,superintending the numerous works which he had planned for the convenience and beauty of his capital. Amidst all these operations,however, he still retained the purpose which he had formed, when onthe shores of the Persian Gulf, of surveying the coasts of Arabia andof eastern Africa, and of ultimately carrying his conquering arms tothe remotest parts of that continent; and even, it is said , of adding tohis dominions, the western nations of Europe, including the British222 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.Arrival of numerous embassies.B. C. 324. Isles. It is recorded by Arrian, that whilst at Babylon, embassiespresented themselves to congratulate the king and to court his favour,from various parts of the African and European shores . He mentionsenvoys from Libya, and from Brutium, Lucania, and Tuscany in Italy;and alludes, also, to similar representatives from Carthage, fromEthiopia, from European Scythia, and even from the people who inhabited Gaul and Spain.Death of Alexander.As preparatory to this great southern expedition, Alexander announced a magnificent sacrifice to the gods, and a feast to his army;with his usual attention to the decencies of religious observance, andwith that regard for popularity which no wise commander will everneglect, the king bore a distinguished part in each; but, whether hishealth was already impaired by the severe duties of his military life ,and by the constant exposure of his person to the excessive heat andmarshy effluvia which tainted the climate of Babylon, or whether hehad indulged to excess in the enjoyments of the table during thehilarities of that momentous day, it admits not of doubt that he was next morning seized with a fever, which in a short time terminatedhis career of conquest and discovery. From a diary, called the Royal Day Book, to which both Arrian and Plutarch appear to have hadaccess, a very particular account of the symptoms and progress of thedisease is given by both these writers; and from the details there exhibited, it should seem that no fear of death was entertained till theeighth or ninth day of his illness. He bathed and attended sacrificeevery morning, and even gave an audience to his principal officers, whowere still employed in forwarding preparations for the projected ex- pedition.On the tenth day there was no longer any hope: and at thisB. C. 323. period the army, believing that he was already dead, and suspectingthat the chief commanders had selfish views to realise, hostile to thecommon interest, became so extremely impatient to know the fate oftheir renowned leader, that they proceeded to threats of violence unlessthey were admitted to see his person, dead or alive . It was, therefore, conceded that a few of their number should, without arms,pass singly through the chamber where the king lay, and therebyreceive the most satisfactory evidence that no deceit was practisedupon them. Alexander was still able to return their looks with aneye of intelligence. He raised his head a little; held out his hand;but was unable to speak. He expired next day.There were many absurd reports spread abroad relative to the deathof this great prince, several of which are repeated by Arrian; rather,however, as he himself expresses it, that he might not seem to beignorant of their existence, than that he imagined them to be deservingof the smallest credit. It is said, for instance, that he was killed bymeans of a subtle poison, made up by his tutor Aristotle, and forwarded from Greece by Antipater, the protector of his native kingdom.A variety of other incidents was invented to feed the strong desire ofALEXANDER THE GREAT. 223credulous curiosity; but they are unworthy of mention, as having been B. C. 323.long rejected by all writers of candour and research. We, therefore,hasten to exhibit, in a very abridged form, the character of the Macedonian hero, as given by the modest and judicious Arrian .After stating that Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenthOlympiad, at the age of thirty-two years and eight months, he goes onto remark, that his body was very handsome and well- proportioned,his mind brisk and active, his courage wonderful. He was strong Hisenough to undergo the severest hardships, full of alacrity in meeting character.the most appalling dangers; ever ambitious of glory, and ever attentiveto religious rites. As to those pleasures which regard the body, heshewed himself indifferent; but in the desire of fame and honour, hewas altogether insatiable. In his councils he was shrewd and penetrating; and by the force of his natural sagacity, arrived at clear views in the most obscure and doubtful matters. In all the arts of a generalhe was thoroughly skilled; and in arming, marshalling, and commanding an army, he remained unrivalled. He possessed the rare talent ofexciting the courage of his soldiers, of animating them with the hopesof success, and of dissipating by his words and his example all their inward fears. His resolution and vigour, too, were equal to the mostdesperate undertakings; whilst his unwearied vigilance secured to himevery advantage that could arise from delay or ignorance on the part of his enemies. He was never imposed upon, either by craft or byperfidy; and never himself used these bad arts against any one. Forhis own private pleasures he was sparing in the use of money; whilstin presents to his friends, and in rewards to the meritorious, his magnificence and liberality knew no bounds.The historian then proceeds to apologise for the rash and violentactions of which Alexander was guilty, when his passions were rousedby anger or strong drink, as also for his affectation of a divine original,and his adoption of the Persian manners and dress. His claim ofkindred to Jupiter, a folly not uncommon in those ages, is ascribed toa political motive, the desire to elevate his wisdom and magnify hisauspices in the eyes of his soldiers; whilst the compliment which hepaid to his Persian subjects by using their language and natural costume, had an object at once so judicious and so obvious, as not toadmit of being misunderstood. Long banquets and deep drinking, headds, on the authority of Aristobulus, were none of his delights;neither did he prepare entertainments for the sake of the wine, (whichhe did not greatly love and of which he seldom drank much, ) but tomaintain a pleasant intercourse among his friends. The authors, therefore, who attempt to condemn or calumniate Alexander, do not groundtheir accusation on particular actions, which, though worthy of reproofin themselves, are yet capable of receiving some mitigation when connected with the circ*mstances in which they were performed, but, onthe contrary, bring forward a sweeping charge against his character ingeneral, and pronounce a sentence upon his conduct at large; a method224 ALEXANDER THE GREAT.B. C. 323. of proceeding which precludes at once all defence and apology. Butlet it be considered who Alexander was originally; what successcrowned all his enterprises; and to what a pitch of glory he ultimatelyarrived that he governed as the undisputed king of both continents,and that his name, even in his own life-time, was spreadthroughevery part of the habitable world; let these things be kept in mind,and it will readily be granted, that in comparison of his great character and astonishing exploits, his vices and infirmities were trifling, andought hardly to be regarded as casting a shade on the bright annals of his eventful reign.PERZIAPersepolis . -Restoration of the Hall of Xerxes.-Botta.Babylon.CHAPTER IX.ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.FROM B. C. 323 TO B. C. 198.tive view ofTHE death of the Macedonian conqueror, in circ*mstances so extremelyunpropitious to the consolidation of his immense empire in the east,proved, in the first instance, the occasion of a fierce rivalry amonghis ambitious and enterprising generals, and ultimately led to thedismemberment of all his dominions both in Europe and Asia. Before,however, we proceed to narrate the events which occurred during the Retrospecstruggle for power in which even the most moderate of Alexander's Alexander'ssuccessors soon found themselves involved , we shall take the liberty to policy.invite the attention of the reader whilst we retrace, very briefly, thescheme of policy and government which the king of Macedon seemsto have proposed to himself, for confirming his conquests in the Asiaticcontinent, as well as for securing to his numerous subjects the importantbenefits of commerce, peace, learning, and civilization. The conductof Alexander in this respect, and the generosity of his views, have notas yet been sufficiently appreciated by historians; some of whom, intheir eagerness to give the details of battles, marches, and sieges, haveoverlooked the liberal principles to which his wars were only meant to[H. G. ] Q226 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 323. be subservient; whilst others, actuated by a Stoical dislike of conquerors in general, or by a more rational suspicion of the motives ofall military sovereigns, have ascribed, without exception, the numerousexploits of this hero to personal ambition, to a bloodthirsty revengeagainst the ancient enemies of Greece, or to a settled determination tosubdue the independence of the turbulent republics, whose confederatedarmyhe was appointed to lead.The policy of It has been imagined that the obstinate resistance which he enAlexander. countered in the siege of Tyre, first suggested to Alexander theimmense resources of maritime power, and the great efficiency of those sinews of war which are supplied by a successful commerce. Thereis no doubt that, from this period, he directed his attention to theestablishment of a commercial intercourse between his Europeandominions and those vast territories, which, stretching beyond thePersian empire, continued to gratify the luxury and the avarice of allthe western nations who had enterprise enough to secure a share in their trade. It was to divert into a new channel, at once more ampleand convenient than the Tyrians could command, the rich manufacturesand precious staples of India, that the Macedonian prince built hisfamous city at the mouth of the Nile. With such admirable discernment was the situation of it chosen, that Alexandria soon became thegreatest trading city in the ancient world; and notwithstanding manysuccessive revolutions in empire, continued, during eighteen centuries,to be the chief seat of commerce with India. Amidst the militaryoperations to which, in his campaigns with Darius, he was soon obligedto turn his attention, the desire of establishing this lucrative trade, andthe more liberal wish, perhaps, of extending the acquaintance ofEurope with the geography of the wide regions beyond the Indus,were never for a moment relinquished by the provident mind of Alexander.His early hopes of heading a Greek confederacy.OnIn no part of his military career do the proceedings of this renownedcommander resemble the subjugation and bereavement inflicted on suchnations as have been overrun by the armies of a barbarian soldier.the contrary, he built towns, formed stations for the purposes of tradeand revenue, improved the soil, and laboured to refine the habits ofthe people. By exercising a clemency heretofore unknown in Asiaticwars, he endeavoured to convert his enemies into friends, and byintrusting power to native magistrates and governors, he secured forhis new subjects an equal administration of justice, as well as the rightof property, according to the maxims by which their notions , on theseimportant points, were wont to be regulated .When Alexander became master of the Persian empire, he early perceived that with all the power of his hereditary dominions, reinforcedby the troops which the ascendency he had acquired over the variousstates of Greece might enable him to raise there, he could not hope toretain in subjection, by force alone, territories so extensive and populous; that to render his authority permanent, it must be establisheARRHIDEUS. 227in the affections of the nations which he had subdued, and, in fact, B. C. 323.must be maintained by their arms; and that in order to acquire thisadvantage, all distinctions between the victors and vanquished must beabolished, and his Asiatic and European subjects incorporated andmade one people, by obeying the same laws, and by adopting the samemanners, institutions , and discipline. Soon after his victory at Arbela,accordingly, Alexander himself, and by his persuasion, many of hisofficers, assumed the Persian dress, and conformed to several of their Hiscustoms; whilst, with the same liberal intentions, he encouraged the conciliatory policy.Persian nobles to imitate the manners of the Macedonians, to learn theGreek language, and to acquire a relish for the beauties of the writersin that tongue, who were then studied and admired. It was in likemanner, with the view of rendering this union more complete, that the conqueror resolved to marry one of the daughters of Darius, andchose wives for a great number of his principal officers from among the most illustrious families in Persia.The liberality of Alexander's conduct is the more remarkable as itwas founded on maxims which were in direct repugnance to the notions and prejudices of his countrymen. The Greeks, it is well known, hadso high an opinion of the pre- eminence to which they were raised bycivilization and science, that they seem hardly to have acknowledgedthe rest of mankind to be of the same species with themselves; and,proceeding on this assumption, they asserted a right of dominion overall other nations, in the same manner as the soul sways the body,and men govern irrational animals . Extravagant as such ideas nowappear, they found admission into all the schools of ancient philosophy.Aristotle, full of this opinion, in support of which he employs in hisPolitics a variety of plausible arguments, advised Alexander to govern the Greeks like subjects, and the barbarians like slaves; to considerthe former as companions, the latter as creatures of an inferior nature.But the sentiments of the pupil were more enlarged than those of themaster; and his experience in governing men had taught the monarchthat which the speculative science of the philosopher did not enable him to discover.Alexander.From the choice of the situations in which he founded his cities, it Commercialis obvious that he meant them to serve as channels of communication views ofwith India, not only by land, but by sea. It was chiefly with a viewto the latter of these objects, that he examined the navigation of theIndus with so much attention; and that upon his return to Susa he surveyed in person the courses of the Euphrates and of the Tigris, and gave directions to remove those artificial obstructions with which theancient monarchs of Persia had shut up the mouths of their finest rivers , in order, as it should seem, that they might at once preventtheir subjects from engaging in distant commerce, and might defendtheir extensive territories from sudden invasion. By opening the navigation in this manner, he evidently intended that the valuablecommodities of India should be conveyed from the Persian Gulf,Q 2228 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 323. into the interior parts of his Asiatic dominions, while, by the Red Sea,they should be carried to Alexandria, and distributed to the rest ofthe world.Changes resulting from his death.To realize these extensive and magnificent schemes, Alexander hademployed means so judicious, and had calculated so wisely on the cooperation of his new subjects, whose interests he had combined withtheir fidelity to his government, that he was justified in entertaining the most sanguine hopes of ultimate success. He had secured so firma footing in India, that his return to it would have been extremely easy,whilst his farther conquests would have been promoted by the veryarms and courage which had retarded his progress when advancing, inhis first expedition, to the banks of the Hydaspes. Taxiles and Porus,won by the humanity and beneficence of the young conqueror, continued steady in their attachment to him; insomuch, indeed, that evenafter his death, neither of these sovereigns declined submission to theauthority of the Macedonians, nor made any attempt to recover independence.But all those splendid schemes, so ardently cherished in the mind ofAlexander, were defeated by his untimely decease. There was no oneto succeed him of equal authority and genius, to fulfil the great objectson which his attention had so long been fixed . The mighty empirewhich had been kept united, and which had increased in power, bythe sole effort of his superior talents, fell in pieces as soon as hissuperintending care was withdrawn; and yet, amidst all the convulsions and revolutions which that event occasioned, it was found thatthe measures adopted by him for the preservation of his conquests hadbeen concerted with so much sagacity, and his confidence so wiselyplaced, that, upon the restoration of tranquillity among his ambitiousgenerals, the Macedonian dominion continued to be established inevery part of Asia, and not one province had shaken off the yoke.Even India, the most remote of Alexander's conquests, quietly submitted to Pytho the son of Agenor, and afterwards to Seleucus, whosubsequently extended his government over that portion of the east.These facts, however, while they illustrate the sage policy andextraordinary talents of the king of Macedon, display, with equalclearness, the difficulties which must have presented themselves to hiscommanders, when standing by his death-bed at Babylon; and theperplexity in which all their deliberations must have been involvedwhen consulting on the affairs of so large a part of Europe and Asia.The system which was actually adopted, and the momentous consequences which ensued, from the ambition and jealousy of the great mento whom we have just made allusion, it is now our business to setforth, with as much conciseness as the intricate relations and brilliantexploits which characterised their proceedings, in peace and in war,will permit us to employ.In entering upon this portion of Grecian history, we have to regretthe want of our faithful guide Arrian, whose authority, as a narrator ofARRHIDEUS. 229facts, is deservedly very high. This regret is not a little increased by B. c. 323.the knowledge that he wrote, in ten books, a full account of thetransactions which followed the death of Alexander, —a work which isno longer to be found but in the Bibliotheca of Photius, where we arepresented with an abridgment of the principal occurrences whichmarked the first steps of the Macedonian generals after the loss of their great leader.Alexander.As the children born to Alexander by Asiatic women were not held Family ofentitled to enjoy the sovereignty of his European states, that monarchis said, by Diodorus, to have died childless. His son by Barcina, thewidow of Memnon, was already five years of age, and Roxana, thedaughter of Oxyartes, the Bactrian chief, was in the sixth month ofher pregnancy; but, besides the disqualification which we have justmentioned, the reign of an infant king promised very little security tothe wide dominions which now owned the subjection of the confederated Greeks, and seemed still worse calculated for realizing the splendidprojects to which the arms and learning of that renowned people weremeant to be directed . Alexander had a half- brother, the son of Philine,a Thessalian actress, and two sisters, Cleopatra and Cynna, —the formerbeing the daughter of Olympias as well as of Philip, the latter bornto this monarch by Eurydice, an Illyrian lady, who was distinguishedby masculine habits and the most warlike propensities. The claimsof the females being overlooked, if, indeed, they had any right to thesuccession, the eyes of the army were turned to Arrhidæus, the brother Arrhidæus.of their late commander, -a- youth of the feeblest intellect, ignorant ofaffairs, and altogether unambitious, as it should seem, of the honourand power which were now placed within his reach.Perdiccas, who had been intrusted by Alexander with his ring andsignet, together with the following eight generals, who were presentin Babylon at the demise of the king, namely, Leonatus, Lysimachus,Aristonous, Python, Seleucus, Eumenes, Meleager, and Nearchus,assembled forthwith to deliberate on the measures which it behovedthem to pursue, in a crisis so extremely important and perplexing.We have already mentioned that the army made choice of Arrhidæus;but it is necessary to add that this expression of respect to the house of Philip was, in the first instance, confined to the soldiers of thephalanx, who being for the most part Macedonians, were more naturallyinterested in the disposal of the crown, and in the support of thatdynasty to which their country was indebted for so much of its glory.It would almost appear, too, that during the deliberations which passedat Babylon, on this momentous occasion, the cavalry and the infantrywere actuated by different motives, and represented , to a certain extent,the feelings and interests which belong respectively to an aristocracy,and to a powerful body of commons; for, whilst the foot soldiers weredesirous that the reins of government should continue to be held by aconstitutional sovereign, there is reason to suspect that the horsem*nwould not have been displeased to behold the supreme power vested230 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 323. in one of their chiefs, and the extensive empire of Alexander subjectedthroughout all its provinces to a military despotism. This dissensionsoon came to an open rupture. The chief military leaders, attendedby the cavalry, encamped without the city of Babylon, threatening tocut off the supplies and to starve the inhabitants. An attempt madeupon the life of Perdiccas had compelled that general, in self- defence,to pursue the same policy with these military seceders, and he accordingly took up his position with them.Council of the generals.Perdiccas named Regent.It was on the day immediately after the death of the king that hisgenerals assembled in the great hall of the palace, which was on allsides thrown open so as to display in its centre to the surroundingmultitude the throne, the diadem, and the armour of their lamentedsovereign. The character of Perdiccas, still more than his rank,entitled him to act a distinguished part on this solemn occasion; for hehad long held a high place in the estimation of his prince, had givenproofs of the greatest talents and disinterestedness in his service, andhad consequently acquired that degree of influence with the army,which would have disposed even the most refractory to listen to hiscounsel. At his first departure from Macedon, we are told that, whenAlexander divided his whole property amongst his friends, and saidthat he reserved only hope for himself, Perdiccas alone declined thebounty of the young king; intimating to him at the same time, thatas he was determined to share his dangers, he was entitled also toparticipate in his hopes. Nor was his conduct ever found unworthy of the noble sentiment with which he entered into the service of hismagnanimous master. In the most trying scenes of that eventful andvery arduous war which was waged with Persia, Perdiccas acquittedhimself with equal courage and address; and such was the confidencewhich Alexander reposed in his wisdom and faithfulness, that he wasraised to the first place in his council, and received from the dying hand of that renowned leader the symbols even of royal authority.Possessed of such reputation and advantages, it cannot appear surprising that Perdiccas should have aspired to a share of the power,which no individual was great enough to exercise alone, and which,whoever should be named the successor of Alexander, was eventuallyto be divided among a number of his followers. Accordingly we findthat, after a variety of projects had been discussed in the assembly ofthe chiefs, Aristonous of Pella, a companion and life-guard, ventured to suggest the expediency of intrusting to the favourite general of theirdeceased master the supreme administration, under the title of Regent.If indeed we yield to the authority of Curtius, we must admit that theviews entertained by the friends of Perdiccas were even somewhatmore ambitious, for the words which this historian puts into the mouthof the orator of Pella, claim openly, for the commander now named,the right to exercise all the prerogative of a king. 'Alexandrum consultum, cui relinqueret regnum, voluisse optimum deligi: judi- catum autem ab ipso optimum Perdiccam, cui annulum tradidisset. Neque enimARRHIDEUS. 231among the troops.The elevation of one individual, however worthy, could not fail to B. C. 323.excite the deepest envy and alarm in the minds of such as did not enjoyhis countenance, or were unaccustomed to co-operate in his views ofpolicy. Meleager, the general of the infantry, was in the predicament Divisionnow described. He dreaded the ascendency of Perdiccas, and, inorder to obstruct his plans, he infused into the phalanx the strongestsuspicions against his patriotism, as well as against his fidelity to thehouse of their ancient kings, and thereby urged the generous feelingsofthe soldiers to declare themselves more loudly for the accession ofArthidæus. Thus the intemperance of the one party, and the ambitionof the other, had nearly brought the victorious troops of Alexander tostain their arms in the blood of one another, —a catastrophe which, itis said, was prevented chiefly by the resolute conduct of the unfortunate youth who had just been raised to the throne. Perceiving thatthe phalangites were about to attack the horsem*n, who still opposedtheir choice, Arrhidæus threw himself into the midst of their body andentreated them to relinquish their sanguinary intentions." If this Checked bydiadem, ” he exclaimed , can be possessed only by the wounds and Arrhidæus.death of Macedonians, I will instantly divest myself of the pernicious ornament! Take back,” he continued, "the fatal present; give it tosome one worthier than I am, if he can preserve the splendid depositunstained by the blood of his countrymen!" This spirited behaviourproduced the desired effect. The army unanimously acknowledgedthe sovereignty of the new monarch, and submitting to the authority of law under the direction of a military regency, they allowedcondign punishment to be inflicted on a few of the most factiousof their number, who seemed to meditate still more dangerous inno- vations.66Alexander, The imbecility of Arrhidæus and his total ignorance of business Birth ofdictated at once the necessity of a regency, which consisted at first of the son ofPerdiccas and Leonatus, and afterwards of these two commanders with Roxana.Meleager, the general of the foot, as a colleague. During thesearrangements, too, provision was made in behalf of the child of Roxana,should she happen to have a son. It was declared that the infantshould be associated in the government with his uncle; and as theevent soon answered their expectations, the boy was honoured withhis father's name, and ordered to be treated with all the respect andcare which were due to the coheir of so powerful an empire.of the provinces.These preliminaries being settled for the official administration of the Distributionregal authority, the more important business of assigning to the severalcommanders the provinces which they were to govern, became thenext subject of discussion. The cautious policy of the son of Lagusshowed itself in the choice which he made of Egypt, a country whichwas at once detached from the dominions of his colleagues, so soon tounum eum assedisse morienti, sed circumferentem oculos, ex turba amicorum delegisse cui traderet. Placere igitur summam imperii ad Perdiccam deferri.232 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 323. become his rivals and enemies, and also easily protected from invasion ,owing to the impracticable nature of the territory by which it wassurrounded. The veteran Craterus, who had been sent from Babylonto relieve Antipater in the government of Macedonia, was now associated with him in the care of the hereditary states. The Thraciarswere confided to the charge of Lysimachus, who, from his bold andwarlike character, was thought to resemble the spirited barbariansover whom he was placed. Eumenes was appointed to Cappadocia,Antigonus to the Greater Phrygia, and Leonatus to the Lesser. Theimperial district of Persis was continued to Peucestes, whilst Pythonreceived the important province of Media, in which he might exercisehis vigilance and military skill against the faithless and predatory tribeswho occupied its mountainous frontiers. Seleucus remained at Babylonas lieutenant to Perdiccas, in his capacity of chief of the equestriancompanions; and Aristonous, the personal friend of the regent, continued likewise at the seat of government, without charging hinselfwith any special command. The minor provinces and military stationswere provisionally committed to the officers who happened to holdthem at the death of the king ,-a measure which contributed not alittle to the tranquillity of the remoter parts of the empire, as well asto the consolidation of that system of mild and popular ascendencyover the Asiatics, of which Alexander set so distinguished an example,and which was unquestionably the principal means of establishing inPersia the dynasty of Grecian sovereigns, founded by Seleucus.Preparations for the During the time that these appointments were under consideration,the body of the prince, to whose successful enterprise and commandingAlexander. genius they were all due, was allowed to remain neglected in thefuneral ofputrifying climate of Babylon. Orders were at length given by Perdiccas to have the royal corpse embalmed, and preparations were seton foot for a pompous interment of it in the sacred ground attached tothe temple of Jupiter Ammon, situated in one of those green andluxuriant spots which cheer, at intervals, the solitude of the Libyandesert. It was not, however, until after the lapse of two years, thatthe funeral obsequies were actually celebrated , and the great Macedonian hero was then committed to the ground, not within the precincts of the African temple, as he is said to have commanded, but inhis own city of Alexandria, a monument of his talents and beneficence,which conferred upon his name far greater glory than his imaginary descent from the king of the gods. "This late honour to his memory,"says Dr. Gillies, " could ill reconcile his indignant shade to the dereliction ofthe vast and beneficial schemes which had long occupied him,-the improvement in his fleet and army, his discoveries by sea and land,the productive and commercial industry which he had made to flourish,and that happy intercourse of sentiment and affection in which he had laboured to unite distant and hostile nations. After his controllingmind had withdrawn, the system which he had formed and actuatedfell in pieces; yet during the distracted period of twenty-two yearsARRHIDEUS. PERDICCAS. 233successors.preceding the battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, which finally decided the B. C. 323.pretensions of his followers, many great events deserve commemoration, and many splendid characters will attract regard. Their brightness, indeed, was hitherto dimmed by the matchless effulgence ofAlexander, and their individual renown is still lessened by their shining Achievetogether in one constellation. To a hasty and impatient survey, their ments ofhishistory presents a wild maze of crimes and calamities; but in a fulland connected narrative their transactions will interest the statesman,the general, and above all, the philosopher; who knows that by justdelineations of guilt and misery, men are more powerfully restrainedwithin the bounds of duty, than bythe most engaging pictures of virtueand of happiness."As affairs were at first conducted under the auspices of Perdiccas,we shall, in the early part of our narrative, confine the attention of thereader to such events as were connected with his direct government, orinfluenced by his more concealed policy. It has been conjectured, andnot without much appearance of probability, that the generals whodeparted from Babylon as governors of provinces, entertained, from thefirst moment that they were invested with power, the intention ofrendering themselves independent sovereigns, and even of enlargingtheir dominions at the expense of one another; whilst, on the otherhand, Perdiccas has been suspected, and apparently not without reason,of the wish to employ them as his tools, as long as he should requiretheir service, and of designing, ultiamtely, to seize the sceptre ofEurope and Asia, as the sole successor of the Macedonian conqueror.The worst of these suspicions appear to be confirmed by the conductwhich was actually pursued on the one side and the other; and anoccurrence soon took place which showed, in no favourable light, theprinciples on which the regent exercised authority , and the motivesfrom which he was served, even by those who professed to be the most devoted to his interests.Greeks inWhen Alexander had succeeded in reducing to obedience the warlike Revolt of the inhabitants of the hilly country which stretches to the north and east mercenaryof Media, he stationed, at the several military posts which he erected Media.in that strong ground, about twenty thousand mercenary Greeks, who were to act in the double capacity of colonists and soldiers. Nosooner, however, did these exiles hear of the death of the king, thanthey came to the resolution of placing themselves under the directionof Philon, a commander of their own choice, and of commencing alaborious march westward into their native Greece. Perdiccas instantly resolved to defeat their intentions. Draughting about four thousandhorse and foot from the army at Babylon, he issued orders for animmediate expedition to check the migratory colonists; and in orderto increase the alacrity of the troops employed in this disagreeable service, he gave them leave to choose the commander to whose skilland sagacity they might be disposed to commit themselves. Theyunanimously fixed on Python, who being approved by the regent,234 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. c. 323. received a commission to act against the devoted mercenaries, and todemand from the provincial governors, through whose territory hewas to pass, a reinforcement of ten thousand foot and nearly as manycavalry.Treachery ofmassacre ofPython finding himself at the head of so large a force, gave way toPython, and the temptation which then, perhaps, for the first time, assailed histhe Greeks. fidelity, of employing their arms not only in rendering his Mediangovernment independent of the controlling power at Babylon, but evenof adding to it the important provinces of Upper Asia. The vigilanceof Perdiccas, however, was not to be deceived. Suspecting the viewsof the general, or being apprised of his real intentions, he sent ordersto Python of so public a nature that they could neither be concealednor evaded, to put all the Greeks to death, and divide their propertyamong his Macedonian soldiers. The device succeeded. The circ*mstances of the massacre, as related by Diodorus Siculus, are too horribleto be believed, were not the fact itself somewhat confirmed by thesubsequent conduct of Python, who, when he at length turned hishand against Perdiccas, is supposed to have avenged the cause of theGreeks, as well as to have gratified his own resentment.Revolt of Ariarathes.Disobedienceand Leonatus.The attention of the viceroy was soon after attracted to the affairsof Asia Minor, where he had to oppose the ambitious designs of Antigonus and Leonatus. When Alexander passed through that country,with the view of meeting the numerous host of Darius on the confinesof Syria, he satisfied himself with reducing to temporary submissionthe warlike chiefs who commanded in the upper provinces; convincedthat, if his arms were crowned with success in his approaching campaigns against the great king, all the western dependencies of thePersian empire would necessarily fall into the hands of the alliedGreeks. Cappadocia, both Upper and Lower, still remained unconquered; and although these rich provinces, together with Paphlagonia,were, upon the death of Alexander, assigned to Eumenes, the arduoustask of compelling them to own the supremacy of Macedon, was yetto be accomplished under the auspices of the new governor. The natives of the northern shores of Asia Minor were remarkable forcourage, strength of body, and the love of independence; and thePaphlagonians, in particular, had acquired so much fame as skilful andintrepid horsem*n, that they were usually honoured by the Persiansas allies, instead of being viewed in the light of tributaries. At thehead of a powerful force of these hardy barbarians, Ariarathes, theirprince, proud of his lineage and jealous of his rights, was prepared todispute the claims of any Macedonian captain, who should advance into his territory.Perdiccas, aware of the opposition that Eumenes might have to enof Antigonus counter in taking possession of his government, had issued an order toAntigonus and Leonatus, the commanders ofthe two Phrygias, to assist him with their arms. The former of these officers refused to obey theprotector; alleging that as he had received his province from Alexan-ARRHIDEUS. PERDICCAS. 235der himself, he owed no fealty to the mere representative of his imbe- B. C. 322.cile brother. Leonatus on the other hand, was seduced by views stillmore ambitious, having projected a marriage with Cleopatra, the sisterof the late king, and the subsequent occupation of the throne of Macedon, which he hoped to possess, in his own right as well as in that ofhis wife. He therefore declined to assist Eumenes with forces, which,in pursuance of the plan now stated, he intended to employ against theGreeks, who were already endeavouring to shake off the yoke imposedon them by Philip, and afterwards against Antipater, or even Perdiccas, should these wary generals oppose his succession to the crown of Alexander.Ariarathes.Eumenes, disappointed in his hopes of assistance from the governors Defeat ofof the two Phrygias, threw himself on the protection of the regent,who instantly moved with the royal army towards Cappadocia.Ariarathes immediately took the field to repel his formidable invaders. B. C. 322.He is said to have had thirty thousand foot and above fifteen thousandhorse; but valour, unaided by discipline, exerted itself in vain , whenit had to contend with the veteran troops of Macedon, led on by Perdiccas and Eumenes, two of their most accomplished generals. TheCappadocians were routed with great slaughter, and their gallant prince,with his family and kindred, who unfortunately fell into the hands ofthe enemy, were put to death with every circ*mstance of pain andignominy. Eumenes was established in the satrapy which was thusrendered vacant; and by his wisdom and courage contributed, for atime, to support the authority of his patron the regent.Pisidia and The flame of rebellion next burst forth in the wild mountains of War inPisidia and Isauria. Laranda, the capital of the former district, was Isauria.soon taken by assault, and the inhabitants were either put to thesword or sold into slavery: but the defence of Isauria was attendedwith a series of incidents, so characteristic of barbarian warfare, thatwe are induced to narrate them at greater length. Finding, after acontinued assault of two days, that their walls and armour could nolonger avail them, the besieged came to the desperate resolution ofburning their houses, wives, and children, and parents, with the mostprecious of their effects; and having, by the execution of this purpose,secured from the indignities of conquest the persons whom they heldmost dear in the world, they again mounted their tottering ramparts,and repelled the besiegers with a degree of fierceness and hardihoodbordering on frenzy. Astonished at the resistance which he encountered, and unable to account for the dreadful conflagration which hebeheld , Perdiccas withdrew his troops from the walls to wait the issueof so strange an event. The Isaurians, it is said, having no longer anyenemy upon whom to avenge the cause of their country, rushed fromthe walls to precipitate their bodies into the midst of the flames, leaving to the ambition of the Macedonians, nothing except the burningruins of their town, and such articles of gold and silver as the fire did not consume.236 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 322.Perdiccas.In all the arts connected with war, in rapidity of movement, deciIntrigues of sion, military skill, and personal bravery, Perdiccas was inferior tonone of the able captains who had served under the standard of Alexander. But, in the management of the passions, and in the application of motives, among men of high spirit and aspiring views, he wasnot, perhaps, a match for the sagacious Ptolemy, or the intriguingAntigonus. To secure his interests and increase his popularity withthe Macedonians, the governor of Egypt proposed to form a matrimonial union with the daughter of Antipater; and it was not till Perdiccas was awakened to a perception of the numerous advantages likelyto attend this alliance, that he resolved to defeat the designs of Ptolemy,and to solicit the hand of Nicæa for himself. But as policy dictatedthis marriage, it cannot seem surprising that it should almost instantlyhave been dissolved upon the same unwarrantable ground. It wassuggested to the regent that, as Cleopatra, the sister of the late king,was still disengaged, he ought to strengthen his claim to the supremepower, by connecting himself with a princess so nearly allied to thethrone; a measure which would at once further his own views, anddisappoint the numerous intrigues which were already forming againsthim, both in Egypt and the two Phrygias.Arrhidæus.But the intentions of Perdiccas being known, they were vigorouslyopposed by a body, to whomhe was compelled to yield. The Macedonian army, attached to the house of their ancient kings, and preferring an hereditary monarch, though unwarlike, to the ablest general,who had no other claim than his talents, felt alarm and suspicion upondiscovering the ambitious designs of the viceroy. To thwart his intentions, they resolved to strengthen the reigning branch of the royalMarriage of family, by a marriage between Arrhidæus and Eurydice his niece, thewidow of his cousin Amyntas; a lady of a singularly romantic disposition, and opposed, as it should seem, to the interests of Perdiccas.Cynane, the half-sister of Alexander the Great, and the mother ofEurydice, had trained up that princess, upon the model of her owneducation, in martial exercises. The influence of Cynane was considerable, and alarmed the fears of Perdiccas. The jealousy of thisgreat general being excited by the interference of the troops, as well asby the bold pretensions of the mother of the intended bride, he is saidto have procured her murder under the most revolting circ*mstances;a suspicion which, whether well or ill founded, continues to inflict astain on his character, and to arraign the purity of his motives in everysubsequent act of his government. The immediate consequences werealarming in the extreme: the soldiers displayed the most violentsymptoms of mutiny; the spirit of insurrection was everywere loudand violent; and Perdiccas, urged by these expressions of public discontent, appears to have postponed his union with Cleopatra, whilsthe forwarded that of his royal rivals.Having crushed the mutinous disposition which had shown itselfamong the Macedonians, and conciliated the contending interests of hisPERDICCAS. EUMENES. 237domestic retainers, the regent turned his eyes towards Phrygia and B. C. 322.Egypt, where an ambition equal to his own, and talents in some respects superior, were busily employed in concerting plans for undermining that power, which he was labouring so sedulously to enlarge and consolidate. The means that he possessed were considerable;and the ability and zeal which he could command for employing those means were such as to promise the most ample success. Besides hisbrother Metas, and Attalus the husband of his sister, both men ofcourage and address, and sincerely devoted to his service, he had inhis interest Seleucus, a young officer of the greatest talents; Aristonous,a life-guard and companion under the late king; Python, a brave thoughunsteady commander; and Eumenes, whose powerful mind, stimulated by gratitude, bent all its exertions in favour of the regent, as well in the council as in the field.Antigonus.The refusal of Antigonus to assist Eumenes in making good his Jealousy ofclaims upon Cappadocia was not forgotten; and Perdiccas now summoned that governor to appear before him, in order to justify his conduct in the presence of the Macedonian army, the judges of all militaryoffences, or to submit to the penalty which they might see fit to award.The governor of Phrygia, perceiving the object of the regent, insteadof answering his summons, made haste to court the alliance of Antipater and Craterus, who resided at Pella, as joint tutors to the king,and protectors of his European dominions. Nor were the representations of Antigonus alone urged on this momentous occasion. Ptolemy,also, alarmed at the projects of Perdiccas, had sent a pressing embassyto Macedon, recommending the expediency of a coalition, in order tocheck the growing power of the protector, and to defeat his aims,now no longer ambiguously asserting exclusive dominion both in theeast and west.Perdiccas.A treaty was forthwith concluded among these vigilant commanders; Alliance the object of which was, first, by force of arms, to restrict the autho- againstrity of Perdiccas, and then to establish their own, in their several provinces, by adding to their territory, where that was practicable, and B, C. 321 .by abjuring all dependence on the central government. In pursuanceof this scheme, Antipater and Craterus were to march into Asia, at thehead of an army, to co-operate with Antigonus; Ptolemy was to continue in possession of Egypt, and to strengthen his resources in theneighbouring parts of Africa, and, by means of a maritime force, inthe Mediterranean; and in the mean time, till Antipater could returnto Macedon, to resume his charge as viceroy, the government in Europewas to be exercised by Polysperchon, one of the oldest captains that had served under Alexander.It was not to be expected that Perdiccas could remain uninformedof these proceedings. Aware of the quarter whence the main opposi- tion to him had arisen , and jealous of the increasing influence of Ptolemy at home and abroad, he resolved to invade Egypt, and thereby make the intriguing governor sustain the first pressure of the war which238 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 321. he had so industriously provoked. Meanwhile, to punish Antigonus, to whose disobedience he was disposed to ascribe the revolutionary spiritwhich now animated the other generals, he stripped him of all hissatrapies, and joined them to the valuable provinces already intrusted to the faithful Eumenes.Operations ofthe rival generals.Both parties set themselves in motion, with the view of striking ablow which each hoped would crush the pretensions of the other; andthus whilst Perdiccas marched towards Syria, on his way to Egypt,Pyramids of Egypt.Antipater and Craterus were making arrangements for a descent intoAsia. The order of events requires that we should attend, in the firstinstance, to the occurrences which took place in the latter country,where Eumenes, at the head of a considerable force, was left by theregent to defend his provinces against the insurrectionary generals and their adherents. Perdiccas was not disappointed in the skill andbravery of this celebrated commander; and yet it ought to be observed that the success of Eumenes, in this memorable campaign,arose not more from his own talents, than from the foolish measureswhich his antagonists were induced to pursue. Neoptolemus, a youngMacedonian of royal blood, having taken offence at the preferment ofEumenes, abandoned the cause of Perdiccas, and went over to Antipater with a small body of troops, which he was eager to employagainst his former patron. But his pernicious counsel more thancountervailed the additional strength which he brought to his newallies . By repeated assurances that the army commanded by EumenesPERDICCAS. EUMENES. 239consisted of a mere rabble, hastily collected, and destitute alike of B. c. 321 .courage and discipline, he prevailed on Antipater and Craterus todivide their forces; and thus, whilst the latter, in the fullest confidence of victory, took the field against the lieutenant of Perdiccas, theformer proceeded towards the Cilician passes, with the view of distracting the operations of Perdiccas himself, and of thereby affordingaid to the Egyptian governor, now threatened with an inroad in thedirection we have just described.Eumenes overCraterus, assisted by the advice of Neoptolemus, advanced against Victory oftheir antagonist, who had now encamped near the plain of Troy. Theinfantry on either side, did not fall short of twenty thousand. The Craterus.troops of Eumenes were a mixture of Europeans and Asiatics. Thoseof Craterus consisted almost entirely of the former. This difference, B. C. 321 .however, was not accompanied with any corresponding effect, since,through the dexterity of Eumenes, the engagement was decided without the necessity of bringing the masses of foot into close action. Onthe day of battle, he posted his Asiatic horse in opposition to theenemy's right wing, commanded by Craterus. The left, headed byNeoptolemus, he determined to combat in person with his select bandof cavalry, only three hundred in number; hoping, whatever might bethe fortune of the day, to chastise the insolence and treachery of thathaughty youth. As soon as the enemy came in sight, descending froma hill in Hellespontian Phrygia, the barbarian cavalry rushed forwardto a desperate conflict, in which they had been ordered by Eumenesneither to listen to terms, nor to give quarter. Craterus, astonishedat the regularity and fierceness of their assault, and upbraiding, it issaid, the fatal confidence of Neoptolemus, exerted a degree of obstinatevalour, worthy of a favourite of Alexander, in order to check this barbarian onset, and bring his phalanx to the charge; but being dismounted in the midst of the enemy, either by the fall of his horse, orby the stroke of a sword, he was trampled under foot, and lay undis- tinguished among the crowd of wounded.mus,Meanwhile an extraordinary spectacle had been exhibited on the Death of opposite wing. Eumenes and Neoptolemus no sooner beheld each Neoptoleother, than their old animosity, inflamed by recent injuries, transportedthem into mutual fury. They darted forward with such impetuosity,throwing the reins from their left hands, that in the shock or subsequent struggle, their horses escaped from under them. Neoptolemuswas first on foot, but this seeming advantage only exposed him to athrust, by which he was hamstrung, and disabled. The combat continued fiercely, Neoptolemus supporting himself on his knee, untilEumenes inflicted a mortal wound on his antagonist, who expired inthe exertion of retorting it.Craterus.In this engagement, two of Alexander's generals were defeated and and of slain. Their conqueror, too, was severely wounded: yet, woundedas he was, Eumenes mounted his horse, and as the opposing wing of the enemy was totally routed, hastened to that part of the field where240 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 321. Craterus lay struggling with death. He arrived in time to bestow thelast cares on an ancient and respected friend, and to testify to him theutmost regret that ambition and the chances of war had ever set them against each other.Expeditioninto Egypt.His defeat before Pelusium .B. C. 321 .The loss of the two commanders determined the victory in favour ofEumenes; for, though the phalanx remained still unbroken, there wasno longer any one to guide its movements, or to make another effort torecover the fortune of the day. The greater part of that body fledacross the mountains to join Antipater in the south; whilst thevictor, satisfied with the unexpected success which he had obtained,fixed his head-quarters at Celænæ, and prepared to communicate with Perdiccas.But the fate of this renowned general was already sealed . Havingof Perdiccas reached the confines of Egypt, he summoned Ptolemy to appear beforethe royal army, and answer the various charges which they had to urgeagainst him. Ptolemy appeared, and justified his conduct on all thepoints wherein he was accused. A pretence, however, was all thatwas wanting, and Perdiccas could not fail to find one. He impeachedthe governor of Egypt on the ground of his having arrested the funeralconvoy, whilst proceeding to the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and ofhaving committed the remains of Alexander to a tomb in the new cityat the mouth of the Nile. To punish this breach of authority, Perdiccas dragged his army through the desert, and appeared beforePelusium , a fortress which was at that time esteemed the key of Egypt.The preparations of Ptolemy were equal to the emergency in whichhe found himself placed. He had employed all the resources ofnature, as well as of art, to check the advance of his able adversary;and so skilfully were his measures for this purpose concerted andpursued, that all the experience of Perdiccas, seconded by the veterantroops of Macedonia, was found unavailing, and his most vigorousefforts were completely baffled . A nocturnal attack on a fortressnamed the Camel's Wall , led to the defeat of the invader. Crossingthe Nile in the dark, more than a thousand men were lost in thestream; whilst the rest of the army, divided by the river, and unableto afford assistance to one another, when assailed by the disciplinedsoldiers of Ptolemy, fell an easy prey into the hands of their enemies.The policy, as well, perhaps, as the natural disposition of the conqueror, dictated gentleness and humanity towards the unfortunate invaders. The Macedonians, it is said, were struck with the contrastbetween him whom they came to attack, and the sterner masterwhom they had undertaken to serve. Other circ*mstances, too, hadcontributed to lessen the popularity and power of Perdiccas.prived of the wise counsels of Eumenes, he had recently appearedhaughty and self-willed; insomuch, that Python, Seleucus, and Antigenes, a celebrated leader of the Hydaspists, are all reported to havebecome disgusted with his government, and even unfriendly to his person. Accordingly, after his defeat on the Nile, and whilst he wasDe-ANTIPATER. 2411meditating new measures for reducing Egypt, a conspiracy was formed B. C. 321 .against his life, headed by Python, a faithless and unprincipled satrap,who, as we have already suggested, had likewise a private grudge torevenge on his patron. The tent of Perdiccas was entered in the night, Assassination and he who had, during three years, wielded the immense power ofAlexander's empire, became the victim of his perfidious followers.With the exception of high personal courage and military skill, thereare no qualities calculated to raise our opinion of the regent. Hiscareer, subsequent to the death of his royal master, was cruel, tortuous,and designing; a course of action that ultimately wore out the patience,and excited the apprehensions of those who had at one time been hisfirmest adherents.of Perdiccas.Two days after this event, the army received intelligence of the vic- B. c . 321 ,tory obtained by Eumenes over Craterus and Neoptolemus; which,had it arrived forty-eight hours sooner, would probably have preventedthe meeting of the troops, and, consequently, that new position ofaffairs, which ultimately proved so favourable to Ptolemy, Antipater,and to the greater part of those who adhered to their interests.GREECE.We now return to the affairs of Greece, which, immediately after B. c. 323.the death of Alexander, assumed an aspect extremely threatening tothe Macedonian ascendency, and employed for some time all the wisdom and military skill of Antipater. The republican party at Athens, Affairs ofalthough much weakened by the banishment of Demosthenes, as well Athens.as by the unparalleled successes of the confederated army in Asia,had nevertheless obtained such a degree of influence as was sufficient to influence the passions of the multitude and revive theirardour for war. Preparatory to a league among the Grecian states,for throwing off the control of Macedon, the great orator was re- called to Athens. Embassies were sent to all the surroundingrepublics, inviting their co-operation; and, in the meantime, the Athenians raised about six thousand native troops, which, together witheight thousand mercenaries, who had just returned from Asia, theyplaced under the command of Leosthenes, a citizen of great ardour,and considerable military talents. To this respectable force was added,by the Etolians, a contingent of seven thousand youths, the flower oftheir country and a few recruits appear to have been sent, to augmentthe republican army, from the mountainous district of Doris, Phocis,and the wild valleys bordering on Pelion and the famed Parnassus.Thebes was now no more. Sparta declined to act a part under Athens.The Achæans and Arcadians listened to the dictates of prudence, andshrank from the hazard of unsuccessful hostilities. The Athenians,therefore, were the principal parties in the Lamian war, usually so Lamian war.called from the name of a town where the leading events of the campaign occurred, and before which Leosthenes fell in battle.Antipater, informed of these preparations, advanced into Thessaly[H. G.]R242 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.Defeat of Antipater.B. C. 323. with fourteen thousand horse and foot; sending messengers, at thesame time, to Leonatus, the governor of Lower Phrygia, and to Craterus, who was at the head of ten thousand veterans, with a requestthat they would accelerate their reinforcements. Upon his arrival atthe straits of Thermopyla, Antipater found that the Athenians hadalready taken post at that famous pass. He attacked them, and was defeated; and being unable either to renew the combat, or to makegood his retreat, he threw his troops into Lamia, a well-fortified town,at the distance ofabout six miles from the Malian gulf. Leosthenes,the Athenian general, blockaded the place with all his forces, and evenattempted repeatedly to storm it, before the expected succours could arrive. The besieged were neither less active nor less vigilant. Theymade a sally upon the enemy's lines; in repelling which, the brave Leosthenes received a mortal wound: his services were rewarded witha magnificent burial, and the honours of a funeral oration.Defeat and death of Leonatus.Leonatus, meanwhile, approached at the head of twenty-threethousand men, of whom two thousand five hundred were cavalry.Antiphilus, who now commanded the Greeks, immediately relinquished the works before Lamia, and proceeded to meet the governorof Phrygia; carrying with him an army nearly equal to the Mace- donians in foot, and somewhat exceeding it in excellent horsem*n. Afurious conflict ensued on the northern confines of Thessaly, in whichthe Athenians were once more successful. Leonatus was among theslain. The cavalry whom he led to the charge suffered greatly fromthe impetuous valour of the Thessalian horse; and the phalanx itself,broken and confused, sought refuge in the neighbouring mountains.This disaster was, however, soon repaired. Antipater joined thefugitives with his troops from Lamia, and Craterus was at hand withten thousand of the best troops of Macedon, eager to recover the reputation of their arms, and to chastise the vanity of the Greeks. Thewhole army under Antipater exceeded forty thousand heavy-armedfoot, besides three thousand archers and five thousand cavalry. Antiphilus, on the other hand, had sustained a considerable diminutionin the numerical strength of his warriors: the Ætolians having returnedhome to attend to their private affairs , whilst others of the confederates,satisfied with the glory which they had already acquired , had gone tojoin in the triumphal exhibitions in which their exploits were represented to the women and children of Athens. The Macedoniangenerals, aware of their advantages lost no time in bringing theenemy to battle; in which, after a smart engagement with theFinal success Thessalian cavalry, they gained a complete and very easy victoryover the allied Greeks, and thereby re- established the ascendency oftheir kingdom throughout all the republics, as well within as withoutthe isthmus.of Antipater.Athenian embassy.When a herald was sent to Antipater, craving the bodies of theslain, the victorious general declared that he would receive no messagefrom the Greeks in common, but that he must treat with them asANTIPATER. 243members of the several states. The object of this distinction being B. C. 323.perfectly understood by the Athenians, they with the Etoliansventured to refuse compliance; but the appearance of the Macedonian at the head of his army, soon subdued their opposition, anddrove them to the opposite extreme of compliance, and the mostsubmissive entreaty. They formed an embassy, consisting of Phocion,a commander of great genius and equal moderation, of Demades, anold and steady partisan of the Macedonian interest, and of Zenocrates ,the successor of Plato in the labours of the academy, and, moreover,a person of such a grave and austere demeanour, as was likely toinsure the respect of the most haughty conqueror and potentate.But all that could be obtained from Antipater, even by such envoys Severe termsas these, was peace on the following conditions: namely, that the imposedAthenians should new-model their dangerous democracy; shouldmake pecuniary compensation for the expenses incurred by the war;that they should surrender their turbulent demagogues, Demosthenesand Hyperides, and receive a Macedonian garrison into their fortifiedharbour Munychia. Hard as these terms must have appeared, thepeople of Athens were induced to accept them. The necessity oftheir condition left them no alternative: and yet there is much showof truth in the remark of Antipater, that the severest of the stipulations were the most beneficial to the peaceable citizens of that am- bitious and restless republic.upon Athens.Hyperides,Demosthenes and Hyperides fled on the approach of the Macedonian Flight and general; but being pursued, they were both taken, the first in the death ofisland of Calauria, the second in the small island of Ægina. Hyperideswas put to death by the command of Antipater, with accompaniments of cruelty and insult, which, it is to be hoped, are at least exaggerated whilst it is reported of Demosthenes, that rather than and of Deallow himself to fall into the hands of an enemy, from whom he couldnot expect liberal or even humane treatment, he swallowed poison,which he always carried about with him, and which, it is added, soonproduced its effect.The death of Demosthenes and Hyperides, says Rollin, made theAthenians regret the reigns of Philip and Alexander, and recalled totheir remembrance the magnanimity, generosity, and clemency whichthese two princes retained, even amidst the emotions of their displeasure; and howmuch they had always been inclined to pardon offences,and to treat their enemies with humanity. Whereas Antipater,under the mask of a private individual, in humble attire, with allthe appearance of a plain and frugal life, and without affecting anytitle of authority, proved himself to be a rigid and imperious master.It is, however, admitted, even by the same author, that Antipater exercised his government with great justice over the Athenians; that hebestowed the principal posts and employments on such persons as he imagined were the most virtuous and honest; and that he contentedhimself with removing from all authority such as he thought weremosthenes.R 2244 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 323. most likely to excite troubles. He was sensible that this people couldneither support a state of absolute servitude nor of entire liberty; forwhich reason he thought it necessary to take from the one whateverwas too rigid, and from the other all that was excessive and licentious.TheEtolians obtain afavourable peace.Regency of Arridæus.B. C. 322.After the submission of Athens, the Macedonian arms under Antipater and Craterus were immediately directed against the refractory Etolians. Aided in their defence by a strong mountainous country,this gallant people set at defiance the skill of the generals, and theenterprise of the soldiers; but, as it was whilst Antipater and hiscolleague were engaged in this arduous service, that Antigonus arrivedfrom Asia to solicit their protection against the dangerous machinations of Perdiccas, the Etolians were favoured with peace on much easier terms than they could otherwise have expected. The reader isalready acquainted with the events which followed the coalition of thethree governors against the regent, and of the fatal issue of the Egyptianexpedition in which that policy involved him. We therefore prepareto resume the thread of the narrative where it was interrupted by thefall of Perdiccas, ' and to detail the leading occurrences to which thatcatastrophe gave birth.On the day succeeding the murder of Perdiccas, the governor ofEgypt crossed the river to the enemy's camp, with a large supplyof provisions, addressed the soldiers as his fellow-countrymen, and saluted the commanders as his ancient friends. In the character ofPtolemy, magnanimity and prudence had an equal sway; and as hisconduct was remarkably consistent as well as moderate, he neverfailed to secure the affections of all with whom he acted, even whenhis views were different, and his interests incompatible. On thepresent occasion his humane attentions were so much extolled by theroyal army, that he would have been appointed regent by acclamation,had he not made known his determination to decline so mighty anoffice, and recommended Arridæus, a general present in the camp, asthe fittest person to succeed Perdiccas.Arridæus, whose name was seldom mentioned during the moreactive part of Alexander's reign, had the honour to be nominated toconduct his funeral, and to convey his body to the temple of theAfrican Zeus. Two years were spent in preparations for thissplendid procession; and as it had been predicted that the citywhich should receive the royal remains would rise to an unwontedeminence in point of wealth and power, almost all the considerabletowns in the empire strove for the honour of the precious deposit.Perdiccas, a native of Pella, who perhaps cherished the hope ofsoon exercising kingly authority in that capital, insisted that the bonesof Alexander ought to be laid amongst those of his royal ancestors, intheir ancient seat of government. His arguments, however, did notprevail. Arridæus proceeded to conduct the pageant through Syria,¹ See page 241 .ANTIPATER. 245on his way to the destined mausoleum He was B. C. 322. in the Libyan desert.met by Ptolemy, who entreated him, in the first instance, to grant repose to his followers at Memphis, before they entered the sands ofthe wilderness; and who afterwards prevailed upon him to erect the royal tomb at Alexandria, the favourite city of the great conqueror whose name it bears.It was this service, perhaps, which recommended Arridæus sopowerfully to the patronage of the Egyptian governor. At all events,the elevation to the protectorate of the officer just named, in conjunction with Python, who had paved the way for the ruin of Perdiccas,was the work of Ptolemy, who, in this arrangement, consulted hisown greatness and the welfare of his province, much more effectually than if he had allowed himself to be invested with the precarious rankand invidious authority which he thus conferred upon others.oftheEumenes.It was whilst these proceedings occupied the attention of the royal Indignationarmy on the Nile, that the victory of Eumenes, and death of Craterus, Egyptianwere confirmed by the most certain intelligence. The effect of this army againstnews on the soldiers was violent in the extreme. Bewailing the lossof a favourite general, who had fallen whilst fighting against the ambitious schemes of Perdiccas, whom they were now disposed to pronounce a tyrant and foe to Macedon, they forthwith resolved to inflictthe severest vengeance on all his family, his friends, and relatives.They declared Eumenes a public enemy; proscribed, by name, morethan fifty of the principal adherents of the late protector, at thehead of whom was his brother Alcetas; and having, in this manner,given vent to their fury, they immediately advanced from Egypttowards Syria, in order to realize the punishments which they had denounced.Eurydice.regents.When arrived at Triparadus, in the latter province, the new pro- Influence oftectors found their power so completely annihilated by the aspiringgenius and active spirit of Eurydice, the wife of king Arrhidæus, thatthey deemed it expedient to resign their office; and when Antipater, Resignationwho was speedily informed of what had taken place, had arrived at of thethe camp, in which the bold and warlike Perdiccas was wont to issuehis orders, he saw the veterans of Macedonia actually commanded by awoman! Nor did the appearance of their aged general produce atonce the effect which was expected. The soldiers, instigated by thequeen who seems to have promised them a full payment of all theirarrears, as well as immediate preferment to the most deserving oftheir body, would have put him to instant death, had not his personbeen protected by Seleucus and Antigonus, whose intrepidity andpresence of mind contributed mainly to quell the sedition. Smittenwith regret at this undutiful conduct towards an old and faithfulcommander, the leaders of the army almost instantaneously followedthe bent of their passions into the opposite extreme. They raisedAntipater to the supreme authority, as protector of the empire, and Regency ofafforded him the means of subduing the restless mind of Eurydice, Antipater.246 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 322. whose devices had so nearly proved fatal to the discipline of thetroops and the life of their general.New distri- bution of the provinces.Measures against Eumenes.The great age of the protector, and his constant residence inEurope, disqualified him in no small degree for the government ofa kingdom, whose subjects and whose interests were now chieflyAsiatic. A stranger to the manners and policy of the east, he resolved to fix the principal seat of power at Macedon, and to issuefrom thence such orders as might seem necessary for the purposes ofadministration, throughout the immense provinces washed by theEuphrates and Tigris.MACEDONIA.With these views he arranged, before the army quitted Triparadus,a new distribution and settlement of the empire. The posthumousson of Alexander by Roxana was now formally associated in thegovernment with the feeble-minded Arrhidæus, and both were declared the legitimate heirs of the crown, as the nearest male relativesof the late sovereign. As to the command of provinces, no materialalterations were made, but such as had been rendered necessary byactual change of circ*mstances. Eumenes having been declared anoutlaw and an enemy, the satrapy of Cappadocia was conferred uponNicanor. Lydia was intrusted to Clytus, and Cilicia was given to Philoxenes; but as these extensive districts were all in the hands ofEumenes, they were to be reconquered before they could be pos- sessed. To Seleucus, who had performed an important service inquashing the late sedition in the army, was granted the splendidgovernment of Babylonia, an object of the most eager desire, it is said,to that young and ambitious chief, who, of all Alexander's officers,best understood the views and appreciated the magnificent designs ofhis master. Media had formerly been granted to Python, but he hadnot yet entered upon the discharge of its duties. A native adventurer,in the meantime, seized the upper division of the province, inhabitedby a race of hardy mountaineers, who flocked to his standard, andwhose warlike propensities rendered them formidable even in the plains. The services of Arridæus were rewarded with the satrapy ofthe Hellespontic Phrygia, vacant since the death of Leonatus, who had fallen in the Lamian war.The great object with the protector, in the circ*mstances whereinrecent events had placed him, was evidently to subdue the refractoryforce of Eumenes, who being declared a public enemy, and affordingat the same time an asylum to the adherents of Perdiccas, could beviewed in no other light than that of a powerful rebel. A large division of the army was accordingly committed to Antigonus, who wascharged with the arduous task of reducing to submission the disaffected districts of Asia Minor. Meanwhile the commander- in-chief returnedinto Macedon, leaving his son Cassander at the head of the cavalry,to co operate with the troops which were to act against Eumenes.ANTIPATER. ANTIGONUS. CASSANDER. 247In the war which ensued for the conquest of Cappadocia, both B. C. 322.parties had reason to complain of treachery, and to guard against the Intrigues ofstratagems of even their most confidential officers. Antipater had Antigonus.scarcely crossed the Hellespont on his way homeward, when he wasadmonished by Cassander of the disloyal ambition which alreadyappeared to actuate the selfish mind of Antigonus, and of the necessitywhich existed either to watch his motions very closely, or to reducehis power within narrower limits. Unwilling to entertain suspicionson the suggestions of a mere youth, Antipater used no other precaution than to withdraw a part of the army which served underAntigonus, and to replace it by a body of troops on whose dispositionshe could depend.On the side of Eumenes a treason still more dangerous infected theminds of several chiefs, and eventally exposed that able and faithful commander to a severe discomfiture, in a battle which was soon after- wards fought between him and Antigonus. This latter generalhaving taken the field with a large force, speedily brought the otherto an engagement, in which he had previously insured success. Antigonus had seduced the commander of his opponent's cavalry, as wellas several inferior officers of the foot, who deserted during the conflict.Eumenes, finding it impossible either to provide for his troops, or tomeet his rival on equal terms, came to the resolution of disbandingthe greater part of them, and of shutting himself up with the re- Blockade ofmainder in Nora, one of the strongest fortresses in Cappadocia. The Nora.place was immediately blockaded by Antigonus; but this crafty chief,more intent on establishing his own power than on serving hiscountry, endeavoured rather to gain the vanquished leader to participate in his ambitious views, than to induce him to lay downthe arms of rebellion. He proposed a conference with Eumenes; inwhich, after explaining his intentions, and setting forth the terms onwhich he was willing to purchase the co-operation of so able a commander, he left no room for doubt that his main object was to seizeupon the empire, and set Antipater at defiance. The reply of Eumeneswas brief, but decisive. He declared that as long as he carried a Fidelity ofsword, he never would acknowledge a superior, except in the royal Eumenes.house of Alexander. The interview being ended, the faithful secretary returned to his fort, upon which the blockade was resumed withgreater activity than before, without however producing any remark- able occurrence.Plutarch, who, with Didorus Siculus, is our principal authority inthis part of the narrative, adds a variety of circ*mstances with regardto the conference with Eumenes, which give it very much the air of aromantic fiction. He tells us, what is indeed very probable, that theMacedonians were extremely desirous to see the person of this ancientcounsellor of Alexander-for that, after the death of Craterus, no onewas so much talked of in the army as he; but, he adds, Antigonus,fearing lest they should offer him some violence, called to them to248 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 322. keep at a distance; and, as they still kept crowding in, he ordered them to be driven off with stones. At last, says the biographer, hetook Eumenes in his arms, and holding the multitude in check withhis guards, with some difficulty got him safe again into the castle.B. C. 320.Death of Antipater.Polysper- chon.The siege of Nora was not brought to a close when news arrivedthat Antipater had paid the debt of nature at Macedon. Antigonus,who had been kept somewhat in awe by the high character of the regent, was roused to indignation when he learned that the last act ofRegency of that statesman's life was to appoint Polysperchon to the governmentof the empire, and to commit to his charge the custody of the twokings, who appear to have resided at Pella ever since the death ofPerdiccas. That Antigonus expected those important charges to devolve upon himself is evident from all his councils and actions, fromthe time that he was nominated lieutenant of Asia Minor; not tomention his proposals to Eumenes, nor his arbitrary conduct in thereduction of Pisidia, and certain strongholds in other parts of thepeninsula, which he secured, obviously with the view of ulterioroperations on a larger scale. Nor was he inclined to relinquish aprize on which he had set his heart, and which fortune seemed nowto place within his reach. On the contrary, he had immediaterecourse to the means which he had formerly employed to effect hisobjects, when moving in a humbler sphere; and he attempted oncemore, by decisive movements in acting, and by deep dissimulation inconsulting, to overpower his enemies and overreach his friends.Rise of Cassander.In carrying on his designs he was supplied with an instrumentwhose assistance he had the least reason to expect. Cassander, theson of Antipater, who had, as we have stated above, very early penetrated the intentions of Antigonus,and who had, moreover, in disgust,actually retired from his situation asgeneral of the horse in the Asiaticarmy, was now prepared to courthis alliance by opposing the government of Polysperchon. The viewsof this young soldier were not lessambitious than those of his superiors, which he was so forward tocondemn; but, instead of arms, hehad intended to accomplish his purpose by the insinuations of gallantry, and the power of femaleintrigue. He had, some time previously to the death of Antipater, gained the affections of the highminded Eurydice, for whom he undertook to secure the appointment ofregent in the behalf of her husband; not doubting but that he himself,by means of the hold which he had upon her heart, would subseCassander.POLYSPERCHON. ANTIGONUS. CASSANDER. 249quently obtain possession both of the lady and her delegated authority. B. C. 319.The discovery of this plot by Antipater is said to have incensed himso greatly against his son, that he bequeathed to him no share in thegovernment; the old general having contracted a strong antipathy tothe interference of females in matters of state, for which he regardedthem as totally disqualified both by talent and temper. To recover theground which he had lost, and to pave the way for future success,Cassander did not think it unworthy of his character to apply toAntigonus for assistance. In pursuance of the same views, he hadalso, before the news of his father's death could reach Greece, givensecret orders to Nicanor, a zealous and enterprising officer, to take thecommand of the Macedonians who garrisoned the fortified harbourof Athens; thereby securing for himself an important stronghold,either to check the Athenians, or to invite their co-operation.Antigonus. Whilst Cassander was thus indirectly weakening the authority of Progress ofPolysperchon, Antigonus had resorted to more open and effectualmeans to accomplish the same end. He passed through the greaterpart of Asia Minor, taking possession of the most important fortresses,placing in them governors devoted to his interests, and raising largesums of money, under the name of contributions. The smallersatraps, who could not fail to perceive his intentions, expressed theiralarm , without being able to oppose any effectual resistance. Asanderin Caria, and Arridæus in the Lesser Phrygia, were gradually confinedwithin narrow limits, and almost totally divested of power; whilstClytus, who held the important province of Lydia, was compelled toleave his government, and seek refuge with a few ships in thepresence of Polysperchon. Ephesus was next seized by Antigonus:in this city he almost immediately committed an act of open rebellion.Four ships having entered the harbour with six hundred talents,destined for the service of the empire, or, as some historians write, forthe personal use of the kings and their establishment, the money wasdetained by order of the lieutenant-general, under the pretence ofpaying the army under his command. At this juncture of affairs hemade another attempt on the fidelity of Eumenes, who was still shutup in the castle of Nora. His success, however, was not greater thanon the former occasion; for no consideration could induce the Cardianto entertain the friendship of Antigonus, or to listen to the termswhich he so eagerly pressed upon his acceptance, without first obtaining from him a positive assurance that their joint services shouldbe devoted to the support of the royal line. In one respect, indeed,this negotiation was attended with an important result. The vigilanceof the besiegers being somewhat relaxed, Eumenes seized a favourable Escape ofopportunity, and escaped; carrying with him his faithful adherents on from Nora.swift-footed horses, which appear to have been kept and exercised within the fortress for this very purpose.The projects of Cassander kept pace with the more serious designsof Antigonus; whilst the ends kept in view by these intriguingEumenes250 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.Union of Antigonus with Cassander.B. C. 319. generals agreed in nothing but the extinction of royal authority, andthe humiliation of Polysperchon. Antigonus granted to his youthfulally thirty-five galleys , and four thousand veterans; trusting to hisimpetuous character that they would not be long unemployed, andhaving sufficient confidence in his military skill to rest satisfied thatthey would materially distract the councils of the regent, and confinehis principal cares to the European portion of the empire.B. C. 318.Union of Polysper- chon and Eumenes.Return of Olympias.Ill effects of the decree ofTo thwart the designs of Antigonus, which were no longer veiledeven with the appearance of patriotism or moderation, Polysperchonfound himself compelled to have recourse to measures, of which somewere injudicious, and others positively hurtful. The only wise stepwhich he took during this emergency was an alliance with Eumenes,whom, in the name of the kings, he appointed sole general of thearmy serving in Asia, and invested at the same time with the uncontrolled disposal of all the resources of the eastern empire. The provincial governors were ordered to place themselves under his command,at the head of the largest force they could raise; whilst the protectorhimself began preparations in Macedon, for conducting across theHellespont the veteran soldiers of the royal army, with the viewof completely quashing the rebellious spirit which Antigonus and hispartisans had so industriously raised.Desirous, by all possible means, to increase the popularity of hiscause at home, and to check the influence of Eurydice, who had stilla powerful party in the army, Polysperchon advised the recal ofOlympias, the mother of Alexander, into Macedon, where it wasintended she should once more enjoy a share of that authority in thegovernment, of which, during the regency of Antipater, it had beennecessary to deprive her. He had soon reason to repent of this resolutiion; for Olympias, still untaught by events, and thirsting forrevenge, returned to the Macedonian capital only to gratify her worstpassions, and to disturb the tranquillity of private life.But of all the measures into which Polysperchon was driven by thePolysperchon pressure of affairs, none was more questionable than his weak attemptestablishing to re- establish the Hellenic popular government. Eager to retain thedemocracy. Greeks in his interest, and to defeat the plans of Cassander, who hadalready anticipated him with regard to Athens, the regent publishedan edict for re-establishing democracy in all the states which ownedthe protection of Macedon; reserving to himself in the very deedby which he granted this imaginary privilege the power of enforcingits stipulations, and of commanding obedience to the authority whenceit proceeded. The policy of this step was, as we have already said,not less wicked than its effects were pernicious; but as the object ofit, according to the avowed intention of Polysperchon, was to preventthe Greeks from co-operating with Antigonus in his meditated attackon the royal house, it must be admitted that to a certain extent heeffected his purpose. The boon of democracy created such a degree ofcontention and popular licentiousness in most of the states, that theALEXANDER ÆGUS. CASSANDER. 251arms of the citizens were for a time employed against one another. B. C. 318.Almost every individual, distinguished by rank or merit, was strippedof his property, banished, or put to death; the very lowest of thepeople having been instigated by the emissaries of the protector to take vengeance on the rich, whom they chose to describe as the inveterate enemies of their liberty and laws.The condition of Athens, controlled by the garrison in Munychia State ofunder Nicanor, prevented the people of that city from partaking of the Athens.benefits held out to them by Polysperchon. Impatient of the restraint so long imposed upon them by Macedonian soldiers, they sent repeated embassies to the regent, entreating that he would send an armyfor their relief, expel the creatures of Cassander from their forts, and secure to them the free exercise of that species of administration withwhich he had been pleased to favour the Grecian commonwealths.Polysperchon, whose views in this instance coincided with the wishesof the Athenians, sent a body of troops under the direction of his son Alexander; whilst himself, at the head of the royal guards, descendedmore slowly towards Attica, hoping to enjoy the fruits of victory in the establishment of a faction wholly devoted to his measures,as well, perhaps, as in the permanent occupation of the Munychia and the Piræus.the choice ofment.No sooner, however, had the young Macedonian reached Athens,than his councils were moderated by the sensible advice of Phocion,who succeeded in convincing him that, in no respect whatever, wouldthe restoration of democracy prove advantageous to that state; butthat it would, on the contrary, weaken at once the power ofthe laws,the security of property and life , and even the just influence of theregent himself. But the public feeling was already too much excitedto admit of restraint, or to allow Alexander to deviate in any materialdegree from the course pointed out to him by his father. The demo- Popular cratical party, emboldened by the presence of the army, summoned assembly forthe whole city, strangers, slaves, convicts, and outlaws, to attend a govern- a national assembly, and there to give their votes respecting the form of government which it behoved them to adopt. The result couldnot be for a moment doubtful. Aristocracy was abolished, and alaw immediately passed, condemning to exile or death any personwho had held any share in the former administration; penalties whichattached, in particular, to Conon, Phocion, Callimedon, and Pericles.Flight saved the greater number of the proscribed; but Phocion and a few others, hoping, by means of Macedonian interference, tosave their country from absolute ruin, had recourse to Alexander, who,it would seem, was throughout averse to democratical ascendency.The events which immediately ensued are surrounded with some degree of obscurity. Phocion, and a Corinthian orator, named Dinarchus, proceeded to meet Polysperchon; but whether with the view ofrepresenting the grievances of the better order of citizens, or merely to solicit personal protection for themselves, is a point which neither252 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 318. Diodorus nor Plutarch has stated with sufficient clearness. The latterauthor gives the detail of a trial which was got up by the regent,to gratify certain messengers sent by the popular party at Athens,who arraigned Phocion, and demanded justice on him and his partisans. The circ*mstances attending this solemn mockery were revolting in the extreme, and only equalled by the ferocious conduct ofthe Athenian democracy when Phocion was sent back to them, as avictim to gratify their revenge. Some, on his return, even proposedthat he should be tortured. Finally, however, the sentence of deathwas unanimously carried, and the intrepid statesman was at once ledforth to execution. His dignified and composed bearing never onceforsook the veteran Athenian general; while his last command to hisson, not to avenge his death upon the Athenians, was conceived inthe noblest spirit of philosophy. After enduring every sort of contumely which unprincipled orators and an enraged multitude could inflict upon him, this excellent man was condemned to drink the juiceof hemlock, after he had reached the eighty-fifth year of his age, andhad been forty-five times elected general of the Athenian state.Unjust execution of Phocion.Movementschon Four days subsequent to this disgraceful occurrence, Cassander of Polysper- returned to Athens with the naval force granted to him by Antigonus;and having fortified the Piræus as well as the Munychia, kept the democratical citizens in awe, notwithstanding the presence of twentyfive thousand men, with the Asiatic accompaniment of sixty- fiveelephants. Polysperchon finding his large force useless in the blockadeof a harbour, which could only be commanded from the sea, left hisson before the town with a part of the army, and proceeded in personto reduce the Arcadian city Megalopolis, which refused to obey theroyal edict for the establishment of democracy. The most vigorousefforts of his troops, aided by the physical strength of the elephants,were found utterly unavailing against the ingenuity and courage whichwere opposed to them by the townsmen. It was fortunate, therefore,for the military character of the protector, that an apology for hissudden retreat into Macedon was afforded by the violent conduct ofOlympias, who had already embroiled that part of the kingdom soseriously as to endanger the life and power of the elder king.and Cassander.Sea-fight in the Bosphorus.Before he left Attica, however, he sent Clytus, at the head of apowerful fleet, to assist Arridæus, the governor of the Lesser Phrygia,who still held his province under the royal warrant, and was consequently hard pressed by his ambitious neighbour Antigonus, whowas extremely desirous to possess that important key to the passageof the Hellespont. Cassander was not inattentive to this movementon the part of the enemy. Detaching what portion of the fleet hecould spare from the Athenian harbours, he sent Nicanor in questof Clytus, with orders to prevent any material diversion in favour ofArridæus. The Thracian Bosphorus soon became the scene of a navalbattle, memorable alike for variety of success, and for its importantconsequences to the Macedonian empire. In the first act of thisALEXANDER ÆGUS. CASSANDER. 253bloody drama, Nicanor was defeated, about one-half of his ships B. c. 318.were taken, and the remainder were happy to find refuge in theneighbouring harbour of Chalcedon, directly opposite to Byzantium.But Antigonus, who at the head of an army watched the proceedingsof both fleets, converted, to use the words of a modern historian, thisheavy disaster into the means of signal and brilliant success. Havingdespatched proper agents to Byzantium, he collected, in the first partof the night, the small craft and merchantmen lying in that port.In these vessels, having hastily embarked the choicest of his light- Battle ofarmed troops, he assailed before dawn the unsuspecting victors, who Byzantium.had presumptuously landed on the Thracian coast, encumbered andfatigued with the care of their booty and their prisoners. Clytus,unprepared to fight, ordered his men to fly to their ships. Partofthem put to sea, but encountered there a new danger; for Nicanor,whom Antigonus had reinforced with a select band of mariners, wasready for their reception. Their whole fleet was taken, except theadmiral's galley; and he himself, having landed on an obscure part ofthe Thracian coast, and attempting to escape secretly into Macedon,was put to death by some deserters, who sought to avenge their cause on the person of this unfortunate chief.The victory of Byzantium decided the fate of the Athenians, who B. c. 317.immediately surrendered to Cassander, on the simple conditions of Surrender ofretaining possession of their soil , their ships, revenue, and laws. Thegovernment of the city, and management of the finances, were confided to the wisdom of Demetrius Phalereus, who with much honourto himself, and great advantage to the commonwealth, continued inoffice during the long period of ten years.arms.Athens.andWhilst the rival generals in Attica and Asia Minor were commit- Rivalry of ting their claims to the arbitration of war, the two queens, Olympias Olympiasand Eurydice, were likewise on the point of making an appeal to Eurydice.We have already remarked that the latter princess, attachedto Cassander by the bonds of an unlawful affection, laboured to secondhis views, as an aspirant to the supreme authority; whilst Olympias,acting as the tool of Polysperchon, as well as in pursuance of herown ambitious projects, exerted the utmost force of intrigue in supportof her grandson and his mother Roxana. Having acquired a momentary ascendancy over the affections of the Macedonian soldiers, shecompelled Eurydice and Arrhidæus her husband to seek safety in flight;and afterwards, upon getting possession of their persons , she ordered them both to be despatched by assassins. The imbecile Arrhidæus, Murder ofwho from respect to his father was usually called Philip, had occupied andthe throne of Macedon six years and four months; a mere pageant of Eurydice.royalty when a public appearance was deemed necessary, and a mere B. C. 317 .name used by his tutors when furthering their own views, or transacting the business of the empire.But the rage of the inexorable Olympias was not supported by anadequate force. The presence of Cassander in Macedonia, who flewArrhidæus254 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.Flight and death of Olympias.B. C. 317. thither to avenge the death of Eurydice, struck such a panic into thebreast of the aged queen, that she immediately shut herself up inPydna, carrying with her the young Alexander Ægus, the interestingRoxana, and a large attendance of females of the first rank andquality. The strength of the fortress long resisted the impatienceof Cassander. Famine at length, aiding his endeavours, reduced thegarrison to the greatest extremity, and compelled even the stern Olympias to sue for terms. A trial followed her release from themiseries of a siege; but the forms of justice in such a case are themere instruments of power, and thus, although not regularly condemned, she was soon after put to death.B. C. 316. The fall of Pydna rewarded the labours of Cassander, not onlywith the gratification which he received in the condemnation of Olympias, but also with the possession of the illustrious persons who had shared the fortunes of that celebrated queen. Alexander Agus, nowthe sole heir of the crown, Roxana his mother, Deidamia, daughter ofthe king of Epirus, and Thessalonica, the youngest daughter of Philipof Macedon, and half-sister of the conqueror of Asia, fell into hishands as prisoners of war. The prince and his parent were sent tothe castle of Amphipolis; whilst Thessalonica, still more nearly connected with the royal house than the ill - fated Eurydice, was selectedby Cassander to be the instrument of his ambition, and the partner ofMarriage of his bed. The nuptials were celebrated in a style of the greatest magnificence; and the active governor chose to mark his accession topower by building Cassandria, on the isthmus of Pallene, and byrestoring to its ancient splendour the renowned city of Thebes.Cassander with Thessalonica.B. C. 321. Whilst these things were going on in Europe, similar ambitiousprojects were pursued in other parts of the empire by the several satrapsinto whose hands the largest share of power had fallen. Ptolemy,who had at an early period added Cyrene to his dominions, afterwardscarried his arms into Syria, reduced the more important strongholds inthe maritime provinces, took the city ofJerusalem, and sent into Egypt,as captives and slaves, more than a hundred thousand of the Jews.4444Captive Jews.EUMENES. ANTIGONUS. 255State ofthe provinces.After the death of Antipater, when the authority of the central B. c. 321 .government was greatly relaxed, the satraps in all the remoter provinces ceased to turn their eyes towards Macedon, either for authorityor for approval. Egypt had, in fact, become an independent sovereignty; Babylonia, and the fine country of the Medes, no longeracknowledged any other ruler than Seleucus and Python; and Antigonus had, for some time, openly avowed the intention of rendering himself master of the whole of Lesser Asia. Eumenes, at the head ofthe royal army, was the only obstacle to occasion either delay oruncertainty in the accomplishment of this object; and as the ablegeneral now named was merely the lieutenant of Polysperchon, anunpopular and unsuccessful viceroy, Antigonus found no difficulty inconfederating against him the commanders of all the principal provinces, whether in Asia or in Europe. It was therefore reserved forEumenes, upon finding himself at liberty after his escape from Nora,to direct his single genius against the combined talents of Antigonus,Ptolemy, Seleucus, and even Python: the two latter, however littledisposed they might be to second the ambitious designs of thesatrap of Phrygia, could not permit themselves to obey the commands of the royal general; because the king being a mere puppet inthe hands of Polysperchon, the orders issued in his name were, infact, the orders of the protector, or of his substitute at the head of thearmy. We are accordingly informed by Diodorus, that when Eumenes, who had already recovered a great part of Syria from thegrasp of Ptolemy, sent a message to Seleucus and Python, desiringthem, in the name of the kings, to join him forthwith against Antigonus, bringing with them the largest force they could raise, thesegovernors replied that they were ready to assist the kings in theirlawful wars, but that they would have no transactions with himself, asbeing a person who had once been proclaimed a public enemy, andwhose authority, even though he showed them the royal commission,in virtue of which he acted, they were determined not to acknowledge.Resolved to be independent of the protector, they found no difficultyin refusing obedience to his command when conveyed by his lieutenant, though that refusal evidently implied the abnegation of their allegiance, and even an overt act of rebellion.In stating the disadvantageous circ*mstances in which Eumenes Policy of was placed, we must not neglect to mention the reluctance which Eumenes.some of the high-minded nobles, who had fought under Alexander,manifested to obey the orders of a foreigner and a man of obscurebirth. The battalion of Argyraspides, or Silver-shields, joined hisstandard, indeed, in compliance with the royal mandate; but theycould not conceal their scorn when they spoke of the Cardian general,who had carried an inkhorn in the camps where they had gained themost splendid triumphs. Eumenes was aware of their prejudices,and adopted the following expedient in order to remove it. Plutarch,who is our principal authority on this point, informs us that the256 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 321. general assured his officers that he had been favoured with a communication from Alexander, in a vision of the night, and that thedeceased king, showing him a pavilion with royal furniture, and athrone in the middle of it, declared aloud: " That if they wouldhold their councils, and despatch business there, he would be withthem, and prosper every measure and every action which commencedunder his auspices. " This apparition was readily believed by thesuperstitious Macedonians; and accordingly the two chiefs of theArgyraspides, Antigenes and Teutamus, who had refused to waitupon Eumenes, or to receive his orders, expressed no further reluctance to appear before him in the pavilion of Alexander, and toparticipate in his councils. This symbol of royal power and divineinfluence was religiously conveyed from place to place wherever thearmy moved; and whenever unforeseen difficulties occurred, or newmeasures were to be adopted, the "throne of Alexander " was set up,a species of adoration was performed, and the warlike counsellorsproceeded to deliberation in the faith that they were to be directed by the spirit of their invincible monarch.Antigonus marches in pursuit of Eumenes.Antigonus had no sooner gained the ascendency in the west, by thedestruction of the royal fleet under Clytus, than he determined tomarch in pursuit of Eumenes, who, in the mean time, had beensuccessfully employing his arms in Phoenicia and Palestine. Not beingin a condition to oppose the disciplined and numerous forces of hisantagonist, Eumenes retreated towards the Euphrates; sending messengers before him to the several satraps, exhorting them to join hisstandard with their contingents, and prepare to defend the provinces committed to their care.Seleucus, who continued to command at Babylon, gave no encouragement to Eumenes, and even attempted to obstruct his progress eastward. He inundated the camp of the royal general, by openingcertain sluices in the Tigris, which poured its water over the adjacentcountry, then occupied by the Macedonians, and thus greatly endangered the whole army. Eumenes, however, found means to cross into Susiana, where he was strengthened with considerable supplies ofarms and money; resolving to consolidate his forces in that province,and to await the approach of Antigonus, who was already in Mesopotamia.Python, the governor of Media, was as little disposed as Seleucusto co-operate with the royal lieutenant in punishing the rebellion ofAntigonus. On the contrary, he himself had just attempted not only to render his province independent of the regency, but even toForces under add to it the smaller satrapies with which it was surrounded. In anattack upon Parthia, he had shown so much cruelty, as well as ambition, that the neighbouring governors flew to arms, drove himfrom Media, and compelled him to seek for refuge, across the Tigris ,in the court of Seleucus. This condition of things, so little expectedby Eumenes, and apparently so unfavourable to his hopes of assistance,Eumenes.EUMENES. ANTIGONUS. 257was nevertheless the means of bringing to his camp a considerable B. C. 317.body of active soldiers. The confederated satraps, who had drivenaway Python, were eager to secure the alliance of the royal general;being perfectly aware that the governor of Media, aided by the troopsof Seleucus, would soon make another attempt to recover his dominions, and to inflict a signal vengeance on those by whom he hadbeen expelled. Actuated by these motives, Peucestes, the satrap ofPersis, joined the standard of Eumenes, with thirteen thousand foot,and one thousand horse; Tlepolemus of Carmania, Siburtius ofArachosia, and Stasander of Aria, brought about four thousand foot,and two thousand three hundred cavalry; Androbazus, the deputy ofOxyartes, led from the heights of Paropamisus twelve hundredinfantry and four hundred horsem*n; whilst Eudamus, who commanded in the district which is watered by the Five Rivers, advanced from the east with three thousand five hundred horse, and aformidable array of a hundred and twenty elephants. To these reinforcements, more valuable for quality than number, Peucestes is B. c. 316 .said to have afterwards added ten thousand Persian archers, summoned by him from the rugged mountains which extend from the bay of Ormus.Antigonus, informed of these occurrences, resolved in like manner Forces underto halt, and endeavour, by new levies, to render his force equal to Antigonus.that of his adversary. He was soon joined, in the neighbourhood ofBabylon, by Python, who commanded fifteen hundred horsem*n, andby a detachment from the army of Seleucus, who, anxious to removethe war from his own country, strongly recommended Antigonus tocross the Tigris, and beat up the quarters of Eumenes, in the fertile province of Susiana. Eastward of the river now named there isanother large stream , called Coprates, over which Antigonus had, inlike manner, to convey his army; and here he sustained so severe aloss, inflicted upon him by an act of superior generalship on the partof his rival, that he deemed it expedient to decline a more decisiveengagement until he had again recruited and refreshed his army.For this purpose, he resolved, for the present, to leave Eumenes inundisturbed possession of Susiana, and to proceed northward intoMedia; where Python had still a considerable degree of influence, andwhere his partisans could supply the means of subsisting his troopsand conveying their stores. To effect this object, however, either along or a very dangerous march was inevitable; and, preferring the latter, he had to sustain a destructive warfare with the Cossæans, amidtheir mountain fastnesses; who during nine days assailed his line sosuccessfully, that they killed a great number of his men, and com- pletely exhausted with fatigue and suffering, those who escaped withlife. This foolish enterprise was undertaken, it is said, in imitation of Alexander, who determined to chastise rather than court the proud and savage mountaineers, who asked him to purchase a free passagethrough their narrow valleys-a practice first introduced by the Persian[H. G.]S258 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 316. kings, when leading their armies into the northern provinces of theDissensions in the armyempire.Could Eumenes have trusted to the disposition of his army, heof Eumenes. might have followed up with material success, the advantages whichhe had gained on the banks of the Coprates. But no sooner wasAntigonus out of their sight, than the Argyraspides involved the campin dissension; insisting that their commander should retrace his stepsto Asia Minor, and seize the rich prize which the other had relinquished; whilst Peucestes and his neighbouring satraps, who hadjoined the army after it had crossed the Tigris, maintained the policyof defending the more important provinces of the east, and particularlythe imperial district of Persis; upon which, they predicted, Antigonuswould be ready to pour down with resistless fury, after having repaired his strength in Media. Eumenes, yielding to the counsel of thelatter, directed his march towards Persepolis; in the vicinity of which,Peucestes entertained the army with a splendid festival, the object ofwhich, however, was not so much to reward their exertions againstthe invader of Asia, as to seduce their affections from their great and faithful commander. Eumenes foresaw the plot, and defeated it.Having forged letters, as if written by Orontes, who was the governorof Armenia, and a warm friend to the satrap of Persis, he caused themto be read aloud, stating, " That the kings and Polysperchon hadfully re-established their authority in Europe; that Cassander their most formidable enemy was dead; and that a Macedonian army hadcrossed the Hellespont to co-operate with the exertions of a general,in whose courage and conduct the lawful successors of Alexander con- tinued to repose the utmost confidence." This stratagem producedthe desired effect: Eumenes was confirmed in authority , and one of theseditious satraps was obliged to consult his safety by a sudden flight.Confidence was hardly restored, when news arrived at the camp between that Antigonus had begun his march from Media, and was already onAntigonus. the frontiers of that province. Eumenes, although his health wassomewhat impaired by fatigue or intemperance, made immediate preparations for meeting his enemy; and, in the space of twenty four hours, brought his vanguard within sight of the hostile camp, at the foot of the Parætacene mountains. A variety of manœuvres precededthe battle, which, in the eyes of both armies, had now become inevitable; for each general, knowing the talents and resources of hisadversary, put in exercise all the devices which science and a maturedexperience could suggest, for securing victory, or diminishing the evils of defeat. The conflict was severe and the success various. Thefortune ofthe day was first determined in favour of Eumenes; but anopportunity which presented itself, was instantly seized by Antigonus,who, with the skill and presence of mind characteristic of the officers formed in the school of Alexander, attacked an exposed part of theenemy's line, and completely checked their ardour in pursuing theirmomentary advantage. The fruit of this masterly movement was disBattleEumenesandEUMENES. ANTIGONUS. 259played in the facility with which Antigonus was enabled to withdraw B. c. 316.his army from the Persian frontier, and reoccupy the commodiousquarters afforded him by Python, in the rich plains of Gamorga, atown of Media.Eumenes.After the interruption occasioned by the winter, Antigonus endeavoured to surprise the royal general , by performing in the greatestsecrecy, a forced march of nine days, through a country, hilly, barren,and difficult. Information, forwarded by a peasant, saved the army ofEumenes, who, in the course of a few hours, made such able arrangements as set his indefatigable rival at defiance. In this crisis, the merit of the commander only excited the envy of the satraps who served under him; and though in the presence of an enemy, and inthe expectation of an eventful battle, Peucestes, who had been dis- Conspiracy appointed in a former plot, conspired with Teutamus, a turbulent againstchief, to take away the life of Eu- menes, as soon as he should haveconquered the opposing army. Theconspiracy was revealed to him bysome of the other generals who had been invited to accede to it; andwho, says Plutarch, were restrainedfrom taking a share in that diabolicalmeasure, not by the affectionateduty which they owed to Eumenes,but merely through fear of losing,by his death, the money which they had lent to him at high interest.The effect on the mind of that greatcommander was deep and distressing. Lamenting that it wasAntigonus.his hard lot to live among wild beasts, he retired in low spirits to histent, where he wrote his testament, and burned such of his papersas might have endangered those who had given him secret intelligence,or corresponded with him on matters of state policy. Regardless of the consequences to himself, he determined still to resist Antigonus,the enemy of his master's house; and in pursuance of this resolution,he went forth with a cheerful countenance to inspect his troops, andmake arrangements for his last conflict with that unprincipled satrap.The details of the battle are known to every reader of ancient Victory ofhistory; and can only be interesting to those who wish to compare Antigonus. thetactics of the Macedonians with the art of war as practised in modern times. The armies were considerable, both for their number and thequality of the troops; that under Eumenes amounting to thirty-sixthousand seven hundred foot, six thousand horse, and a hundred andfourteen elephants; and the other consisting of twenty-two thousandfoot, nine thousand cavalry, with a body of Median skirmishers, andsixty-five elephants.s 2260 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 316. The Argyraspides and the phalanx gained an easy victory over thefoot soldiers of Antigonus. Not one of the battalions could sustainthe shock, and most of them were cut to pieces; but the cavalry weremore successful, and by their bravery and perseverance contributednot a little to equalize the fortune of the combat. As the engagementtook place in a sandy soil, the motion of the horses raised such a cloudas prevented either party from seeing beyond a few paces; a circ*mstance which suggested to Antigonus, the propriety of attacking theenemy's baggage, which was slenderly guarded by a body of rawtroops, at a little distance from the scene of action. The device succeeded beyond all expectation; for the brave Phalangites and Silvershields, as soon as they found that their property, their wives andchildren, and all that they held dear upon earth, were ravished fromthem at the moment when they imagined themselves in possession ofa great victory, broke out into the most violent insubordination, andactually turned their arms against their own general. It was in vainfor Eumenes to exhort them to return but once more to the charge,and they would recover everything they had lost, and amply revengetheir momentary grief on the vanquished enemy. The haughty ArgyBetrayal of raspides would not listen. Treachery, too, it is obvious, was at work;for Peucestes had already left the field, with all the troops that hecould induce to follow him: and now, to complete the disgrace of thewhole army, it was proposed by the seditious and faithless satrapTeutamus, to conciliate the victorious Antigonus, by giving up intohis hands the person of their gallant commander. The suggestion wasacted upon and Eumenes, after being seized like a felon, and boundwith his own belt, was delivered up to his implacable enemy who hadlong thirsted for his blood. As he was carried through the Macedonian phalanx, on his way to the camp of Antigonus, the unfortunategeneral is said to have addressed the soldiers, entreating them todespatch him. " Kill me, soldiers," he exclaimed, " kill me yourselves,I conjure you in the name of all the gods; for though I perish by thehand of Antigonus, my death will be as much your act as if I hadfallen by your swords.'Eumenes.Eumenes put to death.""He was soon afterwards deprived of life in prison, in the forty-fifthyear of his age; after having served Philip and Alexander, in thehonourable capacity of secretary about twenty years, and fought forthe royal house after every other general of rank had begun to establish his own interests, on the ruins of allegiance and fidelity. Norwere his excellent qualities confined to military skill and unimpeach- able honour. He was also an elegant scholar, evincing by his writingsa pure taste and the most exalted moral feeling, an ardent philanthropy and a steady friendship. A strong proof of the favour withwhich Eumenes was regarded by Alexander, is to be found in thefact, that, notwithstanding the enmity of Hephæstion, Eumenes continued to maintain his ground in the affections of the Macedonianprince. Though employed in the specific office of secretary both ofANTIGONUS. 261Philip and his son, he was by the latter intrusted with important B. C. 316.military commands, and ultimately appointed to the post of commander of a cavalry brigade. A collection of his letters is said tohave been preserved till the second century of the Christian era; affording ample proof that the eulogies conferred on his character by ancientbiographers and historians, were fully merited by the uniform tenourof his life, and by the liberal, manly tone of sentiment which adornedhis principles and animated his writings. In his death, the royalhouse of Macedon lost one of the greatest ornaments of its court, in itsbest and proudest days, and one of its most faithful supporters, in the lowest ebb of its power.¹ANTIGONUS, PROTECTOR OF ASIA.It was in the first year of the hundred and sixteenth Olympiad(B. C. 316), that Antigonus thus rid himself of the formidable oppo- sition so long directed against him by Eumenes. At this period,Polysperchon was still nominally protector of the empire, and tutorof the young king Alexander Ægus; but after the triumph of Cassander over the partisans of Olympias, and the marriage of that generalwith Thessalonica, the power attached to his office was utterlyannihilated, and he found himself compelled to retire into Pelopon- Flight ofnesus, where he appears to have exercised, during severala very limited authority among the remaining adherents of the royal cause. In the East, again, there was no longer any one to representthe youthful monarch, or even to maintain his rights in the name ofdeputy to his protector. The privilege of governing was now determined by the sword; and Antigonus, being at the head of the largestarmy, assumed the protectorship of Asia, which he knew none of hisrivals were in a condition at that moment to dispute with him.Polysper- years, chon.Having gained an accession to his forces from the discomfited army Measures of of Eumenes, the new governor of the East returned into Media to Antigonus.concert measures for the stability of his power in the surrounding provinces. To avoid the snare which had proved fatal to the renownedgeneral whom he had lately put to death, he resolved , in the firstplace, to break up the celebrated battalion of the Argyraspides, whohad shown too great a disposition to interfere in political arrangements; and, secondly, to despatch the turbulent Python, whoseambition and treachery had undermined not only the rigid governmentof Perdiccas, but also the mild and loyal sway of the unfortunateEumenes. The former part of this intention he realized by sendingthe gallant Silver-shields on severe service, where their strength would" De quo," says Nepos, " quanta fuerit omnium opinio eorum qui post Alex- andrum Magnum, reges sunt appellati, ex hoc facile potest judicari, quod nemo,Eumene vivo, rex appellatus est, sed præfectus. Iidem post hujus occasum statim regium ornatum nomenque sumpserunt; neque quod initio predicârant, se Alex- andri liberis regnum servare, id præstare voluerunt, et, uno propugnatore sublato,quid sentirent aperuerunt. ”262 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.Fate of the Argyras- pides.B. C. 316. be wasted by fatigue and privation; and where, in fact, that famous band of veterans to which Alexander owed so much of his success,was ultimately worn down, without ever revisiting their native country.As to Python, he was at length made the dupe of that atrocious deceitwhich he had so frequently practised against others. Antigonus hadheard of his projects for recovering Media; but affecting to disbelievesuch reports against a faithful partisan, he invited him to join hisstandard, giving him reason to expect a still higher reward for hisservices than the province from which he had been recently expelled.Python put The ambitious satrap complied, joined the camp of Antigonus, andwas immediately accused, condemned, and put to death.to death.The next measure pursued by the self-appointed protector was toreduce the power of Peucestes, who had repaired to his camp afterthe battle with Eumenes, at the head of his ten thousand Persianbowmen. Antigonus having accompanied him to Pasargada, thecapital of his province, chose to take offence at the popularity withwhich the satrap was everywhere received, and immediately superseded him, by nominating to the government of Persis his own faithfultool Asclepiodorus. After this stretch of authority, to which theOrientals seem formed by nature to submit, Antigonus was pleased toconfirm in their satrapies the governors placed in the more remoteparts of the empire; sending friendly letters to the rough old chieftain,Oxyartes, the father of Roxana, as well as to Stasander and Tlepolemus, the rulers of Bactria and Caramania, though their armies hadserved against him under the standard of Eumenes. He was, moreover, induced to add Susiana to the province of Babylon, under thegovernment of Seleucus, to whom also he forthwith proceeded to paya friendly visit on the banks of the Euphrates. When at Susa, thecommander of the citadel, following the orders of Seleucus, presentedto the protector the keys of that fortress; from which, as being oneof the chief treasuries of the empire, he carried away with him the very considerable sum of fifteen thousand talents.Site of Susa, the capital of Susiana.C.LE /SIM.SANTIGONUS. SELEUCUS. PTOLEMY. 263At Babylon he was received by the governor with the greatest B. c. 315.magnificence. Royal presents were made to him, and his whole armywas splendidly entertained. But amidst all these demonstrations offriendship, there was hatred on the one side and fear on the other.Seleucus soon perceived that the fate of Python or of Peucestesawaited him, and that his safety could only be secured by flight. Withabout forty horsem*n, accordingly, on whose speed and fidelity hecould depend , he set out for Egypt, to throw himself on the protectionof Ptolemy; and, after travelling with the utmost expedition not lessthan nine hundred miles, he arrived at Alexandria, already become thecapital of the flourishing country to which it belonged. Ptolemy received the fugitive governor with open arms, and entered readily into Alliance ofall his views, whether of reprisals or of mutual defence; for policy Seleucus andnow combined with personal regard in the breast of the Egyptiangovernor, to dictate vigorous measures against the monstrous ambitionand atrocious cruelties of Antigonus, who obviously grasped at universal empire. The proposal of Seleucus, therefore, to send an embassyto Cassander and Lysimachus was warmly seconded by his host, wholikewise joined with him in arraigning the tyranny of the protector, asthe common enemy of all who were invested with power.Ptolemy.Ptolemy Soter. Berenice.1Antigonus, meanwhile, having committed the provinces recently Negotiationsheld by Seleucus to Python, the son of Agenor, and having drawn of Antigonus.from the fortress of Huinda, and other treasuries in the East, upwardsof twenty thousand talents, found himself prepared either for war or negotiation. Knowing that his lieutenants in Asia Minor had lostground during his absence beyond the Euphrates, he was desirous togain, in the first instance at least, sufficient time for re- establishing hisascendency in that important part of the empire, by subduing Asander,the governor of Caria, who had continually refused to acknowledge hisBerenice, the third wife of Ptolemy Soter, became the mother of Ptolemy Philadelphus and of Arsinoe, the wife of Lysimachus.264 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 315. government. With this view he sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, CasDemands of thesander, and Lysimachus, desiring a continuance of their friendship ,and explaining in the most plausible manner possible his proceedingsat Babylon and Pasargada. The confederated satraps, anxious toavoid war, or desirous to procure for themselves the praise of moderation, met his proposals with a statement of terms, which he wasconfederates. requested to view as the price of their amity, and, perhaps, of theirforbearance. Ptolemy insisted that his right to Syria should beacknowledged, and he also joined with Seleucus in the demand thatthe latter should be restored to his provinces on the Tigris. Cassanderdeclared himself satisfied with Macedon and Greece, provided he received a share of the money abstracted by Antigonus from the royaltreasuries, a condition which was likewise urged by all the other contracting powers. Lysimachus, the ruler of Thrace, required that theLesser Phrygia should be annexed to his dominions, that he might beenabled to command both sides of the Hellespont; whilst Asander,who had acceded to the confederacy on the approach of Antigonus,stipulated that he should be allowed to retain his conquests in Lyciaand Cappadocia.Reply of These conditions suited neither the temper nor the ulterior objectsAntigonus . of the ambitious protector; and he is said, accordingly, to have dismissed the envoys with the following brief reply, addressed to their masters in common:- " That he was actually marching against Ptolemy, and after he had settled his differences with that satrap, hewould proceed in due time to deal with his perfidious and insolent confederates." "This transaction , " says Gillies, " though conductedwith little formality, was attended with momentous consequences,whether we regard the vastness of their extent, or the length of theirduration. In Antigonus's answer to the embassy of the allied princes,the knot was tied of a memorable drama, involving the fortunes ofmankind from the Adriatic to the Indus, and from the frozen banks ofthe Danube to the scorching sands of Libya. The conflict, after being maintained a dozen years, with no less dexterity than energy, terminated in the establishment of four independent monarchies, Syria,Egypt, Thrace, and Macedon, whose transactions with each other, andwith foreign nations, until their successive reduction under the Parthianand Roman power, serve to impress some of the most useful lessonsand salutary warnings that are to be found in the whole series of ancient or modern history."His prepa- rations for war.Antigonus lost no time in attempting to realize his threatenings.He marched into Syria and Phoenicia, which, with the exception ofTyre, Gaza, and Joppa, the three principal strongholds on the coast,offered no material resistance. He next proceeded to restore his navy,which had been greatly reduced in the war with Asander, in orderthat he might be able to cope with the fleets of Greece, and particularly with that of Egypt, which, under the wise government of Ptolemy, had become the largest and best equipped of any in those seas.ANTIGONUS. SELEUCUS. PTOLEMY. 265The war was soon transferred to Lesser Asia, where the satrap of B. c. 315.Caria continued a brave resistance to the arms of Antigonus, in whichhe was greatly assisted by the Egyptian fleet, under Polycleitus andSeleucus. But Asander was at length compelled to yield to the overwhelming force which was brought against him from all quarters, anddirected bythe consummate skill of the protector himself. The viewsof the conqueror were next turned to the state of Greece, the greaterpart of which was still subservient to Macedon, and aided its power.Bymeans of his emissaries, who carried large sums of money into thatcountry, Antigonus not only formed a strong party in Peloponnesus,which was in some measure under the influence of Polysperchon andhis son Alexander, but even stirred up several of the barbarous tribesof Etolians, Epirots, and Triballians, to wage a direct war with theMacedonians, and thereby to further his intentions against Cassander,a principal ally of Ptolemy and Seleucus. He artfully enlisted on hisside, too, the better feelings of the Macedonian people themselves, byrepresenting Cassander as the assassin of their royal family, and bydenouncing vengeance upon him unless he instantly delivered fromconfinement the young Alexander Ægus and his mother Roxana.These professions, seconded by some political concessions in favourof the republics, and also by the gallant conduct of his nephew Ptolemy, effected such a revolution in favour of Antigonus, that he finallysucceeded in stripping Cassander of all his possessions in Greece, withthe exception of Thessaly, and in reducing his military resources withinvery narrow limits. In Thrace, likewise, the arms of the protectorwere crowned with the most flattering success. Lysimachus had ac- State of the ceded to the confederacy against him, and had even, whilst his arms confederates.were employed in Asia Minor, made aAtdescent into the Hellespontian Phrygia.To revenge these aggressions, Antigonus stirred up the barbarous tribeswhich occupy the Thracian mountainsto assail his establishments in the north,and, at the same time, seduced fromtheir allegiance the Grecian cities onthe Euxine, which this satrap, afterthe example of Ptolemy, had foundedfor the purposes of commerce.this juncture, in short, the protectormight have consolidated his power on abroad and lasting basis, had he listened to any other counsellor than his ambition. Syria was completely subdued,for Tyre had already surrendered to theskill and perseverance of his son Demetrius, after a blockade of fourteen months. Greece was wholly in his power; the satrap of Macedon having no longer either money or troops sufficient to control theGFSDemetrius Poliorcetes.266 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. c. 315. ascendency of the two factions which had been recently formed inthat country. Thrace was kept at bay by the internal commotionsso artfully excited in it; as well as by the savage hordes which dwelton the Danube, and which incessantly threatened to inundate withtheir countless multitudes the more fertile fields which stretch along the Euxine. Ptolemy, the most formidable of his enemies, had, eversince his accession to the government of Egypt, manifested a strongdesire for peace; being obviously unwilling to suspend, upon the hazardofa protracted warfare, the improvement of the very important pro- vince which had fallen to his charge.They wish for peace.Antigonus declines negotiation.B. C. 312.Victory of Ptolemy and Seleucus at Gaza.Influenced by these circ*mstances, as well, perhaps, as by a sincerewish to promote the tranquillity of the empire at large, the confederates made known to Antigonus their desire to listen to terms for ageneral pacification. His late successes, however, had opened to himthe most ambitious views. He hoped to be able to reduce hisrivals, one by one, to an unconditional submission, and was, on thataccount, altogether averse to shackle himself with treaties, whichhe could not afterwards break, without incurring much odium andsuspicion. With a degree of honesty, therefore, greater than thewisdom or moderation of the policy which he thought proper topursue, he declined all negotiation; leaving to the confederate chiefsthe alternative of yielding to his ambitious designs, or of seekingredress in an appeal to arms.The first blow was struck by Ptolemy. Aware of the aspiringviews and insatiable ambition of Antigonus, he had spared no pains inincreasing the number of his ships, and in adding to the skill and discipline of his sailors. Having completed the conquest of Cyprus, hemade from that island a descent on the coasts of Syria and Cilicia; inboth of which provinces he reduced several towns, enriching his armywith an immense booty, and a great number of captives. Demetrius,the son of the protector, a youth of much spirit and military talent,had been appointed to govern Syria, upon its being wrested from thehands of Ptolemy. Impatient of the insult inflicted upon him by theplundering of so many cities, and the reduction of several importantfortresses, he took the field with a considerable force to chastise theEgyptian governor and his predatory bands. Ptolemy, who had likewise raised a powerful army, marched his troops across the desert,from Pelusium to Gaza, and presented himself in the territory of Demetrius, ready to dispute with him the palm of victory, as well as thepossession of his valuable province.The battle which followed added to the renown of Ptolemy andSeleucus, who gained a complete victory over the brave but rash sonof Antigonus. The numerical force of the armies engaged was nearlyequal, amounting to about twenty-five thousand on each side; but thecaution and science displayed by the generals of Alexander, gave adecided preponderancy to the standard of Egypt, and added immenselyto the discomfiture inflicted on their youthful antagonist. DemetriusANTIGONUS. SELEUCUS. PTOLEMY. 267lost about five thousand horsem*n killed in the field , together with B. c. 312 .eight thousand foot soldiers who were taken prisoners; and as thefugitives, who directed their flight to Gaza, were so hotly pursued thatthe troops of Ptolemy entered the gates together with them, the wholebaggage and treasures belonging to the army, as well as a great number of captives, were added to the spoils gained by the victors, andserved as trophies to commemorate their success.A remarkable circ*mstance, mentioned both by Diodorus and Plu- Generositytarch, adds somewhat to the celebrity of this fight, and affords, at the of Ptolemy.same time, an interesting and rather characteristic view of the mentalqualities of Demetrius. Upon sending a herald to Ptolemy, solicitingthe usual permission to bury the slain, he was surprised to find thatnot only the boon which he had asked was granted, but that his campequipage and personal effects were restored, and also, what he valuedmuch more, his few surviving friends who had fallen into the hands ofthe enemy. A message, too, from the victorious general, still fartherincreased his amazement. "Tell the youth," said the noble companionof Alexander, " that with the son of my old friend and ancient partnerin arms I contend only for glory and empire." Demetrius receivedthe kindness with becoming grace; but he prayed to the gods thatthey would put it in his power to relieve himself from a burden ofgratitude, which he felt oppressive, as being imposed by an enemy of his father.the battle ofThe consequences of the defeat at Gaza were not a little disastrous Conseto the interest of Antigonus in Syria; and they became somewhat quences ofmore momentous than they would otherwise have been, inasmuch as Gaza.they afforded to Seleucus an opportunity of returning to Babylon, andof resuming possession of his fine province. In the meantime, theprincipal cities on the shores of the Mediterranean opened their gatesto Ptolemy; and Tyre, the most important of them all, soon declaredfor the same cause, and compelled its governor Andronicus to surrender. Having, therefore, placed garrisons in the chief fortresses,and committed the greater part of his army to Cilles, with orders toprosecute the war against Demetrius, the ruler of Egypt returned toAlexandria, in order to resign himself to the more agreeable pursuitsof internal improvement, navigation, and commerce.66Cilles proved unequal to the charge reposed in him . Allowinghimself to be surprised by Demetrius, who had performed a wonderfulmarch over a large portion of Asia Minor, whither he had gone torecruit his army, he was totally defeated with the loss of seventhousand prisoners. It is said that, when Antigonus heard of thereverse experienced by his son, he exclaimed. Ptolemy has indeedbeaten boys, but he shall soon have to do with men:" and it is probable that the protector himself meant forthwith to march into Syriato repair the losses which his cause had sustained. Demetrius, how- Success andever, entreated that he might be allowed to try his fortune once more, gratitude ofas he was still confident of success. His father complied; and the Demetrius.268 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 312. youth accordingly, proceeding towards Syria with a degree of speedand secrecy not surpassed by Alexander himself, appeared in the heartof that province, before the Egyptian lieutenant was aware of hisapproach, and redeemed his pledge by defeating the best soldiers ofPtolemy. The young victor, finding himself now in possession of alarge booty, seven thousand prisoners, the person of the commander,and all the furniture of the camp, called to mind at once the conductof the Egyptian sovereign, and his own prayer to the gods in relationto it. He resolved, therefore, immediately to send back Cilles, who wasthe friend as well as the general of Ptolemy, together with all theofficers of distinction who were in his hands, loaded with presents,and charged with expressions of respect for their warlike master.The defeat of his lieutenant induced Ptolemy to withdraw his armyfrom Syria. As Antigonus was himself advancing towards thatcountry, it no longer appeared possible to protect the extensive line ofcoast exposed to his attack; and the same reason rendered it necessaryfor the Egyptian government to strengthen their frontier towns, andrepair their fortifications on the banks of the Nile.Retreat of Ptolemy,Accom- panied by the Jews.The army of Ptolemy was accompanied in its retreat by a vastnumber of the Syrians, and particularly of the Jews, who, wearied ofrevolutions, and apprehensive of still more alarming changes, preferredto their own country the tranquil residence of Alexandria, alreadybecome a considerable and very flourishing capital . The emigrantsrose into reputation and some degree of authority under the mildadministration of the Grecian sovereigns; and it was from them thatHecatæus collected materials for his history of the Jewish nation-awork composed under the patronage of Ptolemy, and repeatedly mentioned by subsequent authors as a performance of great talent andimpartiality. We need not add that it has long been numberedamong those valuable productions of antiquity which no industry canrestore; the loss of which is deplored as well from the feeling oftheir great importance, as from the impossibility offinding an adequate substitute.Preparatory to his meditated invasion of Egypt, Antigonus determined to subdue the migratory tribes of Arabs, who claimed possessionof the desert which divides that country from Syria. Descendedfrom Ismael, through his eldest son Nabaioth, the ancient people now alluded to are known to have carried on, during many generations, atrade in spices, and other eastern products, between Egypt and thewestern provinces of Asia; deriving a hardy subsistence from themilk of their camels and sheep, aided by the honey and wild fruits,which are occasionally found scattered over the wilderness. In alarge cavern at the rock Petra, the Nabathæans were wont to deposittheir myrrh and frankincense, to be afterwards conveyed to the marketsof Phoenicia or of Egypt, whence they were again distributed tomerchants from more distant countries, who thereby supplied with theluxuries of Arabia, or even of Hindostan, the dwellers on the Caspian,ANTIGONUS. SELEUCUS. PTOLEMY. 269the Danube, and the Tiber. Accustomed to a life of great freedom, B. c. 312.the Ismaelites dreaded nothing so much as dependence; and theircontempt of danger was only equalled by the fear with which theyinspired all their neighbours.surprises the Such is the character of the wandering people whom Antigonus Athenæusthought it expedient to subdue in order to facilitate his operations Nabathæans,against Egypt. Having committed to Athenæus a large body ofhorse and foot, he despatched him to attack the rock Petra, at a timewhenthe greater part of the tribe were absent, engaged in the pursuits of traffic. The surprise succeeded; the rock was taken, and thevictors, loaded with treasure, prepared to return to Gaza. But asignal reverse awaited them. The Nabathæan merchants, informed ofwhat had taken place, urged their dromedaries across the desert withsuch incredible swiftness, that they overtook the Macedonian plunderersbefore they could reach the Syrian plain; and attacking them in the and isnight with all the fury of incensed savages, put them all to the sword, defeated bywith the exception of about fifty horsem*n, who escaped covered with them.wounds.afterwardsBattle with Arabs.against theA second expedition was undertaken against those formidable ExpeditionArabs, and placed under the command of Demetrius, whose youthful of Demetriusardour, mingling with motives of policy, impelled him to a task which Nabathæans.could not fail to appear equally hazardous and romantic. The rockPetra, on this occasion, was emptied of its treasures, and stronglydefended by intrepid warriors. The son of Antigonus led his men tothe assault; but making no impression on the rude fortress, andhaving lost a great number of his followers, he found it necessaryto draw off the remainder, and prepare for the attack on a larger scale.Next day, when about to renew his attempt, he was addressed fromthe rock by a Nabathæan chief, who remonstrated with him on thefolly of invading a territory where neither honour nor advantage wasto be obtained. " Our country is burnt with the sun, and is barrenand desolate. We alone are born to inhabit it, because we prefer270 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.Address of the NabathæanB. C. 312. freedom to all other enjoyments. So deeply rooted is our love of independence, that should you enthral our bodies, you never could subdue our minds. All that you could obtain by conquest would bea few obstinate spiritless slaves, incapable of enduring any other formof society than that in which, from the very earliest times, they haveconstantly continued to live."chief.CFSANGLESPass in Petra.Diodorus, who puts the above speech in the mouth of the Arabpatriarch, goes on to inform his readers, that it produced such an effecton the mind of the Macedonian captain, as to determine him torelinquish the object of his expedition, to accept of some presents and hostages, and retrace his steps towards the Dead Sea.This petty and unsuccessful warfare was the means of saving Egyptfrom the horrors of invasion. When Demetrius returned to his fatherin Syria, it was only to be informed that Cassander and Lysimachus,in the west, had again become formidable, and that Seleucus, in theANTIGONUS. SELEUCUS. 271east, had already recovered the province of Babylonia and defeated the B. C. 312.governors of Media and Persia.We have already stated that Seleucus had availed himselfso far of the defeat inflicted on Demetrius at Gaza, as to marchthrough the Syrian desert, with about a thousand infantry and threehundred horse, which were confided to him by Ptolemy, with theview of relieving Babylon from the tyranny of Antigonus, and of reestablishing himself in his former government. The success of thisenterprise exceeded his most sanguine hopes. The strongholds opened 1st October,their gates at his approach; the troops revolted from their com- B. c. 312 .manders and flocked to join his standard; and the populace of thegreat city poured out to meet him, rending the air with acclamationand shouts of triumph.Evagoras, the governor of Persia, and Nicanor, the governor of Victory ofMedia, aware that their power depended on that of Antigonus, made haste to unite their forces,in order to check the progress of Seleucus. Thislast commander, who hadlearned under Alexandertheimportanceofdespatch in the commencement ofa war, met his adversarieson the east bank of theTigris; where, attackingtheir camp in the night,he gained a victory socomplete that only one ofthe satraps, with a fewfollowers, escaped destruction by flying into the desert; while Evagoras lay dead on the field,and all the treasures ofSELEVEYSGFSARGENTDELC-REASOMboth provinces, together with several thousand Macedonian soldiers,fell into the hands of the conqueror.ACCESSION OF THE SELEUCIDE.Seleucus.Seleucidæ .This battle, the successful issue of which contributed so materially Accession to the restoration of Seleucus, has served to mark the era of the of theGrecian kingdom in Asia, and the commencement of that dynasty, B. C. 312.which, under the name of Seleucidæ, governed the upper provinces solong and so happily. It took place in the first year of the hundredand seventeenth Olympiad, and in the year before Christ 312.Whilst these things were going on, Demetrius, at the head offifteen thousand foot and four thousand horse, was already on his272 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. c. 312. march to recover Babylon and chastise Seleucus. The latter, drawninto Media after Nicanor, where he gained another victory and slewhis antagonist with his own hand, was still at too great a distance to meet the invader and defend the city. Patrocles who commanded inhis absence, but without sufficient force either to hazard a battle or toprotect the place, proposed to the inhabitants to abandon their houses,and to take refuge wherever they could, until the return of Seleucuswith his victorious troops should enable them to repel the son of thetyrant, and to avenge themselves upon their enemies. Babylon,accordingly, when Demetrius entered it, was found desolate andempty. There was neither a foe to combat, nor booty to reward hissoldiers. The forts on the Euphrates engaged his attention for sometime; but the period having arrived at which his return into Syriahad been fixed by his father, he left Archelaus with five or six thousandmen to pursue the object of the war, and departed homeward to givean account of his expedition.Treaty with the confederates.The return of Seleucus to Babylon decided the fate of Archelaus;who, having taken refuge in a stronghold which had yielded to thearms of Demetrius, was obliged to surrender at discretion.This change of affairs in the east, which Antigonus foresaw wasabout to engage his undivided attention, induced him to listen toB. C. 311. terms of accommodation on the part of Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Cassander. A treaty was accordingly concluded; in which it wasagreed, that Egypt, with its African dependencies, should be securedto the first of these three generals; that Thrace should be assignedto the second; and that the last should be guaranteed in the possession of Macedon, till Alexander, the son of Roxana, should be of ageto reign. Antigonus retained for himself the government of all Asia;a condition which implied that Seleucus was to have no part in thesuccession, should his opponent prosper in his attempt to expel himfrom his rich provinces on the Euphrates and Tigris; a conditionwhich soon after gave rise to events, of which the ambitious protectorhad no anticipation. As a sort of supplement to the treaty, it wasstipulated that the Grecian states should be declared independent, andforthwith restored to the exercise of their ancient liberty.These fair appearances, however, were altogether unproductiveB. c. 310. either of peace or confidence. The Macedonians, it is said, eagerto behold the son of their renowned prince on the throne, proposedto Cassander that he should be brought forward prominently inconnection with the duties of the state, and be made acquaintedwith the business and arts of government. In this proposal, Cassander saw the termination of his own power; and, therefore, to prevent for ever its fulfilment, he caused the young Alexander and hismother Roxana to be murdered in the castle of Amphipolis, whereand Roxana. they had long been confined. To thwart the views of this cruelsatrap, the ancient protector, Polysperchon, who still retained someportion of authority in Peloponnesus, and who had recently affectedCassander murders AlexanderANTIGONUS. PTOLEMY. CASSANDER. 273great zeal for the royal house of Macedon, contrived to get into his B. C. 312.possession the person of Hercules, another son of Alexander, byBarcina, and placing him at the head of a small army, prepared tomarch with him into Macedon, and assert his right to the crown.This project was met on the part of Cassander, not with force, butwith the surer instruments of bribery and deceit. He dazzled theeyes of the old governor with the hope of succession in his family, andactually prevailed on him to put to death both the prince and Barcina,whom he had beguiled into his hands.the treaty.In defiance of the treaty, which indeed all the parties had shown B. C. 309.themselves ready to violate, Ptolemy was already employed in Asia Violation ofMinor, at the head of his army, reducing certain cities belongingto Antigonus, and endeavouring to strengthen his interests by politicalconnections. Having afterwards sailed into the Ægaan, where hesubdued Corinth, Sicyon, and other places of less note, he embracedthe opportunity of entering into a correspondence with Cleopatra, thesister of Alexander the Great, with the view either of asking herto become his wife, or of inducing her to abjure the cause of Antigonusand to devote her exertions to his own party. The vigilant protector,informed of what was going forward, issued orders to the governor ofSardis, where she then resided , to have her put out of the way byassassination; taking care, a short time afterwards, when he found it Murder ofexpedient to throw the veil of hypocrisy over his cruel deed , to pro- Cleopatra.secute and punish all who had any share in the murder of that unfortunate princess.DemetriusWe have mentioned above, that one of the conditions of the treatyentered into by Antigonus and the confederate satraps was, that theGrecian states should be restored to the enjoyment of their independence.Cassander, however, in direct contravention of this article, still maintained his garrisons in Athens and Megara; whilst Ptolemy kept hisnavy at sea, avowedly to enforce the observance of peace, but, in fact,to extend or secure his conquests in Asia Minor and Peloponnesus.To punish this glaring infraction of a solemn compact, Demetrius, Surrender ofwith two hundred and fifty galleys, and five thousand talents, set sail Phalereus,for Athens, with the determination to expel the Macedonian troops,and to restore the democratical government. The city and harbourswere at once surrendered to the invader, who acted with the greatestclemency and generosity to all, but particularly to Demetrius Phalereus;who had ruled the Athenians wisely and beneficially during the longperiod of ten years that he discharged the office of Cassander's B. C. 307.lieutenant. The Phalerian, who reposed no confidence in the ficklepeople of Athens, was escorted to Thebes by order of the son ofAntigonus, where he passed his time in the pursuits of literature and in labours of humanity.The gratitude of the Athenians to their deliverer passed all bounds,or was only equalled by their fulsome and impious adulation. ButDemetrius was soon summoned by his father to leave the flattery of[H. G.]T274 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. c. 307. orators and demagogues, in order to resume the combined duties of anadmiral and an engineer in the reduction of Cyprus.Transactions That island had recently been the scene of a miserable tragedy,in Cyprus. perpetrated by the troops of Ptolemy, under the command of hisbrother Menelaus. The royal family of Nicocles, the descendants ofAjax and Achilles, charged with no other crime than a wish tothrow off the Macedonian yoke, were attacked in their palace, wherethey could find no means of escaping an ignominious death but by thedreadful resolution of dying by their own hands. The monarch himselfset the example: and his queen, disdaining to survive him, first put todeath her own daughters, and then, inviting the other ladies of the courtto imitate her conduct, fearlessly deprived herself of life. The brothersthe family of of the king next set fire to the royal building, and obliterated at onceevery monument and symbol of ancient power and regal dominion.Suicide ofNicocles.Siege of Salamis.Defeat of Ptolemy.To take vengeance on a policy which admitted of such atrociouscruelties, as well as to deprive Ptolemy of the principal means of renewing his attacks on the maritime towns of Asia Minor, Demetriuswas directed to proceed to Cyprus, at the head of a large body of bothland and sea forces. After a slight engagement with Menelaus,in which he was successful, the son of the protector laid siege toSalamis, the ancient capital of the island.The occurrences of this siege occupy a prominent place in history,not so much on account of the determined resistance opposed to theassailants, and the great importance attached to its issue by the headsof the belligerent parties, as for a new species of warlike engineinvented by Demetrius, and first employed by him against the townof Salamis. The instrument in question was called Helepolis, or Towntaker, and was itself an immense tower, consisting of nine stories,gradually diminishing as they rose in altitude, and affording accommo- dation for a great number of armed men, who discharged all sorts ofmissiles against the ramparts of the enemy. Plutarch, in his lifeof Demetrius, gives way to his love of the marvellous in describing theHelepolis; informing us that the inventor employed one of them at thesiege of Thebes, so extremely large and unwieldy, that, though placed on four wheels, it could not be moved at a greater rate than a quarterof a mile in two months!Ptolemy dreading the fall of Salamis, which he was sensible wouldpave the way for the entire conquest of Cyprus, had already madeformidable preparations for compelling Demetrius to raise the siege.A memorable sea-fight ensued, in which the satrap of Egypt wascompletely defeated, with the loss of nearly all his fleet, and thirtythousand prisoners. The fruits of this victory were very important toAntigonus. Salamis and all the other walled towns in the islandopened their gates to his army; his navy was largely increased by theSurrender of addition of about a hundred captured ships; and his settlements,on the Asiatic shores, were now secured against the fear of invasionfrom the ports of Egypt and Cyprus.Salamis.ANTIGONUS. PTOLEMY. CASSANDER. 275successors ofThe siege of Salamis is farther remarkable for the following circum- B. C. 307.stance, which all ancient historians agree in connecting with it. Assumption of the regalDemetrius, it is said, chose for his messenger, to carry to his father title by thethe news of his success, a buffoon called Aristodemus, who, finding Alexander.the aged protector at his new city on the river Orontes, approachedhim with a theatrical step and solemn look, exclaiming, Hail, kingAntigonus! He then proceeded to give the details of the victorywhich Demetrius had just gained. From that period the regal titlewas assumed by all the successors of Alexander, with the exceptionof Cassander, his brother-in-law, at Macedon; who, it is feigned, fromthe respect which he felt for the ashes of the royal family entombedin his province , would neither use the royal signet nor allow himself to be called king.invades Egypt.Determined to follow up his advantage against Ptolemy, the royal B. c. 306.Antigonus prepared once more to invade the kingdom of Egypt. Thefleet under his son Demetrius consisted of a hundred and fifty galleys,besides a hundred ships of burden for conveying engines, missileweapons, and other instruments of assault. The army, too, greatly Antigonus exceeded in numerical strength the usual armaments of the Macedonian princes, consisting of about eighty thousand foot, ten thousand horse,upwards of eighty elephants, and an immense number of camels,collected from Arabia, and laden with provisions, stores, and treasures.But the king of Egypt was fully prepared to resist this formidable host. The natural defences of his country, at all times strong, wererendered next to impregnable by the skill and labour of Ptolemy; andthe people, now become sensible of the innumerable benefits of his wise rule, were heartily disposed to second all his endeavours for theprotection of their rights and independence. The fortune of war, too,seemed to smile on his exertions. The immense flotilla of his adversary was greatly damaged at sea before it could reach his shores;and many of the galleys with their crews were driven on the sand- banks at the mouth of the Nile, and presented an easy conquest to theexperienced Egyptians. The land force, again, under Antigonus himself, could make no progress in the face of the thousand obstacles,which nature and art had opposed to him. Deep marshes and resolute garrisons disputed every step he meditated; which difficultieswere materially aggravated by the discontent that already prevailed inhis camp, and by the numerous desertions which had already thinnedhis ranks. To persevere was to insure his own destruction. Antigonus, therefore, at length professed himself ready to listen to counsel;when his most experienced officers, aware at once , of his inclination,and of the necessity of his circ*mstances, advised him to postpone theconquest of Egypt till a more favourable season of the year. Heretraced his march towards Syria; upon which Ptolemy thanked the Retreat of gods for his deliverance, and sent an embassy to his confederates, Cas- Antigonus.sander, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, acquainting them with the signaland disgraceful reverse which had befallen their common enemy.T2276 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 305.Siege of Rhodes.Treaty with theRhodians.Unable to affect Egypt by any direct attack, Antigonus resolved toemploy his powerful fleet and army against Rhodes; the people ofwhich not only persisted in their alliance with Ptolemy, but had evenrefused to assist Demetrius at the siege of Cyprus, and subsequentlyhad driven from their coasts a squadron of his ships. To gratify hisresentment, therefore, as well as to annoy the king of Egypt, Demetrius approached the island with two hundred ships, and fiftythousand men, with the usual proportion of battering engines, missiles,and other stores, and forthwith engaged in the siege of the principaltown, which had set his mighty host at defiance. The operations ofthis distinguished commander before Rhodes, and the resolute defenceof the place by the inhabitants, present, perhaps, the most remarkableexamples of skill and heroism that are to be found in the annals ofancient warfare. The Helepolis employed on this occasion, resembledin form, but greatly exceeded in dimensions, that which was usedat the siege of Salamis. Its towers were a hundred and fifty feethigh; it was supported on eight enormous wheels, and propelled by the labour of three thousand four hundred men. Its sides wereplated with iron; the port-holes were defended with valves of rawhides, thickly covered with wool; and it was prepared to resist fire,by an ingenious device for distributing water throughout every part ofthe huge fabric. For more than a year however, the talents andbravery of Demetrius were exerted in vain against the courageous000ΡΟΔΙΩΝAREYKPA THCoin of Rhodes.Rhodians. Ptolemy,indeed, had assistedthem with men, andCassander and Lysimachus had suppliedtheir magazines withcorn; but the honourof defending their city ,during twelve months,against an armament atonce so large and soably directed, belongs almost exclusively to the people of Rhodesthemselves, who, without one exception, preferred death to the condition of slaves, or even to that of tributaries.At length the voice of the civilized world was lifted up in their behalf. Ambassadors from numerous states in Europe and Asiainterceded for them with Demetrius; but the envoys who had thegreatest influence on this occasion were the Athenians, who represented to him that their city was again subjected to Macedonianthraldom, and begged his speedy interference to save them from the machinations of Cassander. A treaty was accordingly concluded, theconditions of which were, that the Rhodians should enjoy their independence, that they should be at liberty to continue their alliancewith Ptolemy, and, at the same time, should be regarded as the alliesANTIGONUS. DEMETRIUS.. 277of Antigonus; terms which left them precisely on the same footing as B. c. 305.before the war, and which of course, reflected disgrace and disappointment on the standard of the invader. The people of Rhodes, however, liberal as well as brave, whilst they conferred the title of Soter,or Saviour, on Ptolemy, and erected statues for Cassander andLysimachus, refused to demolish those which had been formerly raisedin honour of Antigonus and his son. They had too much generosityto indulge in a revenge so unmanly and contemptible.RRhodes.in Greece.The several repulses sustained by the arms of Antigonus did not by B. c. 303.any means dispel from his mind the phantoms of ambition, and dreamsof universal empire, with which his imagination had been so longhaunted. In the meantime his son, on whose great abilities he chieflyreposed his hopes, had repaired to Greece in order to rescue thatcountry from the domination of Cassander. In this undertaking he Ascendency was so successful, that in the course of nine months he recovered his of Antigonusascendency in almost all the states north of the isthmus; and, in thefollowing spring, descending into Peloponnesus, he reduced the fortresses of Corinth, Sicyon, and Ægium, and ultimately spread the terrorof his arms over the whole peninsula. Next year, upon summoning B. c. 302.the states of Greece to the great representative council of the Amphictyons, he heard himself declared their generalissimo; and he wasnow invested with the same authority and honours which had formerlybeen conferred upon Philip and his immortal successor.Demetrius thought it not necessary to conceal the fact, that among His projects.subordinate projects, the main object contemplated both by his fatherand himself, was the final subjugation of Macedon, Egypt, and theeast. With this view, peace was refused to Cassander, and thedominions of Lysimachus were threatened with immediate invasion.278 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 302. Seleucus and Ptolemy, though at a greater distance, knew that theywere by no means secured against the ambitious designs of The King,as Antigonus was now called. The confederacy of the four chiefs wastherefore once more renewed; and Lysimachus, with a considerablearmy under his command, crossed over into Asia, and was the first totake the field against Antigonus.Renewal of the con- federacy against him.Events of the campaign.Battle of Ipsus.B. C. 301 .Death of Antigonus.New partition of territory .The campaign which ensued in Asia Minor was attended withvarious fortune; though, on the whole, less favourable to Lysimachusthan to his adversary. Meanwhile Demetrius hurried from Greece tojoin his father, and Seleucus and Ptolemy put themselves in motion toassist their allies of Macedon and Thrace. Ptolemy, there is reason tobelieve, had no wish to waste his resources in a doubtful war; and therefore, upon a rumour reaching him in Syria, that Lysimachus was utterlyrouted, made haste to fall back towards the impregnable swamps ofthe Nile. Seleucus avowed a less ambiguous policy. He poured intoCappadocia with twenty thousand chosen foot, twelve thousand horse,a hundred armed chariots, together with four hundred and eightyelephants, which he had received from Sandrocottus, ' a powerfulprince, who at that period reigned between the Indus and Ganges.Both sides now exerted their best talents in preparing for thatmomentous conflict which was, in all probability, to decide the empireof Asia. Antigonus, now in his eighty-first year, had long been distinguished by resolution and energy, and Demetrius was not surpassedby any living commander in the principal qualities which constitutean expert and efficient general. It would seem, however, from theconcurrent testimony of historians, that the old protector was oppressedwith an invincible presentiment that the fortune of the day was toincline to his rivals. He stumbled when walking from the door of histent on the morning of the battle, and immediately regarding that accident as an omen, he prayed that he might either be blessed withvictory or be rendered insensible of defeat. The engagement tookplace near a village called Ipsus, and Antigonus fell covered withwounds. Demetrius, whose impetuosity in pursuing a body ofSeleucus's horse had carried him too far from the field, returned tothe scene of action only to learn the death of his father and the total overthrow of their army. Retreat was his only resource, and accordingly, after a precipitate flight of two hundred miles, he regained hisfleet, carrying with him, of all the mighty host which he had marshalledat Ipsus, about four thousand infantry and as many horsem*n.The death of Antigonus and the total defeat of his army gave immediate occasion to a new arrangement of territorial dominion amongthe victorious confederates. Ptolemy, indeed, had not appeared inthe field at Ipsus, nor is it certain that any Egyptian troops were engaged in that memorable action, yet this monarch obtained as thereward of his counsels and former services the secure possession ofCœle-Syria and Palestine, a province on which he set a very high1 The Chandragupta of Sanscrit authorities.ANTIGONUS. DEMETRIUS. 279value, as securing to him the command of the sea, and a convenient B. C. 301 .channel of communication with the rich islands and seaport towns ofAsia Minor. To Lysimachus was conceded nearly the whole of theAsiatic peninsula; the fine district of Cilicia being reserved forCassander, who immediately confided the government of it to his brother Pleistarchus.ofDemetrius. Demetrius, in the meantime, was exerting himself at Ephesus with Proceedingshis characteristic activity and zeal, in order to raise such a force asmight enable him to retrieve his affairs and check the progress of hisadversaries. Sailing with a considerable armament to Athens he wasinformed by the fickle inhabitants that a decree had been recentlypassed, prohibiting any of the kings from entering within their walls;upon which the son of Antigonus, finding that all Greece had againsubmitted to the influence of Cassander, made a descent on the coastat Corinth for the mere purposes of plunder and revenge, and afterwards committed similar ravages along the whole shores of Thrace.He was, however, soon to be indebted for a temporary revival of hisfortune to a very different cause.alliances ofSeleucus, jealous of the power of Lysimachus, whose territories B. C. 299.now extended to the Syrian frontiers, resolved to fortify his own Newdominion by forming an alliance with the family of Demetrius, which Demetrius.was still possessed of considerable claims and interests. He thereforemade proposals for Stratonice, the accomplished daughter of his formerrival, and finally induced him to conduct her into Syria, where theirnuptials were to be celebrated. The marriage festivity was hardlyover when Demetrius invaded the province of Cilicia, and wrested itfrom Pleistarchus, the brother of the Macedonian monarch. Beingstill master of Cyprus, as well as of some important towns on theGrecian and Syrian coasts, he already appeared formidable in the eyesof his aged son-in-law, who began to tremble at the power which he himself had been the means of reviving. An alliance too withPtolemy, who gave to Demetrius his daughter Ptolemais in marriage,added not a little to the apprehensions of Seleucus with regard to thesafety of his political connections. It was therefore not without satisfaction that he saw the father of his young wife set sail for Athens,with the view of chastising the ingratitude of that unprincipled city.Having compelled the Athenians to open their gates and receive a B. C. 295.garrison, Demetrius proceeded to attack Sparta, the possession of which Attacksseemed necessary to secure his ascendency in Peloponnesus. He hadnot, however, put to the test the long disused arms of the Lacedæmonians before he received intelligence that the eldest son of Cassander,who had succeeded his father about two years before, was dead, andthat the throne was now disputed by his two brothers, Antipater andAlexander, both sons of Thessalonica, the daughter of Philip. Themother, favouring the pretensions of the latter, was murdered byAntipater, the elder brother, who seized the crown in defiance of theindignant anger of the Macedonians, excited by the atrocious act ofAthens and Sparta.280 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 295. parricide with which he had just stained his hands. Alexander, aidedby Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, soon afterwards succeeded in dethroninghis brother, who being son-in-law to Lysimachus fled to that princefor protection. Dreading the resentment of the Thracian monarch,B. C. 294.ل کریںPyrrhus.the new king of Macedon en- treated the assistance of Demetrius, who instantly relinquishingthe siege of Sparta hurried histroops into Macedon, prepared,it should seem, to promote hisown views, whether in co-operation with Alexander or in directopposition to him. The currentofevents determined him to adoptthe latter alternative. Alexander,who was supposed to meditateguile against his ally, was cut offby his orders at an entertainmentgiven by that prince; and thusthe throne of Macedon was againwithout an occupant, and presented a fresh stimulus to the ambition of the son of Antigonus.Demetrius, it is well known, had married Phila, the favouritedaughter of Antipater; and as all the male descendants of that ableminister were now dead, with the exception ofthe murderer of Thessalonica, the claims of his son-in-law to the crown were not without aDemetrius plausible foundation. He was accordingly proclaimed king, and conducted in triumph to Pella, where he had soon after the happiness toreceive his wife, who had been made prisoner by Ptolemy at the reduction of Cyprus.declared king of Macedon.Seated on the throne of Macedon, the restless genius of Demetriusprojected new conquests both in Europe and Asia. Hearing thatLysimachus was a captive in the hands of the Getæ he determined toinvade Thrace, but being diverted from this undertaking bythe suddenreturn of the king he directed his arms against Pyrrhus, whom hedrove from Thessaly, part of which had fallen to him in a former war,and then marched to Thebes, which he took by assault, and filled witha garrison devoted to his interests. About the same time, also, hebuilt the town of Demetrius on the Pelasgic gulf; and in order stillfurther to increase his naval power he formed a matrimonial unionwith the daughter of Agathocles, the tyrant of Syracuse, a princewhose warlike exploits occupy a prominent place in the annals ofancient Europe. Bounding his ambition only by the limits of hispaternal dominions, Demetrius employed all his means to raise armiesand equip fleets; and at length, it is said, his endeavours were crownedwith so much success, that his ships of war amounted to five hundredgalleys, many of them having fifteen or sixteen banks of oars, whilstSELEUCUS. PTOLEMY CERAUNUS. 281his land forces considerably exceeded a hundred thousand, of which B. C. 288.more than twelve thousand were cavalry .The kings of Thrace and Egypt could not behold such preparations without concern. Ptolemy accordingly advanced towards Greecewith his fleet, whilst Lysimachus, with his ally, the young king ofEpirus, put his army in motion to attack Macedon in two differentpoints at once. Demetrius took the field with his usual alacrity, butwhilst approaching the camp of Pyrrhus, disaffection showed itself in Reverseshis ranks, and when he arrived in sight of the invader he found himselfdeserted by the greater part of his troops. Leaving Macedon therefore a prey to Pyrrhus and Lysimachus, and giving the command ofthe Grecian cities to his son Antigonus, the active Demetrius passedover into Asia Minor with a body of his best troops, resolved to assailhis adversary in the most vulnerable quarter. This enterprise was atfirst attended with the most splendid success. In a short time, however, a check was imposed on his career by Agathocles, the son ofLysimachus, who followed him so closely with a powerful army, andshowed so much talent in cutting off his resources and interceptinghis movements, that he was obliged to apply for protection to Seleucus,who was at that time guarding the frontiers of Syria. His cautiousson-in-law yielded to his solicitations only so far as to grant him permission to pass two months within his territory; and was subsequentlyinduced by his courtiers to rid himself of so dangerous a guest, bysending him a prisoner to a strong fortress on the Syrian coast, aboutsixty miles south of Antioch, where at the end of three years he fell avictim to chagrin, sloth, and intemperance. The remains of Deme- and death oftrius were conveyed to Thessaly, and solemnly interred by his son inthe city founded by himself on the Pelasgic gulf, the funeral ritesbeing conducted with a degree of sumptuous splendour, much moresuited to the grandeur of his ambition than to the circ*mstances in which he closed his career.Macedon was now divided and governed by Lysimachus and theadventurous king of Epirus, in whose hands it continued with partialchanges until Antigonus, the son of Demetrius, succeeded in recovering the abdicated throne.Demetrius.Philadelphus.Meanwhile the affairs of Egypt, under the wise government of PtolemyPtolemy, had attained to a high degree of prosperity and glory.Desirous to secure a peaceful succession, the king, now in his eightiethyear, nominated his son Ptolemy, afterwards Philadelphus, to sharewith him, during the remainder of his life, the power which he meant should devolve upon him at his demise. The coronation and enthronement ofthe young prince, which were performed in the most splendidmanner possible, could not fail to give umbrage to his elder brother,Ptolemy Ceraunus, who immediately left Egypt in disgust to find anasylum in the house of Agathocles, the accomplished son of Lysimachus,who had become his brother-in-law by marrying his sister Lysandra.The renowned king of Egypt lived two years after this occurrence, and282 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 284. then left the sovereignty of his new kingdom to the judicious prince whom he had associated with him in the government.Cruelties of Lysimachus, who had married the Egyptian princess Arsinoe, sisterLysimachus. of Ptolemy Philadelphus, was impelled by this unprincipled womanto murder his son Agathocles. The friends of the prince, filled withresentment and horror at his death (and among others his wife Lysandraand Ptolemy Ceraunus, the brother of Arsinoe), fled into Assyria,seeking protection at the court of Seleucus. Many of the governorsof Lesser Asia, too, who admired the character of Agathocles, andlamented his unhappy end, seemed ready to throw off their allegiancealtogether, or to transfer it to the milder authority of the easternmonarch. Among these the most determined was Philetarus, thekeeper of the royal treasures in the castle of Pergamus, who wrote toSeleucus inviting him to send an army into the peninsula, and promising powerful aid in men and money.Operations of Seleucus.B. C. 281.Seleucus Nicator giving his wife Stratonice to his son Antiochus Soter. G. F. Surgent,from a picture by Gerard Lairesse.The king of Syria lent a ready ear to the proposal, for being nowadvanced in age, and having delivered his Oriental dominions, together with his young wife Stratonice, into the hands of his son Antiochus,he seemed willing to resign the splendour of Asiatic sovereignty, inorder to gratify the very natural desire which had sprung up in hisheart to revisit his native land. Ambition, undoubtedly, mingleddeeply with this simple affection; for he who had reigned more thantwenty years the undisputed monarch of the Persian empire, couldnot consent to share, as a subject, the soil which was once honouredby the sway of Philip and Alexander, and was now disgraced by the domination of a murderer and a tyrant.Actuated by these motives, Seleucus advanced into Asia Minor.SELEUCUS. LYSIMACHUS. 283Meeting with little resistance, his conquest of that important country B. C, 281 .was marked with no signal occurrence, and it was not till he hadpitched his camp on the shores of the Hellespont that he found hisprogress disputed by an adversary worthy of his arms, or at all likelyto exercise his military talents. Lysimachus himself now appeared Battle of in the field at the head of such a force as might check his ambitious Corupedion.rival, or at least make him paymore dearly for the triumphs which he still meditated. Thebattle of Corupedion decided their respective claims, and was the lastscene in which the companions of Alexander the Great were opposedto one another. The old generalson this occasion renewed the valourand strength of their youth, andmeeting in the front oftheir armiesthey engaged in single combatwith the greatest fury, till atlength Lysimachus fell under thehand of his former friend. ' Afaithful dog watched his corpsetill it was solicited from the conqueror; after which it was conveyed Defeat andfor interment by his son Alexander to Lysimachia, where the citizenshonoured the memory of their founder by a stately mausoleum, whichcontinued in the second century of the Christian era to attest theirgratitude to a master who, except as a soldier and the patron of theirrising power, had nothing to recommend his example, or to attract the veneration of posterity.C.FSARCENTLysimachus.1.S.2death of Lysimachus." The age of Lysimachus," observes an excellent authority, " atthe time of his death, is variously stated . Hieronymus, of Cardia,probably the best authority, affirms that he was in his eightieth year.He had reigned twenty-five years from the period of his assuming thetitle of king, and had governed the combined kingdoms of Macedoniaand Thrace during a period of five years and six months. Theaccounts transmitted to us of Lysimachus are too fragmentary andimperfect to admit of our forming a very clear idea of his personalcharacter; but the picture they would lead us to conceive is certainly far from a favourable one. Harsh, stern, and unyielding, he appearsto have been incapable of the generosity which we find associated inPyrrhus and Demetrius, with courage and daring at least equal to hisown; while a sordid love of money distinguished him still morestrikingly from his profuse but liberal contemporaries. Even his lovefor Amastris, one of the few softer traits presented by his character,did not prevent him from sacrificing her to the views of his interested1 Other accounts state that he fell by the hand of Malachon, a native of Heracleia.E. H. Bunbury, M.A., late Fellow of Trin. Col. Cam. , in Smith's Class. Biogr.284 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 281. ambition. Self-aggrandisem*nt, indeed, seems to have been at alltimes his sole object; and if his ambition was less glaringly conspicuous than that of some of his contemporaries, from being morerestrained by prudence, it was not the less his sole motive of action,and was even farther removed from true greatness.Ptolemy Ceraunus.""Meanwhile Seleucus urged by an impatient desire to revisit thescenes of his youth, from which he had been now absent fifty- twoyears, made haste to cross the Hellespont, on his way to Macedonia.He was accompanied by Ptolemy Ceraunus, who had taken refuge inhis court after the murder of Agathocles; and this ferocious youth,seeing the throne of Macedon vacant, and remembering that himselfwas the grandson of Antipater, by his mother Eurydice, and bearing,in fact, by his father, the same relationship to Philip, the former kingof that country, conceived the horrible design of assassinating Seleucus,B. C. 280. and of seizing the crown. Nor did he allow the intervention of delayto cool his resolution, or awaken the feelings of humanity. Observing his benefactor intent on the examination of an uncommon altar, which,as a remnant of remote antiquity, had attracted his notice, he steppedof Seleucus . behind him and stabbed him to the heart. Hastening to Lysimachia,the murderer announced himself to the inhabitants as the avenger oftheir late king and founder of their city; and having gained, by meansof gifts and promises, a large proportion of the Asiatic army whichhad followed from Babylon the standard of Seleucus, he placed himselfon the Macedonian throne, where he exercised an inglorious powerduring the space of three years.AssassinationCharacter of Seleucus.It consists not with our limited plan to describe minutely thecharacters of the distinguished individuals, whose actions and fortunespresent such a variety of historical incident, in tracing the reigns of Alexander's successors. Of Seleucus, however, we may be permittedto observe, that, with the exception of Ptolemy, he pursued moreassiduously than any of the great captains who fought under thebanners of the conqueror, the enlarged and benevolent designs whichthat renowned prince combined with all his military triumphs. Afterthe example of his master, he gained the love and esteem of his easternsubjects, by governing them according to their established principles and habits. His zeal for improvement induced him to build manycities, both on the shores of the Mediterranean and on the banks ofthe Euphrates. Babylon, Seleucia, and the famed city of Antioch continued long to bear witness to his great exertions for promoting thebest interests of his people; the former having existed as the capitalof the Asiatic empire till near the middle of the seventh century,whilst the latter continued to be illustrious, during a still longer period,as the seat of Syrian kings, Roman governors, and Christian bishops.It was in Seleucia, the port of Antioch, that the remains of this greatmonarch were deposited, after having been purchased by Philetarus,the governor of Pergamus, from the base mercenary assassin who hadimbrued his hands in his blood. A temple erected in the same place,SELEUCUS. PTOLEMY CERAUNUS. 285and called Nicatorion, in reference to his title of Nicator, recalled, in B. C. 280.successive ages, to the memory of his Syrian subjects, the mild virtues,the genius, and the numerous exploits of the great general who founded amongst them the kingdom of the Greeks.Ptolemy. A better opportunity will occur for describing the character of The court ofPtolemy, the king of Egypt, and for setting forth the numerous obligations which literature and philosophy continue to bear to that distinguished sovereign.' His establishment of the Alexandrian library, andhis marked encouragement of men of letters, are too well known torequire mention; and, perhaps, the royal munificence which he displayed in providing so splendid an asylum for learning, was more thanequalled by the discrimination which he manifested in the choice ofindividuals to preside over its interests and to promote its progress.Whilst inviting to his court, and placing in his schools, those individualswho were the most distinguished by their scientific acquirements,Ptolemy, nevertheless, showed himself the greatest philosopher thatadorned Alexandria. To the knowledge of books he joined the morevaluable knowledge of men and of business; and was thus qualified todirect the pursuits of science to practical objects, and to withdraw thespeculations of the learned from the inane metaphysics in which theywere wont to indulge, in order to engage them in the more profitablestudies of criticism, history, geometry, and medicine. As, however,it belongs to a different branch of our work to examine the annals ofancient philosophy and art, and to trace the connection of these, asthey were cultivated in the schools of Alexandria, with their moreimproved condition in the present times, we shall hold it enough tohave made this reference, and we shall proceed with our historicalsketch of civil and military affairs.COURSE OF EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER'SGENERALS.the death ofThe immediate successors of Alexander being now all removed by State of death, the events which follow are marked with less talent and bril- affairs afterliancy than those which attended the foundation of their several king- Seleucus.doms. Upon the death of Seleucus, the government of Asia fell intothe hands of his son Antiochus, whose abilities were soon foundunequal to the arduous task of maintaining an hereditary ascendencyin the rich provinces of the east, together with the regal power ofMacedon, which he was likewise taught to claim as the right of hisfamily. Amidst the delay and indecision, which characterised hisfirst proceedings, several nations in Asia Minor, which had recentlyowned the sway of Lysimachus, asserted their independence. Pergamus, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Pontus, reassumed once more theexercise of a separate government, and placed themselves under the¹ See Encyclopædia Metropolitana, the volume on Early Oriental History, article Egypt.286 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 280. rule of princes, some of whom make a conspicuous figure in the subsequent histories of Italy and Greece. We think it proper to state thesefacts at present, because frequent reference will be made to themafterwards; but as we must abstain from all minuteness of detailinconsistent with the compression which our plan requires, we shallconfine ourselves to such leading facts as will connect the affairs ofAlexander's successors in Greece, Syria, Egypt, and the Lesser Asia,with the history of that rising power in the west, which was, at nogreat distance of time, to subdue and supersede the whole. Webegin, then, with Macedon and the Grecian states.B. C. 279.Crimes of Ptolemy Ceraunus.B. C. 278.Ptolemy Ceraunus having seated himself on the throne at Pella,which the aged Seleucus had been so eager to occupy, set at defiancethe claims of that monarch's son, as well as those of Antigonus, theson of Demetrius. To secure his ascendency, he murdered hisnephews, the sons of Lysimachus; and having thus rendered himselfthe heir of the Thracian throne, he proceeded to attack Antigonus, andadded his northern dominions to those of Macedon. After the murderof her sons, Arsinoe fled to Egypt, and was subsequently marriedto her brother, Ptolemy Philadelphus. A powerful enemy soonappeared to avenge on Ceraunus the wrongs of the house of Seleucus,and the manifold injuries inflicted on the family of Lysimachus.The Gauls, who had some time before passed into Italy, now foundtheir way into Thrace and Macedon; spreading themselves in vastmultitudes over the territory of Ceraunus, and committing the mostfrightful devastations in his richest provinces. The usurper, who wasnot deficient either in courage or activity, took the field against hisbarbarian invaders: but, despising too much their undisciplined valour,he rushed into battle without due precaution, and was slain.The Gauls, after much hard fighting and various fortune, settled atlength in the Lesser Asia; giving the name of Galatia to the districtwhich they occupied . The effects of their invasion on the power ofMacedon were, however, so considerable, that Antigonus Gonatas,the son of Demetrius, found little difficulty in possessing himself of thethrone; although opposed by the formidable competition of Pyrrhus,and of Antiochus, the son of Seleucus. In his defensive operationsagainst the latter, he was assisted by Nicomedes, the new ruler ofinvasion of Bithynia; and the policy and vigour of Antigonus were rewarded withsuch success, that Antiochus not only yielded to his pretensions, butalso gave him in marriage his half sister Phila, the daughter of Seleucusand Stratonice.Affairs of Macedonia after thethe Gauls.B. C. 277. The war that ensued with Pyrrhus was more disastrous and eventful; the particulars of which are given in our life of that distinguishedAntigonus. prince of Epirus. ' Antigonus seems to have relinquished , for a shorttime, the occupation of the throne, which he had found himself unableto protect against Pyrrhus and his fierce allies , the Gauls; and evento have retired into Peloponnesus till his warlike rival was slain at the1 Vide History of the Roman Republic, page 130.PHILIP. ANTIOCHUS SOTER. 287siege of Argos, and his barbarian followers scattered over the plains of B. C. 277.the Lesser Asia. This happy turn of affairs replaced him at the headof his government; over which, from this period, he reigned twentyseven years, with little molestation at home, and without embroilinghimself in the contending claims of Egypt and Syria. His attempt onthe independence of the Grecian states, indeed, gave occasion to theAchæan league, and involved him in a war of craft and stratagem,which redounded little to his honour. Aratus, of Sicyon, directed sosuccessfully the energies of the confederated republics, that Antigonusat length relinquished his object in despair, and, retiring to Macedon,died at the age of eighty, and left the crown to his son Demetrius, Demetrius.two hundred and forty-two years before the Christian era. B. C. 240.The united power of the Achæans continued, during the whole of this reign, to oppose the ascendency of Macedon. The accession alsoof Corinth to the league, contributed greatly to enfeeble the exertionsof Demetrius, in pursuit of that dominion over Greece, which wasfirst secured by Philip, the father of Alexander, and had become themain object of war and policy with all succeeding princes. Afterholding the sceptre ten years, a period distinguished by no remarkableevent, and filled up only by a petty warfare with the Ætolians,Thracians, and Illyrians, Demetrius died, bequeathing the crown to Philip.his son Philip, a child only three years of age.Doson. The government was administered by Antigonus, surnamed Doson, ' Antigonusbrother of the late king, at first as guardian to his nephew, and afterwards in his own right as sovereign of Macedon, till the boy should be B. C. 222.qualified to succeed him. The character of this monarch was at oncepacific and warlike, cautious and determined, and acquired for Macedona greater degree of power than she had enjoyed since the early yearsof Cassander, or perhaps of Antipater.Cleomenes, the young king of Sparta, being resolved to revive theliberty and martial glory of his country, took up arms against the Achæanstates. These republics lost no time in applying to Antigonus for aid,who, yielding to their solicitation, marched into Peloponnesus with alarge army, where he gained several advantages over the Spartans, and took a number of their towns. Cleomenes, on his part, showed himself worthy of commanding Lacedæmonians, and of meeting in thefield a successor of Alexander the Great. The sanguinary battle ofSellasia, however, in which Antigonus gained a complete victory, not His victories.only ruined the cause of Cleomenes but drove him into Egypt, to solicit from Ptolemy Euergetes, then on the throne of that kingdom,protection for his person, and a reinforcement to his arms.The moderation of Antigonus was extremely honourable at once tohis principles and his motives. Upon his arrival at Sparta, he treatedthe inhabitants with singular generosity; allowing them to enjoy themost entire national independence, with permission to adjust, according¹ So called because he was said to be always " about to give, " which he never did.288 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.Antigonus Doson.B. C. 222. to their own pleasure, the arrangements of their internal government.At Argos, whither he went to attend the Nemean games, he washailed as the pacificator of Greece: and he continued to be the objectof universal gratitude and applause, both among those he had conquered and those whom he had gone to assist, till news arrived thatthe Illyrians were already in the heart of Macedon, burning his towns and desolating his fields. He flew to the defence of his country,engaged the predatory barbarians, and completely defeated them inthe first battle. But it was at the expense of his life . The vehement exertions of his voice, in the tumult of the fight, occasionedthe bursting of a blood vessel, of which he almost instantly died;leaving the crown to his nephew Philip, now in the seventeenth yearof his age, who was doomed, in a short time, to sustain the hostility ofthe Romans, and thereby to form the connecting link between thehistory of Alexander's Macedonian successors and the annals of thewestern Republic.His death.Philip.We are informed by Polybius that the victory of Sellasia procuredto the members of the Achæan confederacy the enjoyment of peaceduring only a very short period; for that the Etolians, being nowrelieved from the fear of Antigonus, and despising the youth of hissuccessor, gave themselves up to their natural love of war, and commenced their ravages by an attack on the territory of the Messenians.Aratus, the protector of the league, marched out against them andsustained a signal defeat; upon which the Achæans resolved to applyonce more to Macedon, and to entreat Philip to interpose his armswith the view of saving their states from the fury of the Ætolianrobbers. Unwilling to come to a rupture with so many powerfulrepublics, as were likely to take part against the Achæans, Philip setout for Corinth, accompanied by a large escort; to which city heinvited deputations from all the states, to concert with him the measures most proper to be pursued in the convulsed situation of Greece.His attention was in the mean time engaged by the affairs of Sparta;which, besides being torn by civil discord, was disposed to follow thecounsels of its fugitive king Cleomenes, and to join the Etolians intheir attempts on the tranquillity of the whole peninsula. Philipspoke in favour of conciliation and mildness; and, in opposition to the views of almost all his advisers, he recommended that the Lacedæmonians should be heard in their own behalf at the approachingcongress.With such men as the Etolians, moderation was altogether fruitless.War was their trade, and plunder their principal revenue; and as theyB. C. 221. had already drawn the sword, they were determined to admit noSocial war.other arbiter to settle their quarrel with the Achæan states. Hencethe origin of the social war, so destructive to many parts of Greece,and finally subversive of its independence.In the spring of the following year, Philip appeared in the field atthe head of a large force, and gained many advantages. Wintering inPHILIP. ANTIOCHUS SOTER. 289Peloponnesus, he signalized his next campaign by the reduction of B. c. 217.Elis, which had joined his enemies, and by taking nearly all the strongholds belonging to that state. But whilst he was thus employed, adetached party of the Etolians had made an inroad into Macedon,where they sacked the city of Dium; a place highly venerated byevery native of that country as a principal seat of their religion , and asbeing adorned with the statues of Alexander's companions who fell inthe battle of the Granicus, as well as with the monuments of a longseries of their kings. To revenge this insult, Philip surprised thecapital of Ætolia, called Thermæ or Thermum, which he not onlystripped of everything valuable, sacred and profane, but even burnttheir temples, desecrated their holy places, and loaded the impiouspirates with every indignity that he could devise.the GreeksAfter four years of ruinous hostility, the belligerent states were not B. C. 218.more disposed to listen to negotiation than at the moment at whichthey first took up arms. The fifth campaign had already begun, andPhilip had reduced some fortresses belonging to the Etolians on thesouthern frontiers of Thessaly, when the Nemean games called him Policy ofto grace with his presence the city of Argos, where that solemnity to Greewas usually held, and whence the kings of Macedon had derived their Rome and Carthage.origin. It was whilst engaged in this ceremonial that the newsreached him of Hannibal's victory gained over the Romans at Thrasimenus; an event which their recent intercourse with Italy instructedthe Greeks to believe could not be indifferent to their interests; andwhich, according to the wisest of their counsellors, ought to inducethem to compose their quarrels and unite their means for the common defence. "Consider," said Agelaus of Naupactus, " consider the greatand ambitious powers that have arisen in the west, and the vastexertions that they have been able to make by sea and land . Theyare actually engaged in a second and more desperate conflict; andwhichever party prevails, think not that the victor will be contented with the spoils of the vanquished. He will look round him for newenemies that may furnish him with greater riches and more glorious triumphs. Let us, then, hasten to conclude a lasting peace." Theseviews, acting upon minds influenced by other motives, made a deepimpression, insomuch that even the Etolians declared their readinessto listen to terms, and to promote a general pacification.SYRIA AND ASIA MINOR.The main inducement with Philip to compose the differences ofthe B. C. 216.Grecian states, and to secure their alliance, arose from the opportunitywhich then seemed to present itself, as connected with the successesof Hannibal, of checking the progress of the Romans in Illyricum, and even of expelling them from the eastern shores of the Adriatic . Thatpowerful people had already established themselves in several parts ofthe country just named; had formed an alliance with Apollonia, oneof the principal cities; and had pushed their outposts to the very[H. G.]U290 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 216. frontiers of Macedon itself. As, however, an account of the skirmishing and negotiation that took place in Illyricum, between Philip andthe Roman consuls who were sent to guard that province, is properlyan introduction to the Macedonian war, which speedily ensued, andproduced such memorable effects on Grecian independence, we prefergiving the details under the history of Rome. We now, therefore,return to the history of Alexander's successors in Syria and AsiaMinor, till the series of events in these countries also unite theirfortunes with the destiny of their Roman conquerors.B. C. 280. On the death of Seleucus who, as it has been already related, wasmurdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus, the kingdom of Syria fell into the hands of Antiochus, surnamed Soter, the eldest son of the late monarch. Innarrating the occurrences which immediately succeeded the accession of Ceraunus to the throne of Macedon, we mentioned the attemptmade by Antiochus to depose that usurper, and to place on his ownhead the crown which his father had so ardently desired , and whichof Seleucus . the latter had, in fact, conquered for his family by his victory overLysimachus. The young king of Syria, however, was obliged toAntiochus relinquish his undertaking, and even to resign his pretensions in favourof Ptolemy, to whom he likewise gave his sister in marriage.For several years of this sovereign's reign, history has little to recordAffairs of Syria after the murderSoter.Origin of his title.Antiochus Soter.that could prove either interesting or in- structive. Some time after his unsuccessful expedition to recover Macedon, theSyrian monarch was recalled into AsiaMinor, to defend that part of his em- pire against the Gauls; and it was inrecompense for a great victory gainedby him over those warlike barbariansthat he was saluted by his gratefulsubjects as saviour " of their country,and is known in after times by the distinguishing epithet of Soter.66We have mentioned that, duringthe relaxation of authority which tookplace in Asia Minor on the death of Lysimachus, several satrapies,or provincial governments, asserted their independence, and appearedin the form of separate kingdoms. Amongst these, Bithynia, Pergamus, Pontus, and Cappadocia were the most important, and makethe most conspicuous figure inthe subsequent history of the Asiaticpeninsula. As, however, these states were thus severed from theempire of Antiochus, he was induced to make more than one effort tosubject them to their former condition of dependence, and to recoverthe revenue which had been usually drawn from the rich provinceswhich they comprehended. His general , Patroclus, accordingly attackedthe Bithynians, as rebels against the Syrian government; but he wasPHILIP. ANTIOCHUS SOTER. 291defeated and obliged to withdraw his troops. On the death of Phile- B. C. 280.tærus, who had founded the kingdom of Pergamus, the monarch ofthe east again appeared in Asia Minor, at the head of a large force,with the view of re-establishing his authority in that ancient strongholdof royal power. But Eumenes, the successor of Philetarus, was prepared to repel the invasion. He had raised such an army as enabledhim, not only to gain a decisive victory over the veteran forces ofAntiochus, but also to enlarge his dominions very considerably at hisexpense. According to Strabo, this battle took place in the neighbourhood of Sardis; but the particular scene is not described, nor arethe details of the conflict narrated with the scientific precision whichwe admire so much in the works of Arrian and Xenophon.of AntiochusAntiochus was still farther unfortunate in a war which he provoked b. c. 266.with Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt. This latter sovereign Misfortuneshad a half- brother named Magas, who was appointed by him governor Soter.of Cyrene. Having married a daughter of the king of Syria, Magasallowed himself to be seduced by his ambition from the duty whichhe owed to Ptolemy; for, raising the standard of rebellion, he engagedhis father-in-law to assist him in his unjustifiable views upon Cyrene,which he proposed to erect into an independent kingdom. Antiochushad reason to repent of this injudicious alliance. The fleets of Ptolemy,powerful in all the adjoining seas, inflicted a severe blow on the Syrianships and towns, as well as on all the maritime provinces of LesserAsia, which still acknowledged the sway of the eastern empire.Hostilities continued during several years, in the course of which the Egyptians appear to have wrested from their adversaries the valuableprovinces of Lycia, Pamphylia, Caria, and Cilicia; whilst Antiochusreaped no other advantage from his exertions and expenditure than tosee on the temporary throne of Cyrene, a rebellious viceroy whom hehad admitted into his family.defeatedBut a greater misfortune was about to visit his dominions in the B. C. 262.form of a Gallic invasion. Those fierce barbarians, who had stillretained a footing in the Lesser Asia, were now joined by such apowerful reinforcement of their countrymen, that Antiochus found itnecessary to lead against them the royal army, that he might by oneblow put an end to their ravages, and deter them from ever againapproaching his shores. He met their numerous bands under the He iswalls of Ephesus, where a dreadful battle immediately ensued, and and killed bywhere the physical strength and fearless valour of the invaders gained the Gauls ata complete triumph over the more disciplined ranks of their Asiatic Ephesus.opponents. The king was slain and his army routed; leaving to theGauls a copious theme of ridicule and insult, in reference to the titleof Soter, which he had borne as a trophy conquered from their arms.Antiochus was succeeded by his youngest son, of the same name,в.the eldest having, according to Trogus Pompeius, paid the penalty of Antiochusrebellion some years before. Upon hearing of his father's defeat anddeath, the young king hastened from the east, where he had already held,·Theos.261.U 2292 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 261. for a considerable time, the reins of government, and presented himselfin Syria, in order to retrieve, if possible, the affairs of his western proB. C. 254.Revolt of Bactria and Parthia.vinces. But his arms appear notto have been more successful thanthose of his predecessor againsttheir formidable enemy the Gauls;for after a variety of battles, ofwhich only very faint traces havereached us in the page of history,the barbarians appear to have main- tained their settlements even in theinterior parts of the peninsula. It was with somewhat better success,however, that he directed his attention to the recovery of those provinces which the king of Egypt hadsubdued in the south. He defeatedthe troops of Ptolemy, and vanquished a rebel chief who had seized onthe government of Caria in despite of that monarch; for which trivialexploits he was accosted by his sycophantic subjects with the title ofTheos, or the god. His triumphs, however, were never of long duration. Engaging the whole forces of his monarchy in a more regularsystem ofhostility against the Egyptian king, he sustained many seriousreverses, and ultimately forfeited all that he had recovered in Asia Minor,together with the important provinces of Cole- Syria and Phoenicia.Antiochus Theos.In order to maintain the disastrous warfare which we have just mentioned, Antiochus had found it necessary to withdraw his best troopsfrom Asia, and to leave his garrisons in the north much weaker thana just view oftheir importance would have demanded. The defenceless condition of Bactria and Parthia suggested to the governors ofthese provinces the idea of asserting their independence. Theodotusraised the standard of rebellion in the former; and by combining theskill of a soldier with the artifice of a practised statesman, he subduedthose adherents of Antiochus, whom he could not gain by gentler means. In Parthia, again, the resentment of the fierce and hardynatives was excited to the highest degree, by an indignity offered to theperson of one of their countrymen, by Agathocles the royal lieutenant.Having slain the tyrannical governor, Arsaces and Tiridates, twonoble brothers (the latter of whom was the subject of this indignity),summoned the warlike Parthians to take arms in defence of theircountry, and to repel the haughty Greeks from the provinces of UpperAsia. Nor was the summons disobeyed. The Parthians havingstrengthened their ranks, by calling the brave and athletic Scythiansto their aid, defied the power of Antiochus, and even spread the flameof rebellion so extensively over the northern parts of the empire, thatthe latter soon perceived he could no longer carry on war with Egyptbut at the expense of all his Assyrian dominions.PTOLEMY EUERGETES. 293Castle of Tiridates.These considerations induced the king of Syria to make peace with B. C. 252.Ptolemy. To cement their union the latter induced him to marry hisdaughter, the Egyptian princess Berenice, and to settle his crown onthe issue of that marriage, although Antiochus had already two sons by his wife Laodice, whom he had espoused in the very commencement of his reign. But this violent proceeding defeated the objectwhich it was meant to promote; for, upon the death of Philadelphus,which happened soon after, the Syrian monarch repudiated Berenice,and restored his former queen and children to the full enjoyment oftheir rank and prospects. To secure the position they had thusregained, Laodice determined to prevent her mercenary husband onany future occasion from bartering herself and children for political concessions or personal aggrandizement. She poisoned Antiochus, Murder ofhad her son Seleucus proclaimed successor to the kingdom, and finally Accessionprocured the murder of Berenice and her infant son, although this of Seleucusunfortunate princess had fled for safety to the precincts of the Daph- nean temple.Antiochus.Callinicus.Ptolemy Euergetes to the throne ofEgypt.In the same year did Ptolemy Euergetes and Seleucus, surnamed B. c. 246.Callinicus, ascend the thrones of Egypt and Syria, to engage in a war Accession ofdestructive to both. Euergetes felt himselfconstrained to avenge the quarrel of hissister, who had been deprived of life undercirc*mstances the most atrocious and appalling; whilst Seleucus, who had assumed thesceptre, put into his hand by Laodice, theauthor ofthe sacrilegious murder, which Ptolemy was about to avenge, prepared an armyfor the field in order to maintain a dignitywhich had been thus surreptitiously placedwithin his reach. During the protractedcontest which ensued, the Gauls continuedtheir ravages in Asia Minor, and the Parthians extended the spiritPtolemy Euergetes.294 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 246. of disaffection in the east; by which means the magnificent empireleft by Alexander was torn in pieces, year after year, and becamegradually a prey more and more easily to be seized by the powerfulnation which was already rising up in resistless strength.Ptolemy III. , surnamed EUERGETES, the eldest son of PtolemyPhiladelphus, who now succeeded to the throne of Egypt, was aprince singularly liberal in his patronage of literature and science, inwhich he nobly emulated the fame of his father. The vast additionsmade by Euergetes to the Alexandrian Library gave rise to the erroneous idea that he was the founder of that magnificent institute. Onthe death of Philadelphus, his father, Euergetes, had peaceably succeeded to his extensive patrimonial possessions. The ambition andcruelty of Seleucus, however, were destined to break in upon this brief season of repose. No sooner did the Syrian king, Antiochus Theos,learn the death of Philadelphus, than he hastened to divorce his consortBerenice, the daughter of that monarch, at the same time recalling hisformer wife Laodice, who, in virtue of the treaty made with PtolemyPhiladelphus, B.C. 249, had been divorced; the same agreement recognising the issue of the Egyptian princess as the only legitimate succession to the throne. Laodice, notwithstanding this act of strong partialityin her favour, soon after her return basely poisoned her husband. Terrified at this atrocious act, and justly fearing for herself a fate not lessterrible, Berenice, accompanied by her son, fled to the city of Daphne.Her worst fears were here realised. Being closely besieged bythe merciless satellites of Laodice, they were speedily captured, and, togetherwith all their attendants, were inhumanly slaughtered. No soonerhad Ptolemy received an account of the imminent peril of his sisterthan he took up arms in her defence. His energetic preparationswere too late to save that unhappy princess. To avenge her fate,War between however, Ptolemy immediately took the field at the head of anumerous army, and, assisted by a large body of Greeks, who, dis- Egypt.gusted at the murder of Berenice, no longer owned the government ofSeleucus, poured into Syria with such an overwhelming force, that heSyria andHol BASINERimmediately gained posoccasionsession ofthe greater partof the territory of all theprincipal towns. The armsof the Syrian king on this were greatlyweakened by the rebellion of his brother Antiochus,afterwards called Hierax,who, availing himself ofthe unpopular feeling attached to the accession of Seleucus, had received the allegiance ofseveral provinces in Asia Minor, and evidently watched the progressof events, in order to seize an opportunity for placing himself on theCoin of Ptolemy Euergetes.PTOLEMY EUERGETES. 295ofPtolemythrone of the east. The Egyptian, meantime, not satisfied with his B. C. 246.conquests in Syria, conducted an expedition into the heart ofthe ExpeditionAssyrian empire: and, pursuing his victorious course to the Oxus and to the Indus.Indus, overran rather than subdued the vastprovinces of Media and Babylonia; his ardourall the while being directed to the acquisitionof wealth rather than to that of glory or ofpermanent power. The plunder with whichhe returned is said to have amounted to fortythousand talents of silver. In addition tothis valuable treasure he restored to Egyptbetween two and three thousand of her gods,whose ponderous figures had encumbered thecities of Susiana and Persis from the periodthat Cambyses had searched the temples of the Nile. For this remarkable benefaction he was honoured with thetitle of Euergetes-a token of gratitude on the part of his subjectswhich would have been worse applied had it respected solely his fruitless expedition into the dismembered satrapies of the eastern empire.Returning from his pious toils on the banks of the Tigris, whence, itis said, he sent his gods by water carriage to the shores of Arabia, theking of Egypt, when arrived in Palestine, insisted upon offering asacrifice of thanksgiving to Jehovah in the temple at Jerusalem, where B. C. 244.he sought to gratify His priests with suitable gifts.Seleucus Callinicus.Seleucus.Whilst Ptolemy was exhausting his army by long marches in theeast, Seleucus was straining every nerve to raise, in the Lesser Asia, acompetent force for the defence of his remaining territory, as well asfor the recovery of that which he had lost. The Greeks in thatcountry, alarmed at the measures of Hierax, who had formed analliance with the Gauls, flocked once more to the standard of theirking, and thereby enabled him to garrison his principal forts in Syria,and even to meet Ptolemy in the field at the head of a considerablearmy. The two kings met, and fought a bloody battle, in which,after great loss on both sides, victory declared for Ptolemy. The Defeat ofvanquished prince shut himself up in Antioch, which had been stronglyfortified and now, finding his affairs in a desperate condition, heresolved to strengthen his army by an accommodation with his brotherHierax, who, as we have already mentioned, had enlisted a powerfulbody of Gauls. A treaty, originating in necessity on the one side,and on the other acceded to by ambitious intrigue, was not likely tobe durable and accordingly, when the king of Egypt, who seems tohave confined his wishes to the simple act of conquest, without attempting to derive any profit from his military successes, had withdrawn hisarmy from Syria to engage in an enterprise of a very different nature,the two brothers renewed their suspicions of each other's sincerity, anddetermined on an appeal to arms.A destructive war, of three years' duration, was the consequence of B. C. 242.296 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.Battle of Ancyræ.B. C. 242. this mutual distrust. The only memorable battle, however, of whichauthentic details have reached us, is that which was fought at Ancyræ,where Hierax, chiefly by the means of his Gallic mercenaries, gaineda triumph over his royal brother. His success, it is said, had nearlyproved fatal to himself; for his barbarian allies, giving credence to arumour that Seleucus had perished in the field , instantly resolved todespatch the victorious Hierax also, and thereby procure for themselvesthe sovereignty of the Asiatic kingdoms, to which their ambition hadall along aspired. He escaped , indeed, the dreadful fate which wasintended for him; but he was compelled to ransom his life at a highprice from the very soldiers who fought under his command, whose maintenance was derived from his stores.B. C. 240.607se BThe war which had desolated Syria and a large portion of AsiaMinor was soon after transferred to the province of Babylonia. Hierax,accompanied by a hundred thousand of themost ferocious of the Gauls, directed hismarch towards the capital of Assyria, wherehe hoped to enrich himself with the plunderof that flourishing city, and perhaps to founda new kingdom on the same auspicious spotin which the dynasty of his paternal househad been first planted. But his hopes weresoon blasted, and all his plans renderedcompletely abortive. Seleucus pursued himwith a large army, which, being reinforcedby the Macedonian inhabitants of the province, and, it is added, by eight thousandDefeat and Babylonian Jews, attacked the predatory Gauls, and defeated themwith so great an overthrow, that their chief was indebted for hissafety to a speedy flight. Escaping first into Cappadocia, where he found a temporary retreat, Hierax next threw himself upon the protection of Ptolemy; but this monarch, so far from aiding him in hisambitious designs, detained himthirteen years a prisoner in Egypt,from which country, at the end ofthis period, he contrived to procurehis liberation, only to lose his life whilst crossing the desert into Syriaby the hands of Arabian robbers.captivity of Hierax.Antiochus Hierax.Relieved from the war with Egypt, and from the still more harassing hostility with his brother, Seleucus immediately directed histhoughts to the condition of Upper Asia. The Parthians, who were now closely allied to the Bactrians, had availed themselves of theinterval during which Seleucus was employed against Hierax andPtolemy to strengthen their forts and augment their arms, so thatwhen the king marched to their borders he found them prepared toburst down upon Media, the finest province of his empire. Atediousand wasteful warfare now began, which continued with various success during four years, until at length a decisive battle was fought, bywhich the confederates placed their independence on a sure basis, inSELEUCUS CERAUNUS. 297death ofwhich Seleucus lost both his army and his liberty. He was taken B. C. 239.prisoner by the Parthians, who spared his life; but, actuated by an Defeat andobvious regard for their own security, they sent the royal captive into Seleucus.one of the wildest districts of Upper Asia, where, after enduring arestraint of ten years, he is said to have been killed by a fall from his horse.The surname of Callinicus is not to be found on the coins ofSeleucus, which are with difficulty distinguished from those of his son,in consequence of their bearing no date. Towards the close of hiseventful reign, the island of Rhodes, which had been greatly distressedby an earthquake, was especially the object of his princely munificence;vast quantities of corn, and various other supplies, as well as largestores of timber, with an armament of ten quinquiremes, beingdespatched to the scene of disaster. Every step now taken by thehistorical student will portray more and more strongly the evils resulting, not only from many-sided ambition, but from the absence of thatcomprehensive control and sagacious policy which characterized therule of the great Macedonian hero.The empire of Darius was already fast passing away from the suc- B. c . 225.cessors of Alexander. Two independent states in the upper provincesexposed to constant hazard the rich countries of Babylonia, Media, and Persis; whilst a powerful enemy in the west, whose numbers had nolimits, and whose ambition appeared altogether insatiable, had gaineda permanent footing in the centre of Asia Minor, and obviously meditated the conquest of the whole. There was still, however, a strongbond of loyalty in the Syrian provinces, which attached them to the house of Seleucus.Ceraunus.Upon hearing of the king's captivity among the Parthians, they Seleucusimmediately placed on the throne his eldest son , Seleucus III. , who,to the name of his father was soon after invited to add, for whatexploit it does not appear, the formidable title of Ceraunus, or thunder.The most probable accounts, however, inform us that he derived thistitle from the soldiery as a term of contempt, in reference to hisphysical and intellectual weakness. His actual name was undoubtedlyAlexander; and it was not till after the demise of his father that heassumed the title of Seleucus: his official style, it appears, was that ofSoter. His cousin Achæus, a soldier possessed of considerable energyand talent, assisted Seleucus in carrying out the plans of the deceasedmonarch. An army was speedily equipped for the purpose of expelling Attalus from his recently acquired possessions in Asia Minor;and it had already passed over Mount Taurus, when the king fell avictim to assassination, being murdered by Apaturius, a Gaul, and oneof his own officers, by name Nicanor. Thus perished ingloriously, aftera brief reign ofthree years, Seleucus III. , in the twentieth year of hisage.Seleucus Ceraunus was succeeded by his brother Antiochus, afterwards surnamed " the Great," whose life was diversified with a suc-298 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.Antiochus the Great.Fidelity of Achæus.B. C. 223. cession of important events, which, in the close of his reign particularly, brought him into such close contact with the Romans, as toidentify the future history of Syria with that of the western republic.Antiochus happened to be at Babylon when the throne was renderedvacant by the murder of the reigning prince; and being still in earlyyouth, and consequently unable to maintain his right, he was indebtedfor a quiet accession to the generous and steady conduct of the generalAchæus. This faithful soldier, himself of the royal line, and possessedof the entire devotion of the army, might have seized the crown ofSeleucus, now about to descend to a child; and he seems even to havebeen invited to perpetrate this act of treason by the mixed and mercenary crowd which composed his ranks. But Achæus, disdainingthe bribe, and chiding the disloyal sentiments which prevailed amonghis troops, conducted the young king to Antioch, which had for sometime become the more usual residence of the Seleucidæ.Treachery of Hermeias.Revolt of Molon and Alexander.The royalgenerals defeated.Antiochus had no sooner reached the capital of Syria than he wasassailed by the treacherous wiles of Hermeias, a minister to whom thelate king, on his departure for the east, had committed the care of thatpart of the empire. The main object with this unworthy person, wasto aggrandize his own family at the expense of his sovereign; forwhich purpose he secured the appointment of his own two brothers,Molon and Alexander, as governors of the very important provinces ofof Media and Persis, from the inexperienced and unsuspicious Antiochus. Hardly were they established in their satrapies, when thetreasonable spirit by which they were actuated began to show itself.They seduced the troops , embezzled the public property, and, as soonas their arrangements were matured, Molon displayed the standard ofrebellion in Media, whilst his brother followed his example in Persis.The young monarch, impatient to punish his faithless satraps, wouldhave marched instantly to the Euphrates at the head of the royal army,had not the crafty Hermeias dissuaded him from the undertaking, asless suitable for a king than an expedition which he proposed againsta Syrian province still in the hands of the Egyptians. He distractedhis mind, too, with groundless fears respecting a meditated rebellionon the part of Achæus, who had been appointed to command some ofthe more western provinces of the Lesser Asia. It was resolved,therefore, that two creatures of the minister, Xenon and Theodotus,should proceed against the rebels, while the king made preparationsfor a safer triumph nearer home.But the activity of the rebels far surpassed the ignorant and illconcerted movements which were made by the royal lieutenant for thepurpose of reducing them. Molon, having already overrun Media, hadcompelled the king's forces to take refuge in the strongholds of Babylonia, and even threatened the capital itself. Xenætas, another weakcommander, was despatched with a fresh army to sustain the empire,and to punish the traitorous chiefs of Media and Persis: but he, allowing himself to be surprised in the night, was cut in pieces, with theANTIOCHUS THE GREAT. 299takes thegreater part of his men, by the indefatigable Molon, who immediatelytook possession of Babylon, and gave law to the surrounding country.Upon being made acquainted with these disasters, Antiochus would B. c. 222.no longer be restrained from proceeding into his eastern dominions, Antiochus and fighting his battles in person. His expedition into Cole-Syria field inhad only redounded to his disgrace; and he was now resolved to person.retrieve his fortune in a more spacious field , or to perish in the attempt.The intrigues of Hermeias could now prevail no further than to detain at home, and afterwards destroy, the brave, honest general Epigenes,whose counsel would have greatly assisted the inexperience of the king in the important war he was about to wage. Deprived of this valuableaid, the royal commander, nevertheless , conducted his armament with considerable skill; and having crossed the Tigris, in defiance of all the stratagems practised by his enemies in the field, and by his still more dangerous enemies in the cabinet, he soon found himself in a conditionto compel Molon either to hazard a battle or to abandon his province.The rebellious satrap was extremely desirous to shun an engagementwith the king in person. He attempted, therefore, to surprise hiscamp in the dark; and proceeding for this purpose with a body of chosen desperadoes, by secret paths, would probably have effected hisobject, had not a few youths, whose feelings of loyalty opposed the perpetration of such an atrocity, deserted from his side to give intel- ligence of his design. Molon, as soon as he ascertained that some menhad left him, conjectured the true cause of their departure, and immediately returned to his army to prepare for a general action.Early in the morning Antiochus was in the field, marshalling histroops, and confirming their resolution to avenge his cause on theheads of the rebels. Molon, though still unwilling to put all his conquests and hopes to the hazard of a battle, could not retreat in the B. C. 221 .presence of the royal army, being perfectly aware that in the disposition which then prevailed in his ranks, as well as among the nativeinhabitants ofthe countries which he had subdued, a retrograde movement would be equivalent to the most disastrous defeat. The armiesadvanced as if to determine the contending claims of their masters bytheir swords. But no sooner did the Asiatics behold the gracefulperson of the young Antiochus leading on his right wing to the con- Molon andflict, than they almost with one consent abjured the cause of the deserted bytraitor, whom they deserted without striking a blow, and passed over their troops.to the standard which they had marched out to oppose. Such as didnot join the king were dispersed over the adjacent provinces. Molon,with his brothers Alexander and Niolaus, preferred a voluntary death;and Hermeias, whose complicated villany was at length detected, paidthe penalty of his treason and numerous perjuries.AlexanderOf all the iniquities chargeable upon that wicked minister none is Revolt ofmore to be deplored, on account of its melancholy consequences, than Achæus.the alienation which he effected between Antiochus and the generousAchæus. The king had been induced to treat the latter as a rebel;300 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 221. and the feeling of self-defence had suggested to the abused governorthe necessity of fortifying his interests even against his royal master.During the absence of Antiochus in the east, Achæus assumedsovereignty in the provinces which he had been appointed to command;and accordingly, when the victorious army returned into Syria, it wasexpected that its next service would be directed against the usurping satrap of Asia Minor.Views of Antiochus on Egypt.PreparationsPhilopator.But the ambition of Antiochus prevailed An over his resentment.opportunity now presented itself for the recovery of Cœle-Syria, a conquest which he had formerly attempted without success; and the acquisition appeared to him of too much importance to be eitherneglected or postponed. The same commander, who had so skilfullydefeated all his measures in the former campaign, having become disgusted with the treatment which he received from the court of Egypt,was now prepared to surrender the province to him, together with aconsiderable fleet stationed in one of the ports. Antiochus, on this occasion, succeeded to the utmost extent of his wishes; for he notonly reduced the greater part of the strongholds in Cœle- Syria, butalso expelled the Egyptian troops from Seleucia Pieria, a place whichthey had garrisoned ever since it was first conquered by Ptolemy Euergetes.Ptolemy Philopator, who was now on the throne of Egypt, andof Ptolemy surrounded by the most selfish and unprincipled advisers, could notfail, nevertheless, to perceive that his kingdom was threatened with a2000.0onvery serious danger. Antiochus, atthe head of a formidable army, hadnot scrupled to make known hisintention of invading his territories;and no obstacle intervened to savehis subjects from that dreadfulvisitation except the desert whichseparated Egypt from the Syriandominions. The sand ofthe wilderness, however, had often, in formertimes, protected the fertile fields ofthe Nile; and the counsellors ofPtolemy advised him to have recourse to its aid in the presentemergency. They began by destroying all the wells between theNile and the frontiers of Palestine;after which they opened the floodgates of the river to inundate the adjacent country, so as to completelyB. C. 220. prevent the approach of any considerable force. Meanwhile a negotiation was entered into by the belligerent powers, which wasvigorously seconded by an embassy from Rhodes and Byzantium, statesin alliance with Egypt, who could not but suffer severely from a proPtolemy Philopator.ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT. PTOLEMY PHILOPATOR. 301tracted war between the two principal maritime kingdoms on the shores B. C. 220.of the Mediterranean.Overflow of the Nile.The Egyptians did not, however, devote all their attention to thepending treaty. On the contrary, they employed all the means in theirpower for raising an army to check the pretensions of Antiochus,whose ambitious views were not a little encouraged by the knowledgewhich he possessed of their defenceless condition, as well as oftheking's indolent and voluptuous character. They collected troops fromtheir colonies in Africa, from the shores of Asia Minor, where theyhad still a number of garrison towns, and above all from the Grecianrepublics, which could at all times supply a large body of goodsoldiers, ready to serve the most liberal master.Having protracted the negotiation until they had collected, in theneighbourhood of Alexandria, an army of seventy- five thousand foot,five thousand horse, and seventy elephants, the ministers of theEgyptian king assumed a higher tone, and retracted their concessions.They demanded that Cole-Syria should be forthwith restored to theirmaster, as having been delivered up to Antiochus by the hands of atraitor; whilst, with very little regard to consistency, they claimedfor Achæus, who was actually in arms against his sovereign, all thebenefits of the pacification which they were about to establish betweenSyria and Egypt. As these terms could not be admitted, both partiesprepared for battle. The army of Antiochus was not much inferiorto that of Ptolemy in numerical strength, whilst its deficiency in footsoldiers was amply compensated by cavalry and elephants.302 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B.C. 220.Positions of the two armies.The Egyptians were the first to take the field . Having crossed thedesert, they came in sight of the enemy's advanced posts, who hadalready pitched his camp at Gaza, where he finally mustered his forces.Whilst the two armies were thus opposed to each other on the borders of the wilderness, it occurred to Theodotus, the former governorof Cole- Syria, who was now in the ranks of Antiochus, that he might render his new master an essential service were he to succeed in aprivate attempt on the life of Ptolemy. Favoured by the darkness ofthe night, and his knowledge of the Egyptian dress and language,both of which he assumed for the occasion, he found little difficulty inreaching the pavilion where the king was wont to feast and to enjoythe society of his particular friends. Ptolemy, however, was accustomed to sleep in a more private tent, a circ*mstance which hadescaped the inquiry of the vindictive Ætolian; the latter, thereforeAttempted plunging his dagger into the breast of the royal physician, and woundassassination ing two other attendants, some one of whom he mistook for Ptolemy, of Ptolemy. returned to the Syrian lines without having effected his object. TheB. C. 218.Battle of Raphia.Defeat of Antiochus.Peace.Increased power of Achæus.Egyptians, enraged at the murder of Andreas, and still more at themeditated assassination of their sovereign , became impatient for battle;and as the commanders were willing to take advantage of the indignation and eager desire for revenge which prevailed throughout thecamp, they made haste to lead forth their troops, with the view ofcompelling Antiochus to a combat.It is impossible not to observe that the Macedonian system of fighting was now greatly modified by the introduction of Asiatic evolutions,and more especially by the cumbrous movements of elephants. Atthe battle of Raphia there were nearly two hundred of these animalsin the field, creating, as usual, a groundless confidence, and a still moregroundless terror. The fortune of the day declared at first for Antiochus, who commanded one of his wings in person. Misled, however,by the ardour of pursuit, he soon afforded such an advantage to hisadversary as enabled him not only to repair his loss, but even to gainin the end a most complete victory. Fourteen thousand Syrian footmen and three hundred cavalry are said to have been left dead in thefield, whilst the number of prisoners exceeded four thousand. ColeSyria, Palestine, and Phoenicia were immediately restored to Egypt;on the basis of which concessions a peace was soon afterwards concluded between the two kingdoms.Relieved from the pressure of the Egyptian war, Antiochus forthwith directed his attention to the affairs of the Lesser Asia, whereAchæus, profiting by circ*mstances, had greatly extended his power,and enlarged his dominions. Phrygia and Lydia constituted the mainbody of his kingdom, whence he had made encroachments on Bithyniaand Pergamus, whose kings, Prusias and Attalus, had been compelledto purchase his forbearance by surrendering a portion of their territories.He had likewise further strengthened himself by an alliance withMithridates, the king of Pontus; receiving in marriage a princess ofANTIOCHUS THE GREAT. ACHEUS. 303that nation, whose name was Laodice, and whose heroic and devoted B. C. 218.attachment during the siege of Sardis has given her a just celebrityin the annals of Phrygia.The power of Achæus, however, soon gave way before the com- B. c. 216.bined forces of Antiochus and ofAttalus, who, to revenge himselfupon his inveterate enemy, hadjoined the standard of the kingof Syria. In one campaignAchæus was driven from thefield, and compelled to take refuge in the strong citadel ofSardis. Anticipating the worstthat might befal him, he hadaccumulated within the walls alarge supply of provisions andmilitary stores; and as the townwas sufficiently extensive to accommodate the greater part ofarmy, he was fully preparedto sustain the casualties of alengthened siege.hisAttalus I.But his hopes were disappointed by the success of a stratagem B. c. 215.which was practised against the city. It was taken in the night, andsubjected to all the horrors which attend an assault on a town in theoccupation of rebels-an event which confined his confidence of resistance to the strength of the citadel, in which his remaining troops werenow shut up.The ministers of Ptolemy, who had encouraged Achæus in his rebellion, learning that he was now hard pressed by his victorious master,bethought themselves of an expedient whereby at once to save theirally, and even to embroil Syria in a civil war. They employed oneof their tools, Balis, a Cretan, to seduce some of Antiochus's soldiersemployed in the blockade of Sardis to assist in the escape of Achæus.It was intended that the rebel satrap should proceed to Antioch, shouldproclaim himself king of Syria, and, by the help of Egypt, should dispute with the successor of Seleucus the possession of the throne. Thecrafty Balis, however, betrayed his employers, and delivered up BetrayalAchæus into the hands of Antiochus, who caused him to be put to and death ofdeath, and his body, wrapped in an ass's skin, to be fixed upon across. A herald soon announced to the citadel that Achæus had paidthe penalty of his treason, and exhorted the besieged to surrender.Stimulated by Laodice, the wife of their general, they preferred toabide the chance of an assault , which, however, being renewed fromtime to time, at length subdued their spirits, and induced them tolisten to the terms proposed by Antiochus.Having chastised the spirit of rebellion in Asia Minor, AntiochusAchæus.304 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.against Bactria and Parthia.B. C. 214. immediately prepared to carry his arms against the Bactrians andExpedition Parthians. More than thirty years had now elapsed since those hardyAsiatics had refused to pay tribute, and to acknowledge allegiance tothe descendants of Seleucus, being firmly resolved to support theirliberty, and to maintain, on their respective thrones, the dynasty whichthey had been pleased to invest with the royal power and honours.Arsaces III . Arsaces, the third of the name, reigned at this period over theParthians; whilst the Bactrians were governed by Euthydemus,who was likewise the third sovereign from the new era of theirindependence.Victory of Of the campaign which followed in those remote countries, the Antiochus . details furnished by Polybius are neither numerous nor particular. Itappears that the first movements of Antiochus were attended with somuch success, that Arsaces was glad to purchase peace on the hardcondition of joining the army of the conqueror against his neighbourEuthydemus. The latter, confident in his strength, or wishing to savehis people from the ravages of actual war, marched forth to meet theking of Syria in a contiguous province. A battle took place on thebanks of the Arius, where the arms of the Syrian monarch obtained asignal triumph, in which the monarch himself displayed much courage and address . The loss of his horse, which was killed under him , anda severe wound in the face, which dashed out his teeth, could notshake his resolution. He remained at the head of his troops, receivingcharge after charge from the barbarian cavalry, until he had completelychecked their impetuosity and thinned their ranks.Euthydemus was more successful in negotiation than in the field .He represented to Antiochus that he had never personally rebelledagainst the king of Syria, but that he had mounted the throne ofBactria in right of conquest achieved over an usurper or the son of anusurper; that it would be bad policy in the sovereign of Asia toweaken the kingdom of the Bactrians, whose power might be renderedextremely useful in defending the northern frontiers, and in checkingthe inroads of the savage tribes, which were ever ready to pour downupon its central provinces; and, finally, that the victor ought to grantsuch terms to the chiefs whom he had just subdued as would make ittheir interest to support him as an ally, and to court his favour astheir natural protector. Antiochus was not deaf to this plausiblereasoning; and being much pleased with Demetrius, the son of theBactrian king, he acceded to the proposals of which the prince wasthe bearer, assuring the youth that his father should be allowed toretain his royal title and independence, and that to himself he wouldgive one of his daughters in marriage.The affairs of the north being thus amicably settled , Antiochusapplied his experienced mind to other departments of government,restoring confidence and happiness to his numerous subjects in the east.During the seven years that he spent at this time in Asia, he appearsto have ratified ' treaties and confirmed alliances with several kings onANTIOCHUS THE GREAT. 305the banks of the Indus. Both his wealth and power received con- B. c. 214.siderable accessions, for we are told by Polybius that he returned toBabylon with immense treasures and a hundred and fifty elephants.After another successful expedition to the mouth of the Euphrates,where he dislodged a band of Arabian pirates who infested the commercial city of Gerra, he proceeded to Antioch, the capital of his king- B. C. 202.dom, laden with honour, riches, and warlike reputation. It was atthis the most brilliant period of his reign, B. C. 202, that the title of GREAT was conferred upon him.The same year in which Antiochus returned from his eastern Death of Ptolemy IV.triumphs, Ptolemy Philopator, the king of Egypt, brought his life to (Philopator. )a close by a series of vicious indulgences. Ptolemy IV. (Philopator),the eldest son of Euergetes, was a prince far inferior in talent to hisfather; and the very opening of his reign (B. C. 222) had been markedby crimes of the deepest dye. The murder of his mother Berenice, hisbrother Magas, and his uncle Lysimachus, were fitting preludes to thedeep debauchery which closed his existence. To Sosibius, his minister,a man totally incapable of the cares of government, he intrusted, without scruple, the political management of the state. The ruin of military discipline and the distraction of the kingdom rapidly demonstrated the ill-omened nature of the appointment.corn.At length, after a succession of political and military enormities, abody of Greek mercenaries, and a force of Egyptian troops, trained uponthe Macedonian model, marched from Alexandria under the commandof Philopator himself. In the battle of Raphia, already noticed, fortunedeclared for Ptolemy; and the success ofthe Egyptians might havebeen still more signally continuous, had not the indolence of Ptolemyinduced him to hasten homewards to a life of luxury and inglorious ease. The vice and the effeminacy of Philopator mark the commencement of the decline of the kingdom of Egypt, which from this periodexperienced a rapid fall . Notwithstanding his degraded moral position,Philopator encouraged the literary institutions of Alexandria. To theRomans, during their struggle with Carthage, he sent large supplies ofWhile ambitious of exhibiting his wealth, he was one ofthefirst who constructed ships of vast magnitude, one of which was pro- pelled by forty banks of oars . His successor, Ptolemy Epiphanes, was a mere child-acirc*mstance which appears to have suggested to the king of Syria and to Philip ofMacedon the ungenerous project of seizingupon his dominions. The former, at thehead of a victorious army, and the latterhaving under his command the finest fleet atthat time on the sea, proceeded without delay to accomplish their scheme of partition.Antiochus met but little resistance in his[H. G. ]Ptolemy Epiphanes.XPtolemy Epiphanes.306 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B.C. 202. invasion of Cole- Syria and Palestine; and Philip reduced the greaterpart of the cities in Asia Minor which belonged to the crown of Egypt,as well as several of the islands on the Grecian coast, which had nowduring a long period of time acknowledged the sway of the Ptolemies.In the prosecution of his ambitious plans, however, the Macedonianexcited the enmity of the Rhodians, who, inviting the co - operation ofAttalus, the king of Pergamus, put to sea with a large navy, andengaged his fleet in the bay of Casyste. Their success, indeed, wasnot equal to their zeal; but the interference of the Romans, whoalready affected to act as the protectors of Greece, repressed the selfishpolicy of Philip, and called his attention to the safety of his paternal dominions.B. C. 198.Antiochus defeats Scopas.B. C. 197.As Attalus, the Rhodians, and the Egyptians were all in alliancewith the Romans, the late unprovoked war on the kingdom of theyoung Ptolemy, and the subsequent aggression on the territory ofPergamus, afforded a sufficient pretext to the republicans of Italy forinterfering with the projects of Antiochus, as well as with those ofPhilip. Attalus, indeed, entreated his powerful allies to send theirlegions into Asia Minor to protect his country against the Syrians, orelse to relieve him from the pressure of the war with the Macedonians.But the Romans were not yet quite prepared to accept the invitation.They pretended to consider Antiochus as their ally, and remonstratedagainst the use of arms until the more gentle methods of conferenceand solicitation should have been tried. An embassy was accordinglydespatched to Antioch, informing the Syrian monarch that his hostilities in Asia Minor were far from being agreeable to the republic; thatthe enemies of Syria were the friends of Rome, and must be protected;and that if he wished to avoid the resentment of the Roman senateand people he must forthwith recal his troops from Pergamus, as wellas from all the Grecian dependencies of Egypt.Antiochus complied so far with the request of these warlikeumpires as to withdraw his army from Asia Minor. His motive,however, for this important step was not to gratify the Romans, norto relieve the fears of their client, the king of Pergamus. He hadheard of preparations in Egypt for depriving him once more of hisfavourite provinces, Palestine and Cole- Syria. Scopas, an Etolianchief, had been sent to raise an army among his hardy countrymen,and was now on his march to attack the colonies which we have justnamed, at the head of a considerable force of Greeks and Egyptians.Antiochus did not give them time to extend their ravages, or toincrease their ranks among his Syro- Phoenician subjects. He advancedagainst Scopas, defeated him in a memorable battle, near the foot ofMount Panius, compelled him to take refuge in Sidon, a place of somestrength, and afterwards to surrender with his army at discretion .Antiochus, unwilling to relinquish his claims on the provinces ofAsia Minor and the cities of Greece, which seemed still to belong toANTIOCHUS THE GREAT. 307him as the successor of Seleucus Nicator, prepared, in the spring, a B. C. 197.large fleet and a powerful land force, to pursue his designs on theshores of the Ægæan. He sent his army to Sardis under the command of his two sons Ardyes and Mithridates, whilst he conducted in person a hundred galleys to Ephesus, where he established his headquarters. To prevent all interruption that might arise on the part ofEgypt, he entered into a friendly correspondence, with that kingdom ,and concluded with the regency a treaty of marriage between the youngEpiphanes and his daughter Cleopatra, binding himself to transfer withthe bride, when the parties came of age, the long-disputed provinces of Phoenicia and Cole- Syria.fortresses of Mysia andNo sooner had Antiochus collected his forces in the Grecian sea, Attacks thethan he proceeded to attack certain strongholds in Mysia and Caria,which had formerly belonged to Macedon. He next directed his Caria.generals to besiege Smyrna and Lampsacus, whilst he himself, crossingthe Hellespont, advanced into Thrace, and made himself master of theChersonesus. Finding Lysimachia in ruins, he began to rebuild its walls,and to repair its fortifications, that, as the heir of Seleucus, he mightthence issue his commands to the warlike Thracians, who had long beenaccustomed to acknowledge a ruler in one of Alexander's successors.Whilst these things were in progress, the Isthmian games were B. C. 196.announced at Corinth , and were attended, as usual, by representativesfrom all the kings and states which claimed any connection withGreece. The Roman proconsul appeared in the name of his republic,as the liberator and protector of the whole Grecian commonwealth,and made known that he was ready to hear the ambassadors from theseveral powers which were either at actual war, or had controversiesto determine. The envoy of Antiochus was heard at considerablelength in defence of the measures which his master was pursuing; butthe Roman replied to his numerous arguments by a declaration thatthe conduct of the king of Syria was offensive to the people and senateof Rome, that his conquests must be relinquished, and his troops withdrawn within the limits of his Asiatic dominions. A conference wasafterwards held in the camp of Antiochus, in which he renewed the Discussionsreasoning which his ambassador had employed at Corinth, and in betweenwhich his arguments were again met, on the part of the Roman com- and themissioners, by the same declarations and threatenings which had beenused on that occasion . As nothing was to be gained from men whohad been instructed to make no concessions, and to put their chiefconfidence in the power of the sword, which they knew was about tobe drawn, whatever might be the result of their deliberations, Antiochus broke up the meeting with an expression of displeasure, intimating that he had no intention of submitting his interests to theRomans either as judges or as umpires.We take leave of Antiochus for the present, to resume the narrativeof events in connection with Egypt.AntiochusRomans.x 2308 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 283.History of Egypt.Ptolemy Philadel- phus.B. C. 264.EGYPT.Ptolemy Philadelphus had been somewhat accustomed to the exercise of power before the reins of government were entirely left in hishands by the death of his father. The insulated position of Egypt,and its great natural defences, protected it successfully from the devastation of the Gauls, whose power was so terribly felt in Macedon andin the Lesser Asia; whilst the wise policy pursued by the first Ptolemyhad secured for his kingdom a vast accession of inhabitants, of com- mercial industry, and of military power. Philadelphus, therefore,upon ascending the throne, found himself one of the greatest monarchsof his age, having, besides the kingdom of Egypt, properly so called,the provinces of Phoenicia, Cole-Syria, Cyrene, the island of Cyprus,Pamphylia, Cilicia, Lycia, Caria, and the greater part of the Cyclades,subject to his dominion. The son of the renowned Soter was not,however, a warlike character. He cultivated the arts, and gave greatencouragement to learning; but throughout his whole reign he appearsto have been unwilling to attempt anything by arms which could possibly be obtained by treaties, or even by moderate concession. Uponhearing, for instance, of the great successes of the Romans againstPyrrhus, he sent ambassadors to them to congratulate them on theirsuccess, and to desire their friendship. The people of Rome, gratifiedby this mark of attention, and eager to gain a footing on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, made haste to despatch envoys to thecourt of Ptolemy, ostensibly to return the civilities of so great amonarch, but, in fact, to lay the foundation of that influence over theaffairs of Egypt, which, at no distant period, rendered that kingdoman obedient ally, and afterwards a humble tributary to the republic of the Tiber.The first war in which the forces of Philadelphus seem to have beenemployed, was that provoked by the ambition of Antigonus Gonatasin his attempt to reduce the Grecian states to the power of Macedon.The Egyptian fleet failed, indeed, of success in its endeavour to relieveAthens; but the armament gained considerable credit by adding tothe dominions of its master some valuable towns, situated on theThracian coast, as well as several islands in the Ægæan sea.The revolt of Magas, the governor of Cyrene, engaged the peacefulPtolemy in a series of warlike operations, both against his rebelliousbrother and against Antiochus, whose sister, Apama, Magas had married. The occurrences which took place in the contest with Syriahave been already described; and it has also been mentioned that theinsurrection of Magas was finally compromised by a treaty, by whichBerenice, the infant daughter of the governor of Cyrene, was betrothedto Ptolemy Euergetes, the son of Philadelphus. According to thisarrangement, the young Euergetes received with his cousin Berenicethe allegiance of Cyrene, and some dependent districts on the coast ofLibya-a consummation which, by restoring peace at home, enabledTHE PTOLEMIES. 309Advance- ment ofthe arts under his reign.his father to devote his undivided attention to the pursuits of science , B. C. 264.the decoration of his cities, and the internal improvement of his kingdom. There arose, after this, indeed, awar of considerable length betweenSyria and Egypt, excited by the violence of Apama, the mother of Berenice; but as Ptolemy did not take thefield in person, the movements of hisarmies did not materially interfere withhis benevolent schemes for extendingcommerce and agriculture among theindustrious classes, and for promoting literature among the studious andwealthy. The great canal which heconstructed between the Red Sea andthe Nile proves at once his zeal andthe high perfection to which the mechanical arts had attained; whilst hismagnificent libraries, his schools, museum, and academies, and the numerous poets, historians, and philosophers who occupied or adorned them, attest his liberality anddiscernment of character. After a prosperous reign of thirty- eightyears, Ptolemy Philadelphus yielded to the infirmities of nature, andleft a powerful and very flourishing kingdom to his successorEuergetes.G.F.SARCENTBerenice.Ptolemy II.The new reign was clouded by a dark occurrence at Antioch, which B. c. 246.again involved Egypt and Syria in war. It has been already related, Succession ofthat when peace was concluded between Antiochus and Philadelphus, ( Euergetes).the latter gave to the former his daughter Berenice in marriage, stipulating that the offspring of that union should succeed to the Syrianthrone, though Antiochus had, by his wife Laodice, a son, alreadyarrived at the age of manhood. The repudiated queen murdered herhusband, and placed Seleucus on the vacant throne; who, in order toremove all competition on the part of Berenice and her child, made noscruple to deprive them both of life. Euergetes could not behold suchproceedings unmoved. Advancing into Syria at the head of a powerfularmy, he took possession of the greater part of the country, whichseems not to have been defended, and of the cities, the majority ofwhich opened their gates at his approach. The important town ofSeleucia Pieria, the seaport of the capital, fell into his hands: in theneighbourhood of which he was still further gratified with the apprehension of the cruel Laodice, at whose instigation his sister and nephew had lost their lives. The punishment of that unprincipled femaleseems, however, to have completely satiated his resentment; for,instead of securing his conquests in Syria, and achieving the entirehumiliation of Seleucus, he led his army on a plundering expeditioninto the remote provinces of Asia, whence, as we have already stated,310 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 246. he returned to the shores of Africa in triumph, laden with spoil andencumbered with Egyptian idols.ไรއ ހއB. C. 224.Conquest of Abyssinia.King returning with Captives.Soon after his reappearance in Egypt, Euergetes was solicited byCleomenes, the king of Sparta, to grant the assistance of his arms inthe struggle which that republic was then supporting with Antigonus,the ruler of Macedon, and with the members of the Achæan league.But the battle of Sellasia proved that the aid afforded was inadequate.Cleomenes fled to the banks of the Nile, where he found his augustally reposing under the successful banners of a numerous army, whichhe had just led home from the savage mountains of Ethiopia, whitherhis love of romantic conquests had conducted them. He appears tohave penetrated into the interior provinces of Abyssinia, and to havesubdued the rude tribes which dwelt on the shores of the Red Sea,levying on the unfortunate natives the most oppressive contributionsin cattle, gold, perfumes, and other articles belonging to that valuablemerchandise which the Ethiopians and Arabs had long carried onwith their Egyptian neighbours. At Adulis, the principal seaport ofAbyssinia, he collected his victorious troops, and pronounced to thema speech on the wonderful exploits which they had achieved under hisauspices, and on the numerous benefits which they had thereby secured to their native country. The throne on which he sat, composed ofwhite marble and supported by a slab of porphyry, was consecrated tothe god of war, whom he chose to claim for his father and patron;and that the descendants of the vanquished Ethiopians might not beignorant of their obligations to Ptolemy Euergetes, king of Egypt, hegave orders that his name and principal triumphs should be inscribed on the votive chair. These inscriptions, it is worthy of remark, arestill preserved, and constitute the only historical account that hasreached these times of the Ethiopian warfare of this Egyptian monarch.About seven hundred years after the reign of Euergetes, they wereTHE PTOLEMIES. 311memorialsfirst published in the Topography of Cosmus Indicopleustes, a Grecian B. c. 224.monk, by whom they were copied on the spot. The traveller Bruce, Existingmoreover, informs that the stone containing the name of Ptolemy of thisEuergetes, serves as a footstool to the throne on which the kings of conquest.Abyssinia are crowned at this day. Among the ruins of Axum, too,the ancient capital of that country, various fragments of marble havebeen found, bearing the name and title of the same Egyptian sovereign.This empty fame, however, is the only return that ever recompensedthe toils of Euergetes among the fierce barbarians of the south.About this period three kings succeeded to their respective thrones, B. c. 221 .all of which had been founded by the successors of Alexander; namely,Philip IV. to the Macedonian, Antiochus III. to the Syrian, andPtolemy Philopator to the Egyptian kingdom. The two last, whosedominions were almost contiguous, and whose interests were frequentlyopposed, soon found themselves in arms against each other. Theking of Macedon was again fully occupied with the Gauls and Romans,and with such of the Grecian states as adhered to those invaders.Our historical notices, however, are in connection with Philopator,who appears soon to have confined his hostility against Antiochus tothe encouragement which he afforded to Achæus, the rebel satrap ,who had usurped the sovereignty of certain provinces in Asia Minor.It was not till the Syrian monarch returned from his expedition intoMedia, and had obtained from the treachery of Theodotus possessionof Cole- Syria and Phoenicia, that the military power of Egypt was called into exertion.Philopator.We have already given an account of the battle of Raphia, which B. C. 228.at once saved the kingdom of Ptolemy, and checked the growing Ptolemyascendency of Antiochus. The victorious king remained severalmonths in the provinces which he had thus regained, in which heseems to have been received with submission and loyalty by a peoplewho, being accustomed to change masters according to the issue of acampaign or an intrigue, could not be supposed to entertain any deepsentiment of affection either for Syrian or Egyptian prince. The onlyremarkable event which occurred during the residence of Philopator inSyria, is the visit which he paid to the temple at Jerusalem. Struckwith the solemn appearance of the holy fane, and still more with theveneration which was entertained for it by every pious Israelite, hiscuriosity was so far excited, that he insisted upon being admitted intoall parts of the house, even into the holy of holies. The sequel ofthestory partakes somewhat of the marvellous; and the only part of it which admits of no doubt is the violent resentment which inflamedthe breast of the king against the whole Jewish nation, as beingimplicated in the affront which he had sustained. He visited all Jewswith the severest punishment, and disgraced his capital with criminality the most atrocious, and with the grossest vice. A civil war wasthe result, and thousands of his people perished under the hands ofmercenary soldiers. The suppression of these tumults only paved the312 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.B. C. 228.Ptolemy Epiphanes.Battle of Panius.B. C. 198.way for a conspiracy against the royal advisers; and during the massacrethat ensued Ptolemy Philopator was carried off by death, leaving his kingdom to a child about five years ofa*ge.The minority of the young king was disturbed by several attemptsand rumours of conspiracy, none of which appears to have had anyfoundation , except that which originated with Scopas, the Etolian.Cole- Syria and Phoenicia had once more acknowledged allegiance toAntiochus; and the Egyptian ministers, as usual, entered into a resolution to take advantage of that monarch's absence in Thrace, in orderto recover those disputed provinces for the crown of Alexandria. Thisattempt led to the battle of Panius, in which the forces of the regencysustained a signal defeat; but as the subsequent proceedings ofAntiochus were modified by the ascendency of Roman influence, which,in like manner, gradually extended itself to Egypt, the history ofAlexander's successors may now be regarded as concluded . Fromthis time new views and new interests occupy the theatre of politicsand of war in Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt. The auspicesof the Roman generals and proconsuls supersede henceforward the fortunes of Macedon, and the genius of Athens and Lacedæmon. Thedescendants of Eacus give place to the sons of Flaminius, Crassus, and Emilius; and the glory of the legion is destined to eclipse the proudsplendour of the phalanx. Even the fame of Alexander himself isalmost equalled by the renown of Cæsar, as a skilful warrior and anexpert politician; and the wide range of territory which was won bythe Macedonian hero is surpassed by that which acknowledged thesway ofthe imperial eagle.Corinth, from Acrocorinthus.CHAPTER X.ARATUS.FROM B. C. 268 TO B. C. 213.THERE of the is, perhaps, nothing in the whole compass of literature which Constitutionso violently distracts the feelings of the reader between admiration and Greciandisgust as the history of the Grecian republics. The patriotism, the republics.courage, the enterprising genius, the consummate ability which distinguished them in war; the activity and acuteness, the industry andtaste displayed by them in all the arts of peace, have established themas the subjects of panegyric, and the models for imitation among allsucceeding nations; while discord, rapine, and violence of every kind,proscriptions the most unjust, and revolutions the most bloody, continually occurring, excite a just horror in every virtuous mind, and reconcile to their lot those people who enjoy a less splendid reputationand less cultivated faculties under the peace and security of moresettled governments.The miserable prevalence of sedition and domestic warfare, whichproved the scourge and the disgrace of Greece, is unquestionablyattributable to the defect of her political constitutions: it is the inevitable result of a number of small independent states, in close contactwith each other, yet united, for the most part, by no perceptible314 ARATUS.B. c. 268. common interest, and stimulated to hostility by the predatory habitsof the age, and by jealousies respecting the purity of their descentfrom the founders of the Hellenic family. Federalism is the onlysystem which can, in any degree, bind the restless spirit of democracyand so far was this system from being generally understood or desiredin Greece, that the fundamental laws of almost all its republics tendeddirectly to prevent its adoption . The Eɛvnλaoía of the Spartans was,more or less, the recognised principle of every state; and all connection by marriage, or by the possession of property, with any adjoining city, was forbidden under severe penalties.Project forits amendment.Origin ofthe Achæan League.B. C. 371 .The evil was seen and deplored by the wisest and best men of allages; and great pains were taken, at various periods, to compose thejarring interests of the petty towns, by including them all under thesupreme_direction of two or three powerful states, with the title ofallies. But the continual efforts of these greater powers to seduce orto compel the smaller republics from their allegiance to their rivals,and the violent political dissensions which thence arose in every townbetween the advocates of the opposing interests, proved a source ofmischief no less extensive and fatal than the jealousies of the independent villages; and at length satisfied the impartial and reflectingportion of the people, that nothing but a confederacy on equal termscould ever produce lasting peace, and unite the whole Grecian name inone invincible league against foreign enemies. This liberal policy wasof course opposed, and its success, in a great measure, defeated,by those overbearing states, which had long exercised an oppressiveempire over the smaller republics, and which regarded with indig- nation every attempt to deprive them of their supremacy. TheOlynthians, whose project for a free confederation appears to havebeen ably and generously planned, were almost immediately suppressedby the vigilant and ambitious power of Lacedæmon; and the Achæanshad long been labouring to unite the interests of all Peloponnesus,before they could succeed in completing the celebrated League whichbore their name. They met with determined opposition from Sparta,and still more from Macedon, now openly aspiring to the empire ofGreece; and they had no statesmen among them of sufficient talents and courage to surmount these formidable obstacles.Achæa was first reduced to the form of a kingdom by Tisamenus,the son of Orestes, who was expelled from Sparta on the return of theHeraclidæ. The crown descended regularly in the same family toGyges, whose sons, according to Polybius, ' aiming at absolute power,instead of being contented with the constitutional monarchy of theirforefathers, occasioned a revolution, in which the government becamedemocratical, and so continued, during all the changes in its foreignrelations, until the power of Philip and of Alexander overwhelmed thefreedom of Greece. The commonwealth comprised twelve towns,named Patræ, Dyme, Pharæ, Tritæa, Leontium, Ægira, Pellene,1 Lib. ii. 41 .ARATUS. 31566 Ægium, Bura, Ceraunia, Olenum, and Helice, the last of which was B. C. 371 .swallowed up by the encroachment of the sea. They were governedby the same laws, administered by magistrates, counsellors, and judgeselected in common; they used the same weights, measures, and coins;and, in short, might all have passed for one city, had they been contained by the same wall. "]יThe supreme power of the League resided ultimately in the general Its assembly of deputies from each of the constituent states, which met constitution.twice every year, in the spring and in the autumn, and as often atother seasons as the exigency of affairs demanded. In this assemblywas vested every function, both legislative and executive, as well as the appointment of all the officers of state. The first of these mightbe called the general or stadtholder of the League; he was electedannually, and could not hold his office more than twelve months consecutively. He was assisted by a cabinet of ten members, entitledDemiourgoi, without whose advice he could lay nothing before theassembly, and who formed a council of regency during his absence onmilitary service. A similar constitution, on a smaller scale , wasestablished in every town of the League, to administer its individualgovernment, and to provide for the due execution of the laws.It appears probable that these laws did not essentially differ fromthose of the " twelve tables," in their general spirit; but of their particular provisions we have only very vague and uncertain intimations.Some of those which regulated foreign relations and matters of state,appear to have been judiciously contrived to expedite business, and topreserve the purity of the administration. Among other ordinances itwas provided, that if any person or city included in the League shouldaccept a bribe, or enter into a negotiation, or contract an alliance withany foreign potentate, without the consent of the general assembly, theoffender should be excluded from the confederacy; that no state shouldbe admitted a member of the League without the unanimous approbation of the several cities; that the general assembly should not bespecially convened to receive any embassy which had not been previously approved by the stadtholder and the Council of Ten; that nospecial meeting of the assembly should be competent to deliberateupon any business besides that for which it was convened; that everyspeaker in the house should furnish an abstract of his arguments inwriting, that they might be reconsidered the next day; and that nodiscussion should be prolonged beyond three days.The civil constitution of Achæa was not formed at one period, nor Its extension.were all its provisions the result of a comprehensive general plan; itarose, like other useful and permanent systems, rather from circ*mstances than from design, and it was changed and modified as occasion required, or as inconveniences presented themselves. Its beneficialresults were not so much produced by its form and regulations, as bythat spirit of liberality and moderation with which it was long admi- Polyb. lib. ii . 37.316 ARATUS.B. C. 371. nistered; and when, after the death of Alexander, the Achæans becametainted by the spirit of mad ambition which desolated Greece, theunion of their cities was speedily dissolved by the factions which prevailed among them. Some were garrisoned with Macedonian troops,and became dependent upon a foreign power; others were seized bya succession of military despots , who imitated, on a small scale, theambitious schemes of the Macedonian tyrants. Under these unhappycirc*mstances the Achæans looked back, with bitter regret and repentance, to the peace and security of the ancient republic; and in theB. C. 281. 124th Olympiad four of the principal towns, Dyme, Patræ, Tritæa,and Pharæ, formed a combination to restore it. About five yearsafterwards, the Ægians seized an opportunity of expelling their foreigngarrison, and joined the League. The Burians, having risen upon theirtyrant and put him to death, followed the example. Iscas, the despotof Carynia, observing the signs of the times, made a virtue of necessity, and, abdicating his sovereignty, united his city with the federalists; and thus the original constitution of Achæa was partially restored, and continued unchanged for five-and-twenty years, governedby one civil magistrate, called the Grammateus ' (town clerk), and twomilitary commanders, elected by the people for a limited period. Atlength some inconveniences having arisen from dissensions between thecivil and military officers, the Achæans determined to lodge the wholepower of the state in the hands of one chief magistrate, who shouldpreside over all their affairs, both in peace and war; and their firstB. C. 259. choice fell upon Marcus of Carynia, who had been chiefly instrumentalin inducing Iscas to lay down his usurped power.B. C. 268.Birth and childhood of Aratus.It was about nine years before this event that, during the troubleswhich agitated and almost destroyed the city of Sicyon, Abantidas, apopular demagogue, having assassinated Clinias, the chief of thearistocratical interest, and made himself master of the republic, endeavoured to confirm his power by extirpating the family of his rival.But in the confusion which ensued, the son of Clinias, by Aristodama,a child seven years old, made his escape into the house of Soso, hisuncle's widow, who was the sister of the usurper, but who espousedthe political party of her late husband. Through her kindness theyoung Aratus was safely conveyed to Argos, to be there educated bythe friends of his family, who took care to imbue him early with arooted detestation of the opposite faction and of monarchical government, and to form him by all those athletic and active exercises whichmight qualify him to become a formidable avenger of his father'sblood. And such was his youthful reputation for vigour and hardihood, for high spirit and love of enterprise, that the exiled Sicyoniansof the aristocratical party began to entertain hopes of his ultimatelyachieving their restoration; and Nicocles, who had become tyrant ofSicyon, kept a watchful eye upon his movements.His first design was to engage in his cause the states which hadPolyb. lib. ii . 43.ARATUS. 317been the allies of his father's administration; and he found means to B. C. 268.apply to Antigonus Gonatas of Macedon, and to Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, for assistance. But though these princes entertained him with specious promises, they showed no disposition to takeany active part in his restoration to his country; and he gave up thenegotiation in disgust, not without showing some symptoms ofjuvenilepetulance.He resolved, therefore, to depend upon his own resources, andupon the disaffection which was known to exist in Sicyon towards the government of Nicocles, who appears to have been of a weak andsuspicious character, though, probably, not guilty of all the vices whichhistorians, attached to the opposite faction, have thought fit to impute to him. In every state of Greece there was always a party ready toassist in effecting a revolution at home or abroad; and Aratus foundno difficulty in engaging a considerable number of Argians in his service. With the exiles of Sicyon he had not equal success. Theywere principally persons of rank and family, who were unwilling hastily to commit their cause to an adventurer, scarcely twenty yearsof age, who had been, from his childhood, a stranger to his country.Of nearly 600 Sicyonians who lived in banishment, one only, of anynote, appears to have joined him, and his example was followed by few even of the lower orders.The genius of Aratus was more adapted for surprise and stratagem Conquest ofthan for open warfare; and the present exigency of his affairs was Sicyon.calculated to exhibit his talents to the greatest advantage. With thetrifling force at his disposal, of which slaves armed for the occasion000000222The Testudo.318 ARATUS.B. C. 255. formed the greater part, he resolved on a daring attempt—no less thanthat of scaling the walls of Sicyon by night, and of proclaiming libertyto the citizens in the morning; trusting to the favourable dispositionof the populace, and to the panic which would be excited among thetroops and in the palace. The circ*mstances of the expedition detailed by Plutarch¹ are so improbable and puerile that it is a matter ofastonishment how any writer could be induced to repeat them after him. Aratus must have had better assurance of co- operation within,and more friends among the guards of the city, than his biographerhas chosen to acknowledge; and by these means he succeeded inintroducing his followers into the town during the darkest portion ofthe night, and disarmed the household troops of the tyrant withoutresistance. At daybreak all was bustle and confusion; the citizensscarcely knew what had happened, or how to act; all rushed eagerlyfor information to the places of public resort; while Aratus was busyin proclaiming, " Liberty to Sicyon-Liberty achieved by Aratus, theson of Clinias-Liberty to the citizens! " Nicocles hearing this cryrepeated, and observing that his guards were withdrawn from theirposts, hastily quitted the palace, and by some subterranean passage effected his escape.B. C. 255.B. C. 251.Aratus retires into Egypt.andThe success of Aratus was now decided. No opposition wasoffered to him; and, if we may believe Plutarch,2 not a life was lost.The fire which had been thrown into and had partly consumed thepalace was speedily extinguished, and the plunder of the royal aboderewarded the enterprising followers of the expedition; but the wealthaccumulated in the treasury was declared to be public property,was preserved inviolate; the statues, paintings , and all other decorations of tyranny, were doomed to destruction; and among theseare said to have been some specimens of art so exquisite that Aratus,who was a lover of painting, hesitated to order them to be defaced,whilst his friend Nealices the painter implored him with tears tospare them: but the spirit of party prevailed, and the pictures weredestroyed.The exiles were of course immediately restored to their country,but not to their property, which had passed into other hands, andIcould not be recovered from them without violence. The task ofreconciling these discordant claims imposed such difficulties uponAratus, to whom all looked for satisfaction, that he found his situationbecoming every day more embarrassing. Discontent and faction prevailed in the city, and threatened a counter-revolution; whilst Antigonus, offended by the subversion of the monarchy, fomented thesedisorders, and watched for an opportunity to make himself master ofthe liberties of Sicyon.In this perplexity Aratus resolved to withdraw himself, for a time,from Sicyon, and to endeavour, by awakening Ptolemy's jealousy ofthe designs of Antigonus, to engage him to provide for the distresses 1 Vita Arati. 2 Ibid.ARATUS. 319of the citizens. But, previously to his departure, he was anxious that B. C. 251 .his country should become a member of the Achæan League, in orderthat if any attempt should be made upon it, in his absence, means ofdefence might be at hand. The Sicyonians, being of Doric origin,entered readily into his views, and the cities of the League were gladto increase their strength, in order to protect their independenceagainst the encroachments of Antigonus, whose power in Greece, andespecially in Peloponnesus, was daily becoming more formidable.Having carried this important measure without opposition, Aratus,previously to his departure, enrolled himself in the Achæan cavalry,and took an opportunity of showing his skill and discipline in a subordinate capacity, that he might lay a solid foundation for future powerupon a reputation for military prowess, which his natural temper,rather delighting in intrigue than in personal conflict, little qualifiedhim to maintain. Conceiving that he was now in no danger of beingforgotten in his absence, he prepared for a voyage to Egypt, in orderto solicit for his countrymen the liberality of Ptolemy, with whom, asa lover of the fine arts, he had held some intercourse concerningpaintings and statues, which had led to warm professions of mutualregard.misfortunes.His voyage to Egypt was attended with unforeseen difficulties: he Hisnarrowly escaped being shipwrecked; and was near falling into thehands of the Macedonian garrison at Andria, which, he was apprehensive, might detain him till the pleasure of Antigonus should beknown. After various delays , however, he at length landed safely inEgypt, and succeeded in obtaining from the liberality of the king, ahundred and fifty talents (about thirty thousand pounds) for the settlement of the claims of the Sicyonian exiles. Upon his return, he He returnswas appointed sole commissioner for the decision of all the numerous to Sicyon.and perplexing causes arising out of claims, some of which were offifty years' standing; but he declined to undertake singly so heavy aresponsibility, and associated with himself, as assessors, fifteen of themost independent and popular citizens, with whose assistance headjusted all the disputes between the contending parties to their entiresatisfaction. Plutarch ' asserts that, in addition to the vote of thanksbestowed on him in the national assembly, the restored exileshonoured him with a statue of brass, bearing the following inscription:-1 Vita Arati.Βουλὰι μὲν και ἀεθλὰ, και ἡ ὑπὲρ Ἑλλαδὸς ἀλκὰ Τοῦδ᾽ ἀνδρὸς στάλαις πλάθεται Ἡρακλέους ·او Αμμες δ' εἰκόν Αρατε τιὰν, νόστοιο τυχόντες,Στάσαμεν ἀντ᾿ ἀρετᾶς ἠδὲ δικαιοσύναςΣωτῆρος, σωτήρσι θεοῖς ὅτι πατρίδι τῷ σῷ Δαίμον᾽ ἴσον, θείαν τ᾽ ὤπασας ευνομίαν.3 Plutarch, Vita Arati.2 This statue, with that of Philopomen, fell afterwards into the possession of Polybius. Excerpt. xxxi.The wise counsels, and patriotic labours, and the bravery displayed by this320 ARATUS.B. C. 251. It is confessedly impossible completely to reconcile the chronoDifficulties of logy of Polybius with the narrative of Plutarch; and the attempt chronology. would only lead to interminable confusion. The Achæan historiancompiled that portion of his history, which relates to the affairs of theLeague, from the Commentaries of Aratus himself; and he is remarkable for that accurate fidelity, in matter of fact, in which the biographer is so peculiarly deficient. From Polybius we learn that Aratusliberated Sicyon in the fourth year from the election of Marcus as solegeneral of the united states, that is, twenty-nine years after the restoration of the commonwealth; and that eight years afterwards he was"elected General the second time; " from which it has been hastilyinferred that eight years intervened between his first and secondelection; whereas Plutarch ' asserts that he was chosen two yearsconsecutively. There is, however, nothing in the short sentence ofPolybius' which necessarily contradicts the assertion of Plutarch; forthe historian's meaning may be that Aratus was chosen general of theLeague, for the second time, eight years after the expulsion of NicoB. C. 248. cles; and if it be true that he served that office the first time in theyear in which the Etolians defeated the Boeotians at Chæronea, andB. C. 247. the second time, eight years subsequently to the liberation of Sicyon,it will appear that the biographer is not in this instance at variance with the historian.³Nor is it probable that the union of Sicyon with the League, thevoyage to Egypt, the settlement of the exiles' claims, and the correspondence which ensued with Antigonus and Ptolemy, could all have occurred in so short a space as one year; or that so young a manman in defence of Greece, reach the pillars of Hercules, i. e. reach the highest pointof human glory; and we, who have gained our return to our country throughyou, oh Aratus, have raised this statue of you, in reward of the valour and justice of our saviour; dedicating it to the gods our tutelar saviours, because you havegiven the same fortune to your country that you have to us, and divine excellence of laws.In v. 2, λάgera has been altered to άber , I believe without MS. authority;but the one word is only a different form of the other. In v. 6, daiμor' loov has not much meaning, and Jacobs proposes agμovíar, concord.1 Vita Arati.2 Ογδόῳ δὲ πάλιν έτει στρατηγὸς αιρεθεις τὸ δεύτερον. Polyb. ii . 43.3 In the year 268 B. C. Aratus was seven years old, and he conquered Sicyon when he was twenty, i. e. in 255 B. C. Now Marcus was elected general in 259 B. C., and Polybius tells us that it was four years after this election that the conquest of Sicyon took place; this therefore happened in 255 B. C. These dates correspond exactly. Two years were probably consumed by Aratus in effecting the junction of Sicyon to the Achæan League, in serving in the cavalry, in voyaging to Egypt, being shipwrecked, &c. , so that he would return in 253 B. C. The duties of his commission would occupy time, so that the statue would not be erectedbefore 252 B. C. - Query, might he not have been elected general for this year, and does not the inscription ( roud dvdgòs, &c. ) somewhat show this? Ifhe was elected a second time, eight years after the first appointment of Marcus, it would have been in the year 251 B. C.; in which case he would have been made general in two consecutive years, and Plutarch and Polybius agree.ARATUS. 321as Aratus should have been elected to preside over the League, before B. C. 247.his character as a statesman and general was known beyond the wallsof his own city. It seems more likely that the accession of Sicyon tothe Achæan confederacy took place B. C. 251 , ' four years after theexpulsion of Nicocles; and that Aratus, whose reputation became, inconsequence of that event, greatly extended, was chosen general, for the first time, three years afterwards.However this may be, it is admitted that the first year of his com- B. c. 243.mand was distinguished by no achievement of any importance. Inthe second he formed the bold and fortunate design of surprising theAcropolis of Corinth, at that time occupied by a strong Macedoniangarrison, and guarded by Antigonus with that vigilance, which itsimportance, as the key of Peloponnesus, merited. Having corruptedthe fidelity of some soldiers of the garrison, who had accidentally resorted to Sicyon, he prevailed upon one of them to accompany himas a guide, and setting out by night with four hundred men, whowere kept in ignorance of the object of their march, he commandedthe main body of the army to bivouac at a convenient distance fromthe scene of action.of Corinth.The enterprise was unquestionably attended with extreme hazard. Surprise of It was necessary first to scale the walls of the lower town; and, after the Acropolispassing through the streets, to ascend, by a steep, narrow, andwinding path among the rocks, the height on which stood the strongfortifications of the citadel. Aratus, whose chief military excellencewas in the conduct of nocturnal expeditions, surmounted all these difficulties with extraordinary address. He posted three hundred men atthe temple of Juno which stood near the eastern gate of the city; andas soon as the sea fog had obscured the brightness of the moon, heapplied his ladders to the wall, and directed the party with him toascend barefooted, in order to avoid noise, and to prevent them fromslipping. In the meantime the confederates within had secured theguard ofthe gates and the patrol of the lower town, so that the wholeparty passed unobserved to the foot of the rock. At this momentthey perceived four of the garrison patrol advancing towards themwith a light; upon which Aratus concealed his men under the shadowof a wall, and suffered them to pass, intending to strike them downas they went by; but one of them, not being mortally wounded,escaped into the city as soon as the Sicyonians had passed on, andgave the alarm. Instantly the town was in an uproar, lights glancedin all directions, men half- armed ran to and fro, inquiring what hadhappened, women fled screaming to the temples, trumpets sounded toarms, but no one knew the extent of the danger, nor the place inwhich the enemy was to be found. The three hundred men, mean- Perilous while, who were posted at the Heræum, had been admitted into the positioncity by the conspirators, and were making their way after the general, ambuscade.1 Lempriere's Chronological Table. Lempriere, however, as well as Langhorne,places the reduction of the Acropolis B. C. 243.[H. G. ]Yofthe322 ARATUS.B. C. 243. when the alarm, suddenly given, placed them in a situation of extremedifficulty and danger. They contrived, however, in the general confusion, to screen themselves from observation under the shelter of aprojecting rock, where they waited, in anxious suspense, for someintimation which might direct their advance or retreat. Nothingcould have proved more fortunate than their accidental position; foras Archelaus, the captain of the guard, passed hastily by in pursuit ofThe garrison Aratus without observing them, they fell upon his troops as from ais surprised . concerted ambuscade, and routed them with considerable slaughter.Advantages resulting from it toAratus was consequently enabled to follow the craggy and intricatepath which his guide pointed out to him, and ascend without interruption to the fortifications above, which, however, there could nolonger be any hope of taking quietly: the garrison had been rousedby the tumult in the town below, and a severe action took place uponthe low part of the wall, which Aratus attempted to scale. Heinstantly despatched his guide to order the remainder of his party tocome up, who flushed with their recent good fortune, and animatedby the warlike cries of their comrades on the citadel, hastily climbedthe rock, and joined in the combat. The garrison, astonished at thisaccession of numbers, and pushed with redoubled vigour by the assailants, gave way on every side; and " the first rays of the morningsun," says Plutarch, gilded the victory of Aratus," who obtained possession of the citadel at the same moment that the mainbody of the army, arriving according to his orders at the gates ofthe lower town, was admitted, and thus prevented the escape of thefugitives.66This is perhaps one of the most brilliant exploits of the kind recordedin history; and the Corinthians were fully sensible of the merit of thegeneral, and of the value of their deliverance from a foreign yoke.They overwhelmed him with tumultuous applause; and it was longbefore he could obtain a hearing in the theatre, where the whole bodyof the people had assembled to see him. As soon as order was, insome measure, restored, he gave up to the popular assembly the keysof their city, of which they had not been possessed for nearly a century, and earnestly recommended that they should unite themselves tothe Achæan League. The proposal was readily adopted by all theparties concerned, and an Achæan garrison took possession of theAcropolis.The consequences of this success were immediately felt throughoutGreece. Megara, throwing off its connection with Macedon, joinedthe League. the confederacy; Trozene and Epidaurus made overtures of alliance;and the isthmus being commanded by Aratus, he was enabled, atpleasure, to ravage the territory of the adverse states, and to extendthe connections of the League, both on the mainland and in thePeloponnesus. The spirit and energy of the Achæans rose in proportion as they felt emancipated from the narrow boundaries to which 1 Vita Arati.ARATUS. 323the jealousy of Antigonus had confined them; and the general was so B. C. 243 .popular that they resolved to elect him every alternate year. 'Aratus, thus in effect at the head of the League, though Ptolemy,king of Egypt, was for some time complimented with the title ofpatron or protector, exerted himself to comprise in it as many of thestates of Greece, and especially of Peloponnesus, as could be prevailedupon to dismiss their petty tyrants, and to adopt a popular form ofgovernment. He was particularly desirous to effect a revolution inArgos; but it is evident, even from the admissions of Plutarch, thatthe Argians were by no means generally disaffected to their existinggovernment, and that the zeal of Aratus prompted him to very unjustifiable measures in order to subvert the monarchy. In the war whichensued with Aristippus, the sovereign of Argos, Aratus, though ultimately victorious by means of a successful stratagem, still lost considerable reputation by his want of personal courage and of presenceof mind in danger; and the confidence of his troops in his ability fellin proportion. In negotiation he had better fortune. The city ofCleona was added to the confederacy; and Lysiades, tyrant of Megalopolis, observing that he was likely to become the next object ofattack, voluntarily abdicated his power, and associated the Megalopolitans with the League: in consideration of which good example hewas thrice chosen general; but, by his ill-timed ambition, he involvedthe united states in hostilities with Sparta, by which his own countrywas inevitably the greatest sufferer.invasion .The restless spirit of the predatory Etolians, at this time, afforded Ætolianan opportunity to Aratus of recovering his military reputation. Theenemy having marched towards the isthmus in a strong body, he wasearnestly pressed by his own officers, and by his allies, to engagebefore entering into Peloponnesus; but he was resolved, since theharvest was nearly over, 2 to suffer the invaders to divide their strengthand relax their discipline in pursuit of booty, and then to attack themat advantage. Accordingly, having learned that they were engaged insacking Pellene, he hastened thither with extraordinary expedition ,and arriving before they had time to close the gates against him, putseven hundred of them to the sword, and restored the town to theinhabitants. The prudence, vigour, and activity which he displayedin this enterprise have been highly and justly commended, and theexploit formed the subject of one of the finest pictures of Timanthes.Repeated attempts had been made, both by negotiation and by Attemptsforce, to induce Athens to throw off the Macedonian yoke, and tobecome one of the united states. Aratus, in his Commentaries, "1 From this arrangement it appears that there must have been a revival of the ancient law that no stadtholder should continue in power more than twelve months.On what particular occasion it was revived does not appear; but that it had been for some time disregarded is clear from Polybius, who states that Marcus was in office four years. 2 Plutarch, Vita Agidis.3 Polyb. lib. iv. 8; Plut. Vita Arati. 4 Plut. Vita Arati and Vita Cleomenes.on Athens.Y 2324 ARATUS.B. C. 243. dwells upon the hazards and fatigues which he underwent in endeavouring to surprise the Piræus, and acknowledges that the Atheniansseemed to rejoice in his discomfiture. At length he discovered thatthe Macedonian governor was accessible by bribery; and he inducedthat venal officer to suffer the democratic party at Athens to seize thefortifications, by a douceur of a hundred and fifty talents (about30,000l. ) , of which the greater part was paid by Aratus himself, whohad already incurred large expenses in the reduction of Corinth.B. C. 243.Intrigues against the League.Measures ofsupport.After the death of Demetrius, who had succeeded his fatherAntigonus on the throne of Macedon, Antigonus the Third (beingdeclared protector of the kingdom during the minority of his nephewPhilip, the son of Demetrius) married the queen dowager and usurped the crown. The influence of the Macedonian court being weakenedby these changes, the petty tyrants of Greece, who had dependedupon Demetrius to support them in power, became alarmed for theirsafety; and Xenon of Hermione, Cleonymus of Phlius, and evenAristomachus of Argos, were induced to follow the example ofLysiades, and to unite their several cities to the Achæan League. Thelast of these princes, however, availed himself of the first opportunitywhich offered to resume his power and to renew his former politicalconnections; for which offence he, some years afterwards, suffered acruel and ignominious death by the order of Aratus.This rapid progress of the League, and the power and prosperitywhich the united states enjoyed under their present administration ,began to excite a very extensive feeling of jealousy, not only throughout Greece, but among the adjoining nations. The Etolians, who,during the life of Demetrius, had been in close alliance with theAchæans, and were indebted to them for prompt and effectual assistance at the time of the Macedonian invasion, began now to be apprehensive that the peace and good order introduced by the federalprinciple might prove an obstacle to those predatory excursions towhich they were peculiarly addicted; and though the memory ofrecent services kept them from acts of open hostility, they are said tohave negotiated with Cleomenes, king of Sparta, and with the youngprince Antigonus, with a view of forming an extensive combinationfor the suppression of the confederacy. In order to open a way forthis negotiation, the Etolians not only suffered the violation of theirfrontier by the troops of Cleomenes without remonstrance, but evenyielded to him three most important places, Tegea, Mantinea, andOrchomenus, that he might be better prepared to cope with Aratus.These circ*mstances were not likely to escape the sagacity of so Aratus for its profound a politician as Aratus, who felt the importance of the conjuncture, and endeavoured to provide against the danger. He sawthat, notwithstanding the recent accession of several states to theLeague, the Achæans were by no means strong enough to contendagainst so many enemies at once; and he could not but be aware¹ Polyb. ii. 45.ARATUS. 325that, in the event of hostilities with Sparta, the local situation and the B. C. 243.interests of Megalopolis would, in all probability, detach it from theconfederacy, and throw the power of that state into the scale of theenemy.He resolved , therefore, if possible, to throw the Achæans into the Alliance witharms of Antigonus; and to persuade that young prince that his Antigonus.interest plainly required him to forget family feuds, and to check theavaricious temper of the Etolians, and the still more dangerousambition of the Spartan king, which otherwise would not fail to drivehim entirely out of Greece. Many reasons, however, concurred torender Aratus unwilling that overtures towards an alliance withMacedon should appear to originate with himself; and he had recourse to that indirect policy for which his wily nature peculiarlyfitted him. He prevailed upon two young Megalopolitans of rank,with whom he was intimately acquainted, to move the authorities oftheir own city to send them as deputies to the general assembly of theAchæans, with instructions suited to his purpose; and, upon theirarrival, he so contrived with the leading men of the League, that thesame persons were despatched, with permission to treat with theMacedonian court for the protection of Megalopolis. Tutored byAratus, they found little difficulty in gaining over Antigonus to theirwishes, and they returned , charged by him to assure the Achæans,and Aratus in particular, of his eagerness to cultivate their friendship .Having secured this important point, Aratus felt less unwilling toencounter the bold and enterprising genius of Cleomenes, who, havinga design to restore the ancient Spartan discipline, and to recover theoriginal prerogatives of the crown, was making rapid strides towardsthe re-establishment of the former supremacy of Lacedæmon in Peloponnesus. Among other unequivocal marks of determined hostility to War againstthe Achæans, he had seized and fortified the temple of Minerva, nearBelbina, in the territory of Megalopolis, for the avowed purpose ofannoying that people, in retaliation for their having joined the League;and Aratus was prevailed on by Aristomachus, at this time general ofthe Achæans, to support a resolution of the assembly for declaringwar against Sparta. The Megalopolitans moved that Antigonus B. C. 227.should immediately be requested to send an army into Peloponnesus;but Aratus, who knew that the Macedonian prince would requireterms extremely humiliating to him, and injurious to the honour andinterests of the League, was anxious to dissuade them from so hasty ameasure; and he represented to them that, since they had succeededin detaching Macedon from the coalition against them, they had nolonger the same reason to distrust their own resources; and that itwould be impolitic to expose themselves to the ambition of their newally, till they should find that they were unable to defend themselveswithout his assistance.Sparta.But, notwithstanding all this caution and duplicity, it could not be Defeats ofconcealed from Ptolemy that the Achæans, while they affected to the Achæans.326 ARATUS.B. C. 227. honour him with the title of their patron, had, in effect, placed themselves under the protection of a rival power; and he was consequentlyinduced to send succours and supplies to Cleomenes, which enabled him to take the field with a more numerous and well-appointed armythan Aratus had anticipated. The result was such as might have beenexpected. Aratus proved no match for Cleomenes in open war. TheAchæans were everywhere defeated. At Lyceum they were so completely routed, that Aratus was missing and reported among thekilled; but, with his usual adroitness , he took advantage of this circ*mstance to collect a few troops, and to surprise Mantinea; of which,however, Cleomenes did not long suffer him to retain possession. Ina pitched battle, which occurred soon afterwards, in the Laodiceandistrict of Megalopolis, he refused to support Lysiades, who had commenced a successful attack upon the enemy's camp, and who was inconsequence cut off with the whole of his detachment, and fell , fightinggallantly to the last, while his superior officer looked on withoutattempting to relieve him. In a third action, at Hecatombæum, inthe Dymaan territory, the Achæans, who had brought their wholeforce into the field , were entirely cut to pieces, and left without anarmy. Aratus incurred great odium on account of these miscarriages,and especially for having suffered the destruction of Lysiades, whichwas attributed to private pique as well as to personal cowardice; andPlutarch' asserts that a strong vote of censure was passed in theassembly upon his conduct.The time had now arrived for calling in the aid of Antigonus; butAratus felt extreme unwillingness to acknowledge that the conditionupon which it must be obtained was the surrender of the citadel ofCorinth, the taking of which from the Macedonians had been the mostglorious achievement of his life. Whilst he was hesitating to proposethis measure to the assembly, he sent his son, the young Aratus, intoMacedonia, to assure the king of his readiness to comply with histerms, and to give hostages for the fidelity of the Achæans. In theIndignation meanwhile, the people of Corinth took the alarm from the recollection ofthe of the former tyranny of the Macedonians, and having hastily orderedthe Achæans to march out of their city, they invited Cleomenes totake the command of their fortifications. On this occasion , accordingto Plutarch, Aratus effected his escape, not without difficulty (soincensed were the Corinthians by what they deemed his treachery),and his property was protected from plunder only by the generousinterference of the Spartan king. Afterwards, when the people ascertained that the young Aratus had remained as a hostage in Macedonia,they insisted upon confiscating this property, and making a grant of the estate to Cleomenes.Corinthians.Power of Sparta.The Spartans, meanwhile, partly by force, and partly by the reputation of their splendid success, had become masters of several of themost important places in the confederacy. Caphyæ, Pellene, Pheneus,1 Vita Arati. 2 Ibid.ARATUS. 327Phlius, Cleonæ, Epidaurus, Hermione, Trazene, and even Argos, had B. c. 227 .submitted to the conqueror; who having, besides, gained possessionof the lower town of Corinth, and having blocked up the Achæangarrison in the citadel, was in a condition to give laws to the whole ofPeloponnesus. The political sagacity of Aratus, however, preventedthe consolidation of that power which seemed threatening to overwhelm Greece; by his advice, Antigonus, who had been refused permission to march through Ætolia, embarked his army in transports, Advance ofand sailing by Euboea, ' landed unexpectedly near the isthmus, whilst Antigonus.Cleomenes was laying siege to Sicyon.2Aratus is severely censured in this place by his biographer, first,for declining the office of general, which he had been in the habit offilling every other year; and, secondly, for not conferring it uponCleomenes, who, by this expedient, would have become the ally andprotector of the League. But upon reflection, the impartial historianmust acquit him of blame, in having declined to contend with a rivalwho had, in every rencontre, been an overmatch for him. To havemade the king of Sparta general of the united states, would have beento restore at once the ancient supremacy of that domineering power,and would have given an irrecoverable blow to the liberties of Achæa,which Antigonus could never feel it his interest entirely to destroy, aslong as the Achæans continued at enmity with Lacedæmon.WhenCleomenes was informed that the Macedonians were advancingtowards the isthmus, he instantly raised the siege of Sicyon, andmarched to defend Corinth; but Aratus, though inferior to him in thefield, was enabled to atone for this deficiency by his vigilance and skillin negotiation. He made overtures to the democratical party at Argos, offering to depose Aristomachus, who had been restored to thetyranny, if they would admit a Macedonian garrison into their city;and the scheme was so well concerted with Aristoteles , the leader ofthe party, that the Lacedæmonian garrison was besieged in the citadel,and fifteen hundred Macedonians, under Aratus, were transported bysea to Epidaurus, on their way to Argos, before Cleomenes was awareof his danger. His operations against Antigonus had, upon the whole, been attended with considerable success; but, by this masterlymanœuvre of Aratus, he found himself in danger of being completelysurrounded, and of having all his communications cut off and his supplies intercepted. With his characteristic promptitude he quitted his lines, and hastened to relieve his garrison at Argos. By a forcedmarch he arrived there before Aratus, and obtained some advantageover him; but perceiving that Antigonus hung upon his rear, he was under the necessity of retiring to Mantinea; where, finding his troopsgreatly disheartened by his failure, he broke up his camp and marched home. Antigonus, left without an opponent, placed a garrison in the Recapture ofCorinthian citadel, and proceeded to Argos; and everything havingsucceeded to his wish, he led his army into Arcadia, and, storming¹ Polyb. ii. 52. 2 Plut. Vita Arati.Corinth.328 ARATUS.B. C. 227. the Lacedæmonian fortresses recently erected there, delivered them upto the Megalopolitans. Thence he hastened to attend the conventionof the general assembly at Ægium, and by his eloquence and liberalsentiments he gained so much popularity with the Achæans, that hewas chosen commander-in-chief of all their forces; upon which heplaced his troops in winter quarters at Sicyon and at Corinth.Antigonus chosen general of the League.His continued successes.Battle of Sellasia.B. C. 222.2As soon as the season for action commenced, the Macedonian troopswere led into the field, and joining the Achæans at Tegea, compelledthat city to surrender. Antigonus, leaving a garrison to secure theTegeans in obedience, advanced by rapid marches into Laconia (whereCleomenes was expecting his approach) , and avoiding a general action,he harassed the Spartan army by continual skirmishes , with the view,according to Polybius, ' of ascertaining what impression could be madeupon it by his Macedonians. Having learned, in the midst of theseoperations, that Cleomenes was assisted by the Orchomenians, thisactive general marched to surprise Orchomenus, and took it by assault.Encouraged by this success, he laid siege to Mantinea, ³ which surrendered, after a short resistance; and he then proceeded to invest Hereaand Telphusa, the inhabitants of both which cities opened their gatesat his approach. The autumnal assembly of the states was now athand, and Antigonus returned to Egium to be present at theirmeeting. So great was the confidence produced by his late achievements, and by the recovery of so many cities to the League, that hedismissed his Macedonian army, and ordered them home for the winter,whilst he remained to conduct the deliberations of the Achæan council,and to command their troops.No sooner was it known that the Macedonians were gone, thanCleomenes prepared to surprise Megalopolis, which, from its greatextent and reduced population, was generally ill- guarded. In thisbold attempt he succeeded, though not without great difficulty anddanger; and whilst the impression of so unexpected an event was fresh on the minds both of the Spartans and of the enemy, he pushedforward almost to the gates of Argos, where Antigonus resided, andravaged the country, hoping to provoke him to an engagement on very unequal terms. But his own prudence, or the cautious counselsof Aratus, preserved the Macedonian king from falling into the snare,and he suffered the Lacedæmonians to return home unmolested, havinggained little real advantage by their hazardous expedition. In thespring the Macedonian troops returned in great force, and being joinedby the Achæans from their various winter quarters, Antigonus put himself at their head, and defeated Cleomenes in the celebrated battleof Sellasia, where the power and glory of Sparta were for ever extinguished, and all the apprehensions of the Achæans from that quarter were finally set at rest.¹ Lib. ii. 54.Of this city and of Corinth he retained possession as long as he lived. -Polyb.iv. 6 . 3 From this period called Antigonea.ARATUS. 329AntigonusThis gallant and high-minded prince, to whom they were so deeply B. C. 222.indebted, appears to have entertained no designs hostile to their liberty. Character ofHe was too candid to conceal his prepossessions in favour of monar- III .chical government, or his ardent admiration of some of those braveand enlightened princes, whose statues, destroyed by the republicanzeal of Aratus, he took pleasure in restoring. But, though these differences of sentiment created some temporary uneasiness, Antigonusleft Greece, carrying with him the sincere esteem of Aratus, and thegrateful attachment of all his allies. ' Unhappily for all parties, hecarried with him also the seeds of a mortal distemper, which he toorashly disregarded; and soon after his return, cheering his men in avictorious charge against the Illyrians, he ruptured a large vessel in thelungs, and died from the effusion of blood.His death .of Philipincursions.On the death of Antigonus, his nephew Philip succeeded to the Coldnessthrone of Macedon; but no immediate change took place in the poli- towards thetical relations of Greece. This prince had been intimately connected League.with the younger Aratus, and had professed for him the warmestregard; but he had always entertained a distrust of the father, whoserepublican principles offended his pride, and whose tergiversationexcited his suspicion. On his accession he became cold towards his B. C. 220.Achæan friends, who had accustomed themselves to place too muchreliance on foreign protection; and the Ætolians, who had been compelled to sue for peace after the defeat of Cleomenes, now ventured toresume their predatory habits, and to make incursions into the territories of the neighbouring states. They began by seizing Clarium, a The Etolians fortress in the Megalopolitan country, which they made their head- renew theirquarters, and thence infested the neighbourhood with perpetual robberies; but Timoxenus, the general of the League, with the assistanceof Taurio, who had been appointed lieutenant by Antigonus, stormedthe place and dispersed the garrison. After this commencement ofhostilities, Dorimachus and Scopas, who commanded the Ætolianforces, thought fit to suspend their operations till the term for whichTimoxenus held his office was nearly closed: intending to take advantage of that inactivity which usually prevailed in the army while thecommand was passing into new hands. Accordingly, a few daysbefore Timoxenus resigned his staff, they commenced a violent andsudden attack upon the lands of Patræ and Pharæ, and extended theirravages to the precincts of Messene; the inhabitants not venturing tooffer any resistance. When the states assembled as usual at Ægium,deputies from all these towns attended to complain of the injuries theyhad received; and the assembly issued orders to their general to repress the insolence of the Ætolians. Timoxenus, unwilling to hazard,on the event of a battle at the close of his year, the reputation whichhe had previously gained, declined to march against them; but Aratus,who was appointed to succeed him, indignant at the conduct of theenemy, and commiserating the sufferings of the Messenians, antici1¹ Polyb. ii. 70.330 ARATUS.B. C. 220. pated, by five days, the legal period of his command, and taking thestaff of office from Timoxenus, issued his orders to the Achæan troopsand their allies to assemble at Megalopolis.As soon as he found himself at the head of a considerable army, hesent a herald to Dorimachus and Scopas, desiring them to quit theterritory of the united states, on pain of being treated as enemies.The Etolian generals, perceiving that Aratus was in great force, sentfor their vessels, and prepared to embark the booty they had collected;and Aratus, after waiting only two days, became the dupe of appearances, and disbanding the main body of his army, marched, with threethousand infantry, three hundred cavalry, and the detachment underTaurio, for Patræ. The Ætolians, who instantly perceived their advantage, marched in pursuit, and pitched their camp at Methydrium.Upon this, Aratus inconsiderately altered his route, and encamped atCaphyæ, and upon seeing the enemy advance towards Orchomenus, hedrew up his line in order of battle upon the bank of a river, in a strongsituation. The enemy, not daring to assail his position, endeavouredto gain some high ground in the neighbourhood; an advantage whichAratus despatched his cavalry and light infantry to prevent: an actionThey defeat ensued, in which the Achæans were defeated with severe loss, andescaped entire destruction only by taking refuge in the neighbouringfortified places. The Megalopolitans, who arrived the next day totheir assistance, were employed in burying the dead; and the Ætolianspursued their march through Peloponnesus in triumph, plundering thecountry as they passed.the Achæans.Trial of Aratus.Upon the news of this disaster the states were convened , and severalcharges were preferred against Aratus for conduct unworthy of ageneral. First, that he had assumed the command of the army beforehe was legally entitled to it. Secondly, that he had disbanded histroops in face of the enemy. Thirdly, that he had risked an actionwith so small a force, when he might easily have withdrawn into Orchomenus or Caphyæ, and waited for succours. The last andweightiest charge was, that in the battle he had neglected to advancehis heavy-armed troops, of whom the enemy stood in dread, and hadtrusted the event of the day to his cavalry and light infantry, whom hesent into action upon unfavourable ground.To these charges he replied generally, that whatever might havebeen his errors of judgment he was free from criminal intention ornegligence; and he concluded by reminding the states of his past services, and entreating that they would notjudge him in a vindictive spirit.The assembly, sensibly touched by this appeal, acquitted him of blame,and again intrusted the direction of their affairs to his guidance.During several seasons which followed, the Etolians continued tomake incursions into Peloponnesus; and though the assembly of thestates sent for succours to Philip, and to their other allies, and enabledAratus and other generals to appear at the head of very formidablearmies, nothing effectual was done to repress the invaders.ARATUS. 331At length Philip, ashamed of this inactivity, came in person to B. C. 220.Corinth to take the command of the allied army. He found Pelo- Conduct of Philip.ponnesus divided into parties, and Sparta, which had been reduced,after its capture by Antigonus, to the form of a republic, torn byintestine faction. The Etolians, professing the most peaceable dispositions, omitted no opportunity of plundering the allies; and theAchæans were more willing to purchase the assistance of Macedoniantroops by disgraceful concessions than to undergo the fatigues anddangers of an irregular campaign. The young king exerted himselfwith great spirit to remedy these disorders, and exhibited manyindications of vigour and generosity; but he failed to produce anypermanent change in the state of affairs. His inexperience and hisevil counsellors led him to distrust Aratus, whose prudence andsagacity would have extricated him from many of the difficultiesin which he became involved; he openly quarrelled with the youngerAratus, recently chosen general of the League, whose wife he hadbasely corrupted, ' and he entered into the schemes of interestedpersons in order to make himself absolute throughout Greece.Matters were in this situation when the two Arati determined to Intrigues of his minister seek an explanation with the king, in which, after a violent altercation Apelles.with Apelles, his prime minister, they succeeded in opening his eyesto the falsehood and treachery of the party by whose advice he had acted; and Aratus had the satisfaction of persuading him to dismisshis Macedonian army, and to spend the winter with his Grecian friendsat Argos. A cordial reconciliation was the result, and preparationswere made for active operations in the ensuing spring. Eperatus waschosen general of the League; but he was a man of no talents nor energy of character, and the whole resources of the states were placedat the disposal of Philip, who, assisted by the experience and sagacityof Aratus, conducted the campaign with distinguished address and courage, and obtained a decisive advantage over the Etolians, theEleans, and the Lacedæmonians, who were combined against him.His success would have been more brilliant, had it not been in partfrustrated by the cabals of Apelles and his faction, whose jealousy of Aratus at length led them to such outrageous behaviour that their deep-laid treachery was discovered, and the principal authors of the Frustrated .mischief were put to death.The next year Aratus was again elected to the command. Forsome time all things succeeded to his wish, and the states of theLeague enjoyed comparative security under the protection of Macedon;but as Philip advanced in age, his ambitious passions became developed,and his pride could not brook the unpolished manner of Aratus, whofrequently offended him by the freedom with which he expressed hisopinions. Men not unusually profit by the admonitions which theyresent; and though the king was for some time dissuaded from hisimpolitic intention of making war against Rome, he never forgaveI Livy, xxvi. 31; Plut. Vita Arati. 2 Polyb. iv. 87.332 ARATUS.B. C. 220. Aratus for having predicted his final overthrow in that contest.Philip.Onone occasion Philip was advised by Demetrius of Pheræ¹ to place agarrison in Ithome, a fortress belonging to the Messenians; and having sacrificed to Zeus, he held the entrails of the victim in his hand, andturning to Aratus, who was present, asked his opinion of the will ofJealousy of heaven. Demetrius, interrupting him, exclaimed scornfully, " If youhave the soul of a priest, lead away your troops; but if you have the spirit of a king, keep possession of the citadel, for you will never havesuch another opportunity of getting hold of the bull by both horns.”By the bull, says Polybius, " he meant Peloponnesus, and by the twohorns the citadels of Corinth and Ithome. Aratus remained silent;but the king pressing for his opinion, after some hesitation, he said," If you can hold this fortress without violating your oath to theMessenians, it is unquestionably expedient. But if, in taking possessionof it, you should lose that best guard of all your fortresses, the faith oftreaties, which you inherited from Antigonus, it would be incomparablybetter to be true to your allies, and to relinquish the present object. "Philip felt the force of the appeal , and yielded to it; but he felt alsothe censure which it conveyed, and his temper was irritated .Death of Aratus.The ambition which he entertained to make himself master ofMessenia now became the source of frequent altercations with Aratusand with his son, and produced at length so much mutual dislike thatPhilip desired nothing more than to be freed from their importunities;but there does not appear sufficient ground for the suspicion expressedby Aratus, and apparently believed by Polybius, that the death of theAchæan prætor, which happened not long afterwards, was occasionedby a slow poison administered to him by Taurio at the instigationB. C. 213. of the king. He died of a lingering distemper, accompanied withhæmoptoe, at Ægium, in the sixty-second year of his age, havingserved the office of general of the Achæan League seventeen times.The states vied with each other in evincing their sense of his meritsand his services by the respect which they displayed for his memory;and his countrymen, according to the preposterous custom of thetimes, paid him divine honours as a saviour, and instituted annualgames and solemnities, which were celebrated near his tomb in themost public part of the city. Some vestiges of these festivals remainedin the time of Plutarch.Polybius, who was himself an Achæan, and intimately acquaintedwith the friends and family of Aratus, has left a very impartial judg1 In Thessaly.2 Lib. vii. 3.3 Lib. viii. 9. Plutarch, not content with this story, adds that the youngerAratus was also drugged with potions which deprived him of his intellect and in- flamed his passions, so that his early death was counted a happy deliverance. But Polybius states that Aratus, son of Aratus the Sicyonian, was joined with his father Lycortas, and himself, in an embassy from the Achæan states to king Ptolemy, on account of the ancient friendship which had existed between his family and the Ptolemies. Excerpt. Polyb. lvii. Livy makes Aristanus say that Philip murdered both father and son, xxxii. 21 .ARATUS. 333ment of his talents and character. He represents him as superior to B. C. 213.all the statesmen of his day in sagacity, penetration, and applicationto affairs, and singularly expert in concerting stratagems or planning asurprise; but in the field tardy and irresolute, apt to be deceived, and easily intimidated. His virtues and his vices were those of the age inwhich he lived. He was disinterested, patriotic, and generous, liberalto his friends, and faithful to his allies; but he was withheld by noscruples from the pursuit of his favourite political objects, and hedeemed nothing cruel nor unjust which could be effected againsttyrants. As an historian his reputation stood high with his contemporaries; and the reliance which Polybius places on his fidelityand accuracy, renders the loss of his ' Commentaries' a subject of profound regret to the lovers of history.CESARCENTAchaa.SMEASONECleomenes, King of Sparta.State ofCHAPTER XI.CLEOMENES.FROM B. C. 235 TO B. C. 219.TheTHE institutions of Lycurgus, which had rendered Sparta at one time Sparta at the accession of the most powerful state in Greece, were scarcely compatible with any Agis. considerable advancement in civilization, or any extended views offoreign policy. In the long wars with Persia, which sprang out of theimpolitic ambition of the court of Sardis, the kings and the soldiers ofLacedæmon necessarily spent much of their time in Asia, and graduallyacquired that taste for luxury and expense which distinguished theircompanions in arms. The insufficiency oftheir own resources obligingthem to cultivate the alliance of Greeks and barbarians, and to employmercenary troops, brought upon them the necessity ofraising a revenue,and taught them the value of property and the uses of money.consequences were a relaxation of ancient discipline both at home andabroad, neglect of the laws, and a contempt for those simple habitsand that independent poverty which had once been the boast and theglory of Sparta. The corruption was not at first rapid, nor werethere wanting men of virtue and abilities who strenuously resisted itsprogress; but the result was inevitable. The Agrarian law, whichlong preserved the aristocracy of Sparta distinct from the servileclasses as a proud armed nobility disdaining mechanical employmentsor mercantile speculations, was repealed by the influence of Epitades,one of the Ephori, who is said to have been actuated by some privatemotive.' The habits of expense which had been introduced immediately occasioned many ofthe nobles to avail themselves of the powerthus acquired to alienate their family estates, which were purchasedby others who had been enriched by plunder in war, or by foreignPlutarch, in Agide.CLEOMENES. 3353connections. Property became engrossed by a few enormously wealthy B. c. 236.families, whose sons were enervated by refinement; whilst the descendants of the impoverished aristocracy were confounded with theinferior classes, and were excluded, by the necesssity of earning alivelihood, from the liberal pursuits and the warlike exercises of theirforefathers. When young Agis ' came to the throne, there were,according to Plutarch, no more than seven hundred families of theancient Spartan race remaining, and of these scarcely a seventh partretained their patrimonial estates. The discontent and faction, inseparable from such a state of affairs, occasioned violent commotions andcrimes formerly unknown to Lacedæmon; and the constitution wasso much impaired that the kings had lost even the shadow of regalpower, and were insulted and deposed, banished and recalled, atthe pleasure of the Ephori, who exercised the whole authority ofgovernment. Agis, who was himself among the richest individualsofLacedæmon, and whose family enjoyed even larger possessions thanhimself, was inspired, from his early youth, with a noble ambition todistinguish himself by restoring the laws and the discipline of formertimes; and upon coming to the throne, he instantly began the work ofreformation, and set the example not merely of a plain appearance anddiet, and of hardy habits of life, but proposed to throw into thecommon stock the vast sums of money possessed by himself and hisrelations, and to give up his land to be divided according to the provisions of the Lycurgan law. In this design he was frustrated, andlost his life by the intrigues of the Ephori and the opposition of Murder ofLeonidas, his partner on the throne, who had imbibed, during a long Agis.residence in Asia, sentiments more suited to the corruption of the age.The Ephori having murdered Agis in prison, his brother Archidamus Marriage ofsaved himself by flight from the designs which Leonidas entertained his widow Agiatis with against his life. His wife Agiatis, scarcely yet recovered from her Cleomenes.confinement, was seized in her own house, and conducted to the palace of the king, who had resolved upon forcing her to marry hisson Cleomenes, at that time not eighteen years of age. Agiatis wasa woman of true Spartan spirit, full of courage and generosity, but atthe same time capable of the most tender conjugal affection . Sheresisted, by every means in her power, the willof Leonidas, and desired nothing more than to be permitted to cherish the memory ofher late husband; but her great fortune was too splendid an object tobe relinquished, and the king insisted upon her obedience. Her beauty and her misfortunes soon made a powerful impression upon the youngprince: he entered with great delicacy into her feelings, and endeavoured to engage her in conversation. This circ*mstance induced herto hope that, by complying with the commands of Leonidas, she1 Son of Eudamidas 2 Vita Agidis. .3 The office of the Ephori was instituted to prevent warlike princes and great commanders from erecting a military despotism at home. It existed, under the same name, in other states besides Sparta, and produced similar effects.336 CLEOMENES.B. C. 236. might lay a foundation for carrying into effect the reformation begunby Agis, and for restoring the ancient glory of her country; and sheconsented to become the wife of Cleomenes that she might wean himfrom the principles of his father.Influenceacquired by Agiatis.B. C. 235.Accession of Cleomenes.In this design she was completely successful. The young prince,naturally romantic, generous, and ambitious of glory, was at an agewhen the character is easily moulded by the influence of a belovedfemale. His imagination was fired, and his feelings were touched bythe descriptions which his wife delighted to give him of the characterand conduct of Agis; and he was animated with an enthusiastic desireto imitate, and, if possible, to surpass him, that he might fill his placein the affections of Agiatis. Such an attachment was happily calculated to soften that severity of character which he derived from theStoic philosophy instilled into him by Spherus, the disciple of Zeno,who had been the preceptor of his early years, and was the source ofthat amiable temper in domestic life which Polybius ' seems to thinkinconsistent with the ardour and vehemence so conspicuous in hispublic conduct.Upon his accession to the throne on the death of his father, Cleomenesresolved to lose no time in commencing the great work of reformationwhich he had been so long meditating; and for this purpose he heldfrequent consultations with his friend Xenares, and desired to be informed by him of the steps taken by Agis, and of the causes of hisfailure. Xenares, suspecting his design, and averse to its execution,withdrew himself from his intimacy; and Cleomenes, perceiving thedanger of having his intentions prematurely discovered, resolved toform his plan with no adviser besides his wife, whose talents, fidelity,and fascinating manners had deeply rooted his early prepossession.The great obstacle to reform was removed by the death of Euridamides,his colleague, which occurred so seasonably that it has been attributedto poison administered by Cleomenes. But the Ephori, who, in timeof peace, possessed the entire executive power of the state, still stoodin his way, and held in complete subjection the friends whose supportwas indispensable to his success. Observing, therefore, that Agis hadfailed by engaging in an unequal contest with these magistrates, hedetermined to rid himself of them before he should attempt therestoration of the laws and discipline of Lycurgus. For this purposeit was necessary to involve the country in war, that the command ofthe army might give him power, and that a successful campaignmight gain popularity among the people. Besides these reasons , hewas eager to make war upon the united states of Achæa,³ conceiving them to have usurped in Peloponnesus the supremacy so long exercised by Lacedæmon; for, by the able negotiations and militarymanœuvres of Aratus, the whole peninsula, excepting Laconia, Elis,and a few inconsiderable towns of Arcadia, had joined the League;and, upon the death of Leonidas, he had made some hostile attemptsExcerpt. ix. 2 Polyb. ii. 47.1 3 Id. eod.CLEOMENES. 337against the Arcadian cities remaining in the Lacedæmonian interest, B. C. 227.which, though not successful, formed a justifiable ground for commencing a system ofreprisals.the Achæans. With these views Cleomenes listened willingly to the invitation War againstof the Etolian Ephori to join with them and with Macedon in anextensive combination against the united states; and he accepted from B. c. 227.them the possession of three important fortresses, Mantinea, Tegea,and Orchomenus, at that time not merely in alliance with the Ætolianrepublic, but actually members of the confederacy. The Achæangeneral, alarmed at this turn of affairs, exerted himself to detachAntigonus from the new allies, and made an attempt to surpriseTegea and Orchomenus by night, a mode of warfare in which hehad been singularly successful. But the conspirators, who had undertaken to assist him in the enterprise, were secured by the vigilance ofCleomenes, who, exulting in having disappointed the wily veteran,sent him a jocular note, inquiring, " Whither he had been ramblingabout the country by night?" Aratus replied that his last movementhad been designed to prevent the seizure of the fortification of Belbina,a post in the Megalopolitan territory, which the Ephori had commanded their king to occupy, and to fortify the Athenæum whichstood near it. Cleomenes, who knew the real object of the nocturnalexpedition, returned for answer that " he was perfectly satisfied withthe account which the general had given of his own movement, butbegged to be informed where all the scaling ladders and lanterns hadbeen marching. " Aratus was disposed to laugh at this sally; but anold Lacedæmonian in his army, who knew the character of Cleomenes,gravely observed, " If you have any great design in hand, make hasteand complete it before the spurs of this co*ckerel are grown. ”recal The Ephori of Sparta, meanwhile, always vacillating in their The Ephoricouncils, became apprehensive of the consequences of a war, and Cleomenes.recalled the king home; upon which Aratus immediately seizedCaphyæ, and was preparing to extend his success when the samemagistrates sent Cleomenes against him with five thousand men. Thecommand of the Achæan army, consisting, according to Plutarch,³ oftwenty thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry, had, in the interim,devolved upon Aristomachus, lately tyrant of Argos, who having abdicated his sovereignty, and united his city with the League, was, forthis service, chosen general. Notwithstanding the great disproportionof numbers, Cleomenes offered him battle, gaily reminding his troopsof the saying of an ancient Spartan king, that " the Lacedæmoniansdo not ask the numbers of the enemy, but where they are." Aristomachus was eager to accept the challenge; but Aratus, intimidatedby the daring spirit of the young king, refused his consent, and prevailed upon him to retire.The Achæan army then moved to attack Elis, which was in alliancewith Lacedæmon; but Cleomenes, marching hastily to its relief, over8 Vita Cleomenis.1¹ Polyb. ii . 46.[H. G.]2 Plutarch, in Vita Cleomenis.Z338 CLEOMENES.B. C. 226. took and defeated them with great slaughter at Lycæum; and Aratushimself escaped with so much difficulty that he was for some timemissing, and reported to be slain. Taking advantage of this error, hefound means to surprise Mantinea; and the Ephori were so alarmedbythe loss of that important place that they refused Cleomenes themeans of continuing the war. Upon this, he resolved to attempt therestoration of the royal authority, and proposed to supply the place ofhis late colleague by sending for Archidamus, the brother of Agis, toshare the throne. The Ephori dared not oppose a measure so agreeableto the constitution and to justice; but they took care to defeat it byprocuring the assassination of Archidamus immediately upon hisarrival. The king, finding himself unable to contend against theirpower, was compelled to resort to bribery, and being largely suppliedwith money by his mother Cratesiclea, who was an enthusiast inreform, he purchased the consent of the Ephori to the renewal of hostilities.2 Defeat of the Achæans.Removal oftheHaving gained this point, he marched out with the intention ofseizing Leuctra, a town belonging to Megalopolis. Aratus hastenedto its relief, and was joined by Lysiades with a body of Megalopolitans.A brilliant action was fought on the Laodician plain, near the walls ofthe city, in which the Achæans had, at first, the advantage; butAratus, either envying the glory of Lysiades, or infatuated by timidity,refused to support the pursuit which had commenced, and the eagleeye of Cleomenes, instantly catching the moment of advantage, turnedupon his pursuers. Lysiades and his light troops, entangled in theenclosures, were cut to pieces, the Spartans returned to the charge,and the whole Achæan army fled in disorder. The slaughter was verygreat, and Aratus was glad to obtain a truce with permission to buryhis dead; but Cleomenes, admiring the gallantry of Lysiades, whohad lately abdicated the sovereignty of Megalopolis and united it withthe League, insisted upon doing honour to the corpse, and arraying itin royal robes, with a diadem on the head, he conducted it withmilitary honours to the gates of Megalopolis.Conceiving that by this success he had established his militaryEphori, and character, Cleomenes returned to Sparta, and having communicatedrevolution in with some of his friends, and engaged them to assist him, he deter- Sparta.mined, since no other means had proved successful, to remove theEphori by violence, and to restore at once the power of the crownand the laws of Lycurgus. Plutarch* details, with amusing minuteness, the circ*mstances which attended the destruction of these corruptmagistrates, and the very speech which Cleomenes made to the people afterwards. But a strenuous advocate for the system of Lycurguswas not likely to have imitated the orators of Athens; and nothingcan be so improbable as that one of the Ephori should relate to¹ Polybius, somewhat inconsistently, imputes this infamous action to Cleomenes (lib. v. 37).2 Plut. Vita Cleomenis. 3 Al. Leuctrum. 4 Vita Cleomenis.CLEOMENES. 339Cleomenes a dream , of which the obvious interpretation was that B. C.heaven had decreed their removal by his hand. The revolution 226-225.appears to have excited little commotion; the richest of the citizenswere prepared to approve it, and followed the example of the king,who resigned his whole property to the public, and the poor werelittle inclined to question the legality of a transaction by which they Reform ofalone were to be the immediate gainers. The vacancy on the throne Cleomenes.was filled by Euclidas, the brother of Cleomenes, the only instance, it 226-225.is said, in which the two kings were from the same branch of theHeracleid tree. The next measure was to put in force the Agrarianlaw; and Cleomenes generously commanded that eighty lots of landshould be set apart for those citizens whom the exigency of themoment compelled him to banish, but whom he declared that hewould recal to their country as soon as tranquillity should be esta- blished. He had now leisure to enforce the restoration of the ancientsimple and hardy mode of life, which he had himself uniformly practised; and in this he was greatly assisted by his former tutor, theStoic philosopher Spherus, who, having long held his school at Sparta,possessed great influence among the younger nobility. The exampleof the king himself was, however, the most prevailing argument.Cheerful and affable in his manners, liberal in his conduct, and peculiarly agreeable and entertaining in conversation, he won the affectionsofall who approached him, and every one who was ambitious of beingthought fashionable imitated the king. The same severity of disciplinewas carried into the camp, and soon became popular among thesoldiers, who were delighted with the frank familiarity of behaviour which Cleomenes knew how to combine with the most absoluteauthority. That the enemy might not suppose his attention whollyengrossed by his plan of reform, he made repeated incursions intotheir territories, and extended his ravages as far as Argos, by meansof which his troops became accustomed to their new discipline andwere prepared for more serious encounters.B. C.hostilities.An opportunity was not long wanted for proving the effect of these Renewal ofchanges. The Mantineans, dissatisfied with Aratus, made overturesto Sparta. The king, marching by night, entered the town, and, withthe assistance of the inhabitants, dislodged the garrison from thecitadel with so much expedition that he withdrew the next morninginto Tegea. After refreshing his troops, he passed through Arcadiawithout interruption, and made a demonstration against Pheræ, a cityof Achæa, belonging to the League. Hyperbatus, at this time generalof the states, encamped the whole force under his command at Hecatombæum, near Dymæ, so that Cleomenes could not advance uponhim without leaving that city in his rear, and exposing himself to asally of the garrison. This secure position is strongly characteristic ofthe cautious tactics of Aratus, who, in effect, guided all the operationsof the campaign; but the Spartan king, relying upon the rapidity of1 Πανδημει κινδυνεύοντες . Polyb. ii. 51.z 2340 CLEOMENES.B. C. 224. his movements, instantly attacked the Achæan lines and put the entirearmy to the sword, ' with scarcely any loss of his own men.Aratus, after this defeat, which was attributed to his want ofconduct, refused to take his turn as general during the ensuing season,not caring to meet Cleomenes again in the field; but he still retained so much influence in the Achæan councils that he directed all thenegotiations which ensued, in which Cleomenes offered, upon beingdeclared general of the League, to restore the places he had takenduring the war, and to set at liberty all his prisoners without ransom.But Aratus, who foresaw that these conditions would not only eclipsehis own glory and annihilate his power, but would also at once restoreLacedæmon to the empire of Peloponnesus, and eventually of Greece,preferred taking refuge under the protection of Macedon, even at theprice of surrendering to Antigonus the Acrocorinthus, the scene of hismost celebrated exploit.The discussion was interrupted by the illness of Cleomenes, whichobliged him to return suddenly to Sparta; and, upon his resumingthe negotiation, he was so rudely treated by Aratus, that, after a gooddeal of mutual recrimination, all hope of peace was at an end, and theLacedæmonians, having sent a herald to declare that the war wasrenewed, soon made themselves masters of nearly all Peloponnesus.Cleomenes, encouraged by the extraordinary success of his arms, cameSuccesses of suddenly upon Argos, while the Achæans were there assembled toCleomenes. celebrate the Nemean games, and, with little resistance, obtained possession of that city (of all others the first object of Spartan ambition) ,compelling the Argians to receive a garrison, and to give hostages fortheir fidelity to the Lacedæmonian alliance. The Corinthians nowbecame eager to follow the example of their neighbours, and sentdeputies to invite Cleomenes to enter their city, while they commandedAratus and the Achæans to quit the frontier. The general, mountinghis horse, made his escape; but the Achæan garrison kept possessionof the citadel, and it was found impracticable to dislodge them.Operations of the Mace- donians.The Spartan king drew a line of circumvallation round the Acrocorinthus, which completely prevented all communication between thegarrison and their commander; and he then again tried the effect ofnegotiation, and offered liberal terms to Aratus if he would surrenderCorinth, and make an alliance with Lacedæmon: but the general sent an evasive and churlish reply, "that he was not master of events, butevents ofhim;" and pressed Antigonus to hasten his march that he mightsave the citadel from being taken. In retaliation of this affront, Cleomenes ravaged the territories of Sicyon, and laid siege to its capital.In the meanwhile, the Macedonians, having been refused permissionto march through Pyle by the Etolians, arrived by sea near theisthmus, and passing Mount Gerania, prepared to enter Peloponnesus.Cleomenes, who saw the impossibility of meeting Antigonus in the1'0λoxiews izraírav (Id. eod. ) , which Casaubon renders " universam pubem amisissent."CLEOMENES. 341field with the force then under his command, threw up a line of forti- B. C. 224.fication connecting the Acrocorinthus with the Oneian range, ' andmade his position so strong that the Macedonian king dared notattempt to force it; and in an attempt to get into his rear by the portLechæum, one of the harbours at Corinth, he was repulsed with considerable loss. But the artifices of Aratus achieved what appearedimpracticable to the forces of Antigonus. A revolution was unexpectedly brought about in Argos, and means were contrived for sendinga large body of Macedonians, commanded by Aratus, to support theinsurgents, who were besieging the Lacedæmonian garrison in thecitadel. Cleomenes, upon being apprised of the revolt, detachedMegistonus, in great haste, to relieve his garrison; but that generalwas killed in attempting to enter the town, and his men were dispersed and slain. The Lacedæmonians in the citadel were now severelypressed, and despatched messenger after messenger to the king, im- ploring him to come to their assistance. His situation was extremely Difficultperplexing; for if he should leave his lines, Antigonus was certain to Cleomenes position of.gain possession of Corinth, and to open a way into Peloponnesus; or,if he should lose Argos, the enemy would be in his rear, and might either force his lines, or march into Laconia without opposition. Thelatter danger, at length, determined him to abandon his post, whichfell immediately into the hands of the Macedonians; but Cleomenesmade so rapid a march to Argos, that he arrived there before Aratus,and finding the walls of the city too well guarded to be scaled , he broke open some vaults under the suburbs, and, by subterranean passages with which he was acquainted, introduced a division of his armyinto the citadel, and joined the garrison. Aratus, in the meantime,arriving at the gates, was admitted into the town; but Cleomenes, bymeans of his archers and slingers , so galled the Macedonian troops thatthey dared not appear in the streets, and the Spartans were rapidlygaining possession of the city. At this moment the vigilant eye ofthe Lacedæmonian king saw the numerous army of Antigonus pouringdown from the isthmus; and, aware of the impossibility of contendingagainst such superiority of numbers, under the conduct of so able acommander, he made a timely and masterly retreat; and, conductinghis men along the walls of the city, joined the main body of his army,and retired in good order to Mantinea. On the road he was met by a messenger, who informed him of the sudden death of his wife Death ofa*giatis, to whom he was most ardently and tenderly attached; but Agiatis.though this event, occurring at so inauspicious a moment, clouded allhis hopes of consolation under reverses, he neither forgot the duties ofa general, the dignity of a king, nor the manliness of a Spartan; buthaving calmly provided for the security of the outposts, he withdrewhis army into Sparta. Here, in the privacy of his own family, hegave vent to the bitterness of his feelings , deprived as he was, in a fewdays, of the fruit of all his glorious achievements, and, of what he1¹ Polyb. ii. 52.342 CLEOMENES.with Ptolemy Euergetes.B. C. 223.B. C. 223. valued still more, of his domestic happiness. But though his ownheart was shut against hope, he felt all that he still owed to hiscountry; and rousing himself from despair, he looked around him forthe means of defending Lacedæmon against the expected invasion . InAlliance of preparing to meet this danger, fresh trials awaited him. PtolemyCleomenes Euergetes, at this time king of Egypt, jealous of the progress of Antigonus in Greece, was easily induced to promise succours and suppliesto Cleomenes; but it was upon condition that his mother and his sonshould be sent to Egypt as hostages for his fidelity. The heroicdescendant of Hercules hesitated not to deprive himself of his lasttreasure to save Sparta; but though resolved to sacrifice his ownaffections, he could not command resolution to break the business tohis mother. Cratesiclea, however, perceived that a secret weight hungupon the mind of her son, and with some difficulty drew from him thecause of his uneasiness . No sooner was it explained, than the Spartanspirit of this noble lady prevailed over every other sentiment, and sheexclaimed with generous enthusiasm-" Is this all?—let me embarkwithout delay; and thank the gods that, old and helpless as I appear,I may yet be of service to Sparta!"Fortitude of Cratesiclea.Successes of Antigonus.But Cleomenes immediately prepared for her departure, and conductedher, with a train suitable to her rank, to the port of Tænarus.when he was about to part with her and his child, his emotion overcame even his hereditary firmness, and he began to weep aloud.Cratesiclea, who had resigned herself to her fate, as a victim sacrificedto her country, remained calm, and leading her son aside into thetemple of Neptune, she said, " King of Sparta, when we go outhence, let no man see a tear, nor any weakness unworthy of thatexalted title. This is in our power. Events are in the hands of God."Ashamed to be thus surpassed in resolution by a woman, Cleomenessuppressed his grief, and led his mother, with the child in her arms,on board the ship, with a firm step, and a kindling countenance,appearing, in the eyes of his followers, to realize the proudest visionsof Spartan virtue. He soon afterwards received intelligence of thesafe arrival of the hostages, and their favourable reception at the courtof Alexandria. Cratesiclea wrote to him in a cheerful manner; but atthe same time laid her commands upon him to act, on all occasions,for the honour and advantage of his country, without regard to thesafety of a useless old woman and a child in the hands of Ptolemy.'Antigonus remained during the winter in quarters at Corinth andArgos; but early in the spring he led his forces to Tegea, andbesieged it with those warlike engines, in the use of which the Macedonians were singularly expert. The Tegeans, seeing little expectation of relief from Cleomenes, who was in no condition to take thefield against so powerful an enemy, surrendered after a very slenderresistance. Antigonus, upon this, advanced to the frontier of Laconia,where the Lacedæmonians were encamped, with a desperate resolution2 Polyb. ii. 53.21 Plut. Vita Cleomenis.CLEOMENES. 343to defend their country from invasion. He was too prudent to put B. C. 223.the advantages he had gained to the hazard of a battle under such circ*mstances; but, by frequent skirmishes, he tried the strength of botharmies, and kept the attention of Cleomenes employed, whilst hemade himself master of Mantinea and Orchomenus, and of almost allthe places which lay between Laconia and Argos. In the autumn, heretired to Ægium, and dismissed his Macedonian troops for thewinter.When the Spartan king was informed of this confident measure, heconceived hopes of being enabled to seize Megalopolis , which wasnow distant three days' march from the enemy's head-quarters, and hadbeen deprived of the flower of its own population in the bloody battlesof Lyceum and of the Laodician plain. Having gained over to hisinterest some Messenian exiles, who resided in the city, he entered itunperceived by night, and took possession of all the strong postswithin the walls. In the morning, however, the Megalopolitanshastily assembling their men, made so gallant an attack upon theLacedæmonian forces, that the king himself was exposed to imminenthazard, and the contest appeared long doubtful. Numbers at lengthprevailed, and the inhabitants, hastily collecting their most valuableproperty, decamped with their women and children to Messene, thearmed party effectually covering their retreat. Megalopolis was thus left to the conquerors.2In his account of the events which followed, Polybius is at greatpains to prove that the historian Phylarchus, from whom Plutarch 3appears to have borrowed his narrative, wrote more in the character ofa dramatist, whose object was to panegyrize Cleomenes, than in that of a sober and authentic historian. He represents the Spartan king as having acted with great violence and inhumanity; " And I think, "he adds, " that he was induced to this, because at no time, in hisextremest need, could he ever find any one among the Megalopolitans,who would espouse his cause, or become a traitor for his sake. " Thesimple fact admitted on all sides is, that Cleomenes being in possessionofthe city, sent a herald to the Megalopolitans, who had taken refugein Messene, proposing to restore them their town and the propertywithin it uninjured , and to abstain from plundering the country, oncondition that they would enter into an alliance, offensive and defensive,with Lacedæmon, would admit a Spartan garrison into their citadel,and give hostages for their fidelity to their engagements. Among the citizens, to whom this offer was addressed, was the celebrated Philopomen, afterwards general of the Achæans, who had, from his childhood, nourished the strongest prejudices against the Spartan yoke. Byhis representations these unfortunate people were induced not only toreject the terms proposed to them, but to insult Cleomenes, by committing a most unwarrantable outrage upon his herald and attendants.1 He had before failed in a similar attempt. Vide Polyb. ix. 17.2 Polyb. ii . 55 to 64. S Vita Cleomenis. * Polyb. ii. 55.344 CLEOMENES.B. C. 223.Destruction The king, highly incensed, sold all that remained in the city andneighbourhood for slaves, seized the property of the citizens, gave upMegalopolis. the country to plunder, and entirely demolished the city, which is ofsaid to have been one of the finest in Peloponnesus. It was built byEpameinondas as a check to the power of the Spartans, and had beenthe object of their unceasing enmity to the hour of its fall .The amount of the plunder was considerable (though Polybius 'has shown that it could not equal the sum mentioned by Phylarchus,which exceeds all the wealth at that time in the peninsula); and it wasa most seasonable supply to the exhausted resources of Lacedæmon.The news occasioned the utmost consternation at Ægium. Plutarchaffirms that it was communicated to the assembly of the states byAratus, who appeared before them overwhelmed with grief, hidinghis face in his cloak; and, being entreated to inform them of thecause of his sorrow, could only utter, " Megalopolis is ruined byCleomenes! " Antigonus would instantly have marched to avenge itsfall; but his troops were all in winter quarters, and his impatienceserved only to increase the alarm of his allies. Cleomenes having laidwaste the lands about Argos, and having offered the enemy battlebefore its gates, dislodged some small garrisons in Arcadia, andreturned home with his army in high spirits, leaving a formidableimpression of his genius and resources upon the minds of the Achæans.But, with the approach of spring, Antigonus drew together hisformidable and well-disciplined army, to the number of twenty-eightthousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry; of which ten thousandwere heavy-armed Macedonians, trained to form that irresistible heavyphalanx, so destructive to the smaller bodies of Grecian troops.Cleomenes had endeavoured to provide against the impending stormby fortifying all the passes into Laconia, by constructing trenches,felling trees, and posting guards in commanding situations. Himself,B. C. 222. with all the forces he could raise, about twenty thousand men,encamped near Sellasia, a frontier town, by which, as he rightly conjectured, Antigonus would attempt to force his way to Sparta.hills, called Eva and Olympus, command the vale through which flowsMacedonians the river Enus, along whose bank runs the road to Lacedæmon.Cleomenes drew a trench in front of each eminence, and posted the Spartans. allies upon Eva, under the command of his brother Euclidas, whilePositions of theand4Twothe Lacedæmonians and the mercenaries, commanded by himself inperson, occupied Olympus. In the plain below, on both sides of thestream, was stationed the cavalry, supported by a small body of lightinfantry. Antigonus, having reconnoitred his position, was struckwith admiration; and admitted that the king of Sparta had evincedthe most consummate knowledge of military tactics, and the mostminute attention to every point both of attack and defence. After1 Loco citato.3 Polyb. ii. 65, et seq.2 In Cleomene.4 Al. Æonus, Liv. xxxiv. 18.CLEOMENES. 345some deliberation, he resolved that it would be imprudent to attack B. C. 222.him in his present situation, and withdrawing to a convenient distance,pitched his camp behind the river Gorgylus, in face of the enemy,where he remained several days on the watch for some opportunity tosurprise Cleomenes, or to get into his rear. But the unremittingvigilance and the able dispositions of that consummate general defeatedhis expectations, and convinced him that he must hope for successonly from the superiority of his army.Never, perhaps, were two generals more equally matched, or moredependent, for all their future prospects, upon the event of a battle.As for Cleomenes, he knew that the security, if not the very existence,of Sparta hung upon the fate of that day: and though Antigonus wasnot informed, till after the action, of the full extent of the danger to his government in Macedonia ( for if he had received the intelligence'two days earlier he would have marched home, and would have leftthe Achæans at the mercy of the enemy) , he was sufficiently aware ofthe state of affairs in the north to feel that a defeat, at this juncture,might be attended with the most ruinous consequences. He prepared,therefore, to exert all his skill and courage, and to decide the contestby one decisive blow. The disposition of his line evinced that hehad, during the time of his inaction, successfully studied the natureof the different troops of which the enemy's army was composed.To the allies under Euclidas, posted upon Mount Eva, he opposedthe Macedonian corps called Chalcaspids (Brazen-shields) , alternatingbetween their companies bodies of Illyrians, commanded by Alexander, son of Acmetus, and Demetrius of Pheræ; the light troops,Acarnanians and Cretans, were ranged behind this front; and areserve of two thousand Achæans were stationed in the rear. Hiscavalry were drawn up opposite the enemy's horse, on each side of theEnus, having the right flank covered by a body of a thousand Megalopolitans, and the left by an equal number of Achæans. The king,in person, took the command of the heavy-armed Macedonians andmercenaries, who were to attack Cleomenes on Mount Olympus. TheIllyrians had crossed the Gorgylus during the night, and had taken upa position at the foot of Mount Eva, and they had received orders toopen the attack upon seeing a white flag hung out in the oppositewing of the army; the cavalry and the light troops, who supported them, were to wait till a red one should be elevated.Sellasia .The signal being given, the Illyrians advanced boldly up the hill, B. C. 222.and by this movement too great an interval was interposed between Battle ofthem and the Achæan reserve in their rear; upon which Cleomenes,whose keen sight instantly detected the error, detached the lightinfantry, which he had posted with his cavalry on the plain, to takethem in the rear, while Euclidas bore down upon their front. Antigonus did not perceive what had happened, and the Illyrians would,in a few minutes, have been cut to pieces, had not Philopomen, who 1 Plut. in Vita. 2 Al. Pharæ, in Thessaly.346 CLEOMENES.Skilful generalship of Philop mon.B. C. 222. was among the Megalopolitans, but who held no command, prevailedupon his countrymen to fall upon the enemy's horse, thus deprived oftheir light troops, without waiting for the king's signal. By thismanœuvre, the Illyrians were delivered from the enemy in their rear,who returned to their post in order to support their own cavalry, andwere enabled to bear up against Euclidas, who (instead of takingadvantage of the hill to break the enemy's line as they advanced, andto keep the higher ground behind him, in the event of his being partially repulsed), chose to await the attack on the very summit, so thatthe enemy ascended the steep in good order, and having made animpression upon his line, they gained the higher ground, and drovehim down the declivity on the other side. The horse, meanwhile,were furiously engaged on the plain below: the Achæan cavalry didgood service, and the Lacedæmonians were thrown into confusion.Flight of Cleomenes.On the other wing a smart action had commenced between thelight infantry and mercenary troops , who were nearly equal on bothsides, and who fought, under the eye of their commanders, withanimated valour. But Cleomenes, seeing his brother driven down thehill in disorder, and his cavalry on the plain ready to give way,resolved, if possible, to retrieve the fortune of the day by one decisiveblow. Breaking down one side of his fortification, he led through itthe whole of his heavy-armed troops, formed in phalanx, directlytowards Antigonus. The sound of the trumpet now recalled the lighttroops on both sides, and the charge of the phalanx was tremendous.The Macedonians at first yielded to the desperate valour of theSpartans, and were driven back to some distance, but recoveringthemselves, by their superior weight and strength, they made a stand,and the Spartans wavered. At this moment Antigonus ' ordered theMacedonians to serry their spears, and to form in double phalanx;and the Lacedæmonians, unable to resist the weight of the enemy,were driven from their trenches with prodigious slaughter. The routbecame complete. Euclidas was surrounded and slain, after displaying more personal courage than generalship; the light troops fled in alldirections; and ofthe heavy-armed phalanx scarcely two hundred, out of five, or, according to others, out of six thousand, survived. Cleomeneshimself, with a small party of horse, reached Sparta in safety. "Having assembled the citizens, and having informed them that all was lost, he advised them to make no farther resistance, but to open theirgates to the conqueror, and to surrender themselves to his discretion;for himself, he said, life and death were alike indifferent to him, and he would embrace that which should appear best for Sparta. Sosaying, without disarming, or taking either rest or refreshment, he setout with a few friends for Gythium,³ at which port he had previously1 Casaubon's translation of this obscure passage is singularly loose.2 Plutarch's account of the battle, slight as it is, differs considerably from that of Polybius, which is here principally followed.3 Al. Gytheum, a seaport at the mouth of the Eurotas.CLEOMENES. 347ordered some vessels to be in readiness against the chances of war, B. C. 221 .and embarked for Alexandria. " So fortune delights, " observesPolybius, " to balk the expectations of mankind! for if Cleomeneshad delayed the battle a few days, or, even after he was beaten, hadhe remained in Greece, he would not have lost his kingdom. ForAntigonus, very soon after the action, received intelligence which com- Retreat ofpelled him to hasten homewards with all possible expedition." These Antigonus.circ*mstances induced Antigonus to conclude his arrangements atSparta in as summary a manner as possible, and to avoid givingoffence to any party in Greece. Polybius and Plutarch agree that herestored to Lacedæmon its ancient constitution; and other writershave said, that he bestowed freedom upon the Lacedæmonians andTegeans, meaning, no doubt, that he established the democracy inpower. But whatever he might do in passing through Tegea on hisreturn, it is evident from Polybius himself, that the Spartans wereleft at liberty to make their own domestic arrangements. Fromattachment to Cleomenes, they declined, as long as he lived, to electany king, and the supreme power was administered by the Ephori;but no sooner was the intelligence of his death received at Lacedæmon,than both the people and the council of regency became anxious tosupply the vacancy of the throne, and chose Agesipolis and Lycurguskings of Sparta.42Cleomenes, if we may believe his biographer, did not proceed directto Egypt, but landed on several islands for refreshment. On one ofthese occasions his friend Therycion, in a set speech, exhorted him todie by his own hand rather than to become a captive and an exile.But the hero reminded him that there are more fortitude and virtue inenduring life from a sense of duty, than in fleeing from misfortune bya voluntary death; and declared that he would live as long as there remained any hope of serving his country.5This story, which bears strong marks of having been got up for theschool disputations, may, perhaps, be thought to derive some confirmation from the manner in which Polybius eulogizes Cleomenes for" his patience under the evils of life, while the least shadow of hoperemained; and for his manly resolution at last rather to die like awarrior than to live like a slave."Cleomenes Upon his arrival at Alexandria, he was received by Ptolemy Treatment ofEuergetes with great professions of kindness, and a liberal pension in Egypt.was assigned for his maintenance. But the old king did not live to B. C. 221 .fulfil these promises, and he was succeeded by Ptolemy Philopator,who was so far from taking any interest in the affairs of Greece, thathe could scarcely be induced to attend to the most urgent business ofhis own kingdom; so absorbed were the slender faculties with whichnature had endowed him in every species of luxury and debauchery.71 Polyb. ii. 70.2 Ibid.4 Τὸ τῶν Εφορὼν ἀρχεῖον. Eod.6 Plutarch says twenty-four talents, above 4,5007.8 Lib. iv . 35.5 Lib. xvii. 34.7 Polyb. v. 35, et seq.348 CLEOMENES.Cleomenes solicits permission to leave Egypt.B. C. 221. Cleomenes, impatient of delay, having in vain urged the king to supplyhim with men and money, at length solicited permission to departwith only his own family and friends; but he found it impossible toobtain an answer to his request; for though Ptolemy entirely neglectedeverything but his pleasures, Sosibius, his minister, was a keen andwily politician, and was perfectly aware of the change which musttake place in the politics of Greece after the death of Antigonus. Hesaw that it was no longer an object for the king of Egypt to break thepower of Macedon; but that great danger might ensue if a prince , ofsuch abilities as Cleomenes, were to become master of Greece, aftergaining a perfect knowledge of the defenceless state of Ptolemy's dominions; and he perceived also that to send him away without providing him with the supplies so long promised would only be toinsure his enmity. So much terror did the talents and intrepidity ofone man, deprived of all other resources, inspire into the councils of amighty monarchy, at that time, probably, the richest in the world!Intrigues of Sosibius.TheAn incident occurred, about this period, which raised still higherthe opinion that had been formed of Cleomenes, and which drew adeclaration from Ptolemy that to keep him in Egypt was little betterthan to pen a lion in a sheepfold. The administration was extremelydesirous to destroy Magas, the king's brother, and the celebratedqueen-dowager Berenice, whose spirit and popularity with the army rendered her formidable to the court. Sosibius, who apprehendedthat the mercenary troops were devoted to the prince and to thequeen-dowager, consulted Cleomenes, and desired his advice.Spartan, imagining that the scheme for assassinating these royal persons originated simply in a dread of their influence with the military,replied, " Make yourself perfectly easy, and fear nothing: the mercenary troops will never act against you; but will, on the contrary,support you. Do you not observe that three thousand of them arePeloponnesians, and a thousand Cretans, who upon the least signalfrom me, will take any part that I may direct? Being secure ofthese, why should you stand in awe of a set of Syrian or Carian soldiers?"But the encouragement afforded by Cleomenes operated otherwisethan he had intended it. Sosibius, freed from his apprehensions,resolved on the death of Berenice; and conceived, at the same time,a still greater dread of the extraordinary power which the Spartanexile possessed over the soldiers; so that he only waited for a favourable opportunity to imprison or to destroy him.Such an occasion was not long wanted. A Messenian horsedealer,who had formerly been employed by Cleomenes, happened to land atAlexandria with a cargo of horses for the king. Cleomenes, meetinghim upon the quay, recognised him as an old acqaintance, and said, ina jocular strain, " You would have found a better market at thepalace for a cargo of females and rope-dancers, than for these war1 Polyb. v. 36.CLEOMENES. 349ment oflike animals." The sarcasm was reported to the minister, who easily B. C. 221.prevailed upon the merchant, by some trifling presents, to enter intohis views, and to act any villany he thought fit to dictate. WhilstPtolemy was still out of humour with Cleomenes for his jest, a letterarrived from Nicagoras, the horse- dealer, who had left the port, statingthat, during his stay at Alexandria, he had discovered a plot formedby the Spartans for effecting a revolution in Egypt. Upon no betterevidence of a tale so incredible, was Cleomenes confined by an order Imprison.of council within the walls of a castle, sufficiently spacious indeed, Cleomenes.but strongly and vigilantly guarded. Being thus treated like a criminal ,he felt himself released from all the obligations of hospitality, andresolved to attempt a most daring exploit, rather with the hope ofmeeting a glorious death, than with that of extricating himself fromthe difficulties with which he was surrounded. In the absence of theking, who had gone to Canopus, he intimated to his guards that hehad received a promise of being liberated, and intended to hold afestival on the occasion, in which he desired that they would partake.Provisions, wine, and garlands were accordingly sent them in abundance; and, believing that it was no longer necessary to watch theirprisoner, they indulged in the grossest excess, and lay senseless from intoxication and sleep. Cleomenes, with his little band of faithfuladherents, then sallied from the castle; and each with his drawn sword rushed into the town, proclaiming " Deliverance from thetyranny ofthe Ptolemies!" The captain of the guard, who met themat the gate, was so startled by their audacity that he fell from hischariot; and while his attendants, in the utmost consternation , shiftedfor themselves, he was trampled to death. The same panic prevailedamong the citizens, none of whom either joined or opposed the conspirators; though Polybius ' insinuates, that they wished well to thedesign of overthrowing the reigning dynasty. Cleomenes and hisfriends, finding no support in the city, hastened to the citadel with theintention of breaking open the prison, and reinforcing their party withthe criminals confined in it; but the prefect of the watch, hearing atumult, had manned the approaches to the walls, and this last desperatehope vanished. Nothing now remained for Cleomenes but to die, as His death.he had lived, like a true Spartan. He fell upon his own sword, and all his attendants followed his example.2¹ Polyb. v. 36.2 Polyb. v. 39. Plutarch, who delights to fill up the scenery in historicalpainting, adds many romantic circ*mstances respecting Cratesiclea and her grand- children, and the ladies of the exiled Spartans; and concludes the whole, as usual,with a prodigy.B. C.221-220.The Assassins of Philopomen sacrificed at his tomb.Skillof Sellasia.error.CHAPTER XII.PHILOPEMEN.FROM B. C. 252 TO B. c. 183.IN the celebrated battle of Sellasia, in which a mortal wound wasinflicted on the power and glory of Lacedæmon, Antigonus, king ofMacedon, commander-in-chief of the allied forces, committed a capitalHe ordered his left wing to cross the Gorgylus and attack theenemy's position, whilst the reserve remained posted behind the river;and the Spartan king instantly took advantage of this fault to fallPhilopomen displayed by upon their unprotected rear with a corps of light infantry, whichat the battle attended his cavalry in the centre. The consequences which musthave ensued were perceived by no one in the allied army, except by ayoung Megalopolitan knight, who held no command, but who feltjustified by the imminent danger to which his country was exposed, inquitting his ranks, to expostulate with the officers near him. Findinghis remonstrances disregarded, he returned to his place, and urged hiscompanions to charge the enemy's horse, without waiting for orders,that they might oblige the corps of light troops, detached by Cleomenes, to return from their attack upon the rear of the left wing, inorder to support their own cavalry. Without farther hesitation hespurred his horse to the charge, and was followed by most of hiscountrymen. The other Achæan horse would not be left behind;PHILOPEMEN. 351Alexander, who commanded the centre, yielded to necessity, and the B. C. 222.action became general. The young man, who had occasioned it, displayed uncommon personal strength and courage, and when his horsewas killed under him, he fought on foot till he was pierced throughboth thighs with a javelin.'When the action was over, Antigonus, who had observed the effectproduced by the unauthorized charge of the cavalry, and was highlypleased with their gallant behaviour, called Alexander, and, in orderto sound him, asked , " How he had presumed to engage without theappointed signal?" The general replied, " That it was not his fault;that it had been occasioned by the rashness of a young Megalopolitan,whom nobody knew, notwithstanding his efforts to prevent it. "" Then," said the king, " that youth played the part of an able commander, and you of a raw recruit."Philopomen.The victory in effect was, in a great measure, to be attributed to Family and the fortunate impetuosity of Philopomen; for he it was who thus education ofearly distinguished himself, by remedying the oversight of one greatgeneral, and counteracting the keen promptitude of another not lesscelebrated. He was by birth, as has been stated , a Megalopolitan;and Polybius informs us that he was descended from one of the noblest families in Arcadia. He was brought up, in his childhood, byCleander, a Mantinean nobleman of the highest rank, the intimatesfriend of his deceased father," who was then an exile from his country,and had taken up his residence at Megalopolis. But when he ceasedto be a child, he was placed under the care of two guardians, Ecdemusand Demophanes, who were disciples of that philosophy termed themiddle academic, which they took great pains to instil into the youngPhilopomen, together with the practical and political principles derivedfrom it. They were natives of Argos, banished for their oppositionto the tyranny of Aristodemus; they had taken an active part in therevolution, both in their own country and at Sicyon, and they hadshown their readiness to interfere in any state in which there was aplot against monarchical government. Under their tuition, Philopomen early imbibed what were called the principles of liberty, andbecame an enthusiastic admirer of Aratus; but the great object of hisimitation was Epameinondas, whom he regarded, not without reason ,as the finest model of virtuous patriotism afforded in history.He wasearly accustomed to frugal habits, active bodily exercises, and a contempt of all sensual indulgences: for his preceptors held that no man¹ Plutarch relates that the javelin, having a thong attached to it, could not be extracted: but that Philopomen broke it by a violent motion of his legs, drew outthe pieces, and continued to fight with unabated activity. (Vita Philopomenis. )Polybius, whose account is less romantic, is here followed. Lib. ii . 67, 68.2 Φασὶ καταπειράζοντα πυνθάνεσθαι. Polyb. ii. 68.3 Excerpt. x. 4 Al. Cassander.6 Craugis sive Crausis; Plutarch; Pausanias.5vos. Polyb. loc. cit.7 Polyb. loc. cit. Ecdelus et Megalophanes. Pausanias.8at Cyrene. Plutarch, in Vita Polyb.E. g.352 PHILOPEMEN.Hardihoodhabits of1B. C. 222. can be a good public servant whose private life is not irreproachable;and that habits of luxurious expense are incompatible with integrity inadministration. When he became his own master, he is said to haveand military adhered rigidly to the same system; and though possessed of largePhilopomen. property, he fared no better than his own labourers, accustominghimself to lie on a pallet, and to support every kind of fatigue andexposure to which the severest campaign might subject him.² Inintellectual cultivation he does not appear to have been equally assiduous.He selected such parts of the writings of poets and philosophers astend to inspire a love of warlike achievements, and a contempt ofdanger; and he studied with attention the best books on militarytactics; but even in this pursuit he preferred practical illustrations ofthe theory of war, amid the bold and rough features of the surroundingcountry, to maps and plans executed on parchment. He is said tohave been obstinate and violent in temper, implacable in his resentments, and disdainful of all the arts of peace, and of the refinements ofcivilized life; so that he was generally thought better qualified to fightthan to negotiate. In person he was rather athletic than graceful, andhis countenance was vulgar and forbidding.5B. C. 222. younger.His biographer asserts that he was thirty years of age when Cleomenes surprised Megalopolis, the year before the battle of Sellasia,which was fought in the third year of the hundred and thirty-ninthOlympiad; but the term " stripling," applied to him by his commander in that action, seems to imply that he was considerablyHe was old enough, however, to take a leading part in thedesperate defence of that city, as well as in the brave and able conductof the retreat to Messene; and he had sufficient influence with hisfellow-citizens to procure the rejection of the liberal terms offered bythe Spartan king, who would have restored to them their town andterritory uninjured, if they would have entered into alliance with LaceB. C. 221. dæmon. When peace was re-established in Greece, Philopomenresolved to improve his military experience in foreign service; but hedeclined the proposal made him of a command under Antigonus, fromthat stubbornness of temper which rendered him as unwilling to obeyas he was imperious in the exercise of power; and he preferred a pettywarfare in Crete, where he was certain to have no competitor. Afterhaving seen considerable service in that island, the prospect of a warwith the Etolians induced him to return to his own country, and hebrought home a reputation which obtained for him the command ofthe Achæan army; though Plutarch mentions him in this place not asprætor of the League, but simply as general of the cavalry. His firstcare was to reform the discipline and accoutrements of his men.cavalry was formed entirely of young men of fortune, who submittedunwillingly to control, and were more studious of ease than ambitious1 Polyb. Excerpt. x. 2 Plutarch, in Vita.4 Plutarch, Flaminius and Philopomen compared.5 Plutarch, in Vita. 6 Id. eod.3 Ibid.The7 Polyb. ii. 68, μειράκιον.PHILOPEMEN. 353of glory. They were excessively attentive to the fopperies of dress at B. C. 210.their feasts and public assemblies, but appeared on parade in imperfectand rusty armour, with insufficient horses of mean growth, little betterthan ponies; and they displayed as much awkwardness in their evolutions as indifference to the advantage of the service.2the military Philopomen, who was studiously exact in all his accoutrements, He reformsand whose only expensive habit was an excessive fondness for costly discipline ofarmour and fine horses,* resolved, before he should undertake any enter- the Achæans.prise of importance, to inspire the men under his command with asimilar taste; and he possessed that stern unbending spirit which alonecould have accomplished such a change. In a few months, the youngnobility of Achæa learned to place their chief pride in being wellmounted, and to bestow that care on burnishing their weapons whichhad before been employed at the toilet; they became emulous to exceleach other in riding and in martial exercises, and they obeyed the wordof command with alacrity. The ladies, says Plutarch, * felt the warlikeinspiration, and spent their time in working crests for helmets, or inembroidering gorgets. The general had observed the great superiorityof the Macedonian heavy-armed horse, formed in close phalanx, overthe light cavalry of Greece fighting in square battalions, of which theform could not be varied according to circ*mstances, and was easilypenetrated and broken. He therefore taught the Achæans to adoptthe complete armour and serried file of the north; and he exercisedthem incessantly in changing from the spiral, or orbicular, to the wedgeshaped phalanx, till it was remarked that they moved like one compactand well-jointed machine.slain byHe was now anxious to meet the enemy in the field, and his successcorresponded to his exertions and his hopes. The allied army ofthe Etolians and Eleans was defeated with prodigious loss near thebanks of the Larissus; and the victory was principally achieved bythe bravery and discipline of the Achæan cavalry. In this action theElean general of horse, jealous for the equestrian reputation of his The Eleancountry, challenged Philopomen to single combat, and fell by his generalhand. His troops, who regarded him as the mirror of chivalry, fled Philopomen.in consternation; and the Achæan horse, instead of wasting their B. C. 209.strength in the fruitless pursuit of the racers of Elis, fell upon the rearof the infantry, threw them into confusion, and literally cut them inpieces. Thus, in the short space of a few³ months, by the energy andtalent of one man, the character and even the physical powers of theAchæans seemed to have undergone a total change; and they wereconsidered among the most efficient troops in Greece.King of But Sparta did not acquiesce in her degradation without some Machanidas,efforts to regain her ascendency, at least in Peloponnesus. Machanidas, Sparta.who had succeeded to the throne, was a prince of great ambition and1 Polyb. Fragmenta, xxiv.3 Polyb. xi. 7.2 Plutarch, in Vita.4 In Vita.5 Polyb. xi. 8. Polybius does not agree with Plutarch in this part of the history.[ H. G. ] 2 A354 PHILOPEMEN.Battle of Mantinea.B. C. 208.B. C. 208. courage, and by no means wanting in ability. He had so far repairedthe ruined resources of his country as to be at the head of a numerousand well-appointed army, and he was on the watch to seize everyoccasion of acting against the Achæan interest in Peloponnesus.Opportunities could not fail to occur between parties jealous of each other's growing power, and mutually desirous of hostilities. Philopomen, chosen general against Lacedæmon, assembled his forces atMantinea. Machanidas, not sufficiently aware of the improvementwhich had taken place in the Achæan discipline, nor of the advantageswhich always attend the popular cause in a warfare among pettystates, conceived that he had the enemy completely in his power, andled his army from Tegea in battle array, promising it an easy victory.The king himself commanded on the right wing of the Spartan mainbody, having his flanks protected by detachments of mercenaries, and his baggage and matériel thrown into the rear. The allied troopsadvanced from the town' to meet him in three divisions; Aristænetusof Dyme had the command of the Achæan cavalry on the right, whilethe mercenaries on the left, formed in platoons, were led by Philopœmen in person, who addressed them in a short characteristic speech,*setting forth the glory and divine protection which attended thedefenders of liberty, and the eternal disgrace of their enemies, whofought in support of tyranny and oppression. Machanidas, in themean time, advanced, as if to attack the right of the allies; but whenat a convenient distance from their line, by a skilful evolution, hechanged the form of his phalanx, and falling back upon his own rightwing, displayed a tremendous train of military engines arrangedbetween platoons of mercenaries. The Achæan general saw that if hegave these formidable projectiles time to take effect, his whole armymust be thrown into disorder; he therefore immediately ordered hisTarentine soldiers to dislodge the spearmen who guarded the artillery.These mercenaries, however, not only kept their ground, and repulsedthe attack, but advancing against the left of the allies, threw them intodisorder, and chased them to the gate of the city; the young kingincautiously joining in the pursuit, with the whole of the mercenarieson his right wing. Philopomen was not slow to improve this unexThe troops pected advantage. He sent Polybius³ of Megalopolis, to collect suchof the scattered fugitives as had escaped the general rout, and withMegalopolis. them to watch the return of the pursuers, while he himself led theAchæan infantry to charge the Lacedæmonian main body, whose flankwas left exposed. The Spartans, flushed with the apparent successgained by their mercenaries, without waiting for orders, eagerlyadvanced to meet him, not being aware of a deep and uneven ravinewhich lay between them and the allies. Philopomen, who had formed his line with reference to this obstacle, moderated his pace, so as toPolyb. xi. 9. Plutarch's account is somewhat different.2 Polyb. xi. 7, 10.rallied by Polybius of3 He was probably grandfather of the historian Polybius.PHILOPEMEN. 355allow the enemy to reach the ravine first, into which, as the declivity B. C. 208.was not steep, and the bottom was nearly dry, they rushed impetuously, and they fell into disorder. The Achæans coming up at thismoment, and descending carefully with their spears in the rest, completed the confusion; and the Lacedæmonians, after sustaining severe loss, fled in all directions.The king, returning from his rash pursuit, saw the victory snatchedfrom his hands, and his own person in danger of being surrounded andtaken. In this emergency, he retained all his courage and presence ofmind, and exerted himself to retrieve the error he had committed.Forming the mercenary troops around him into a wedge-shapedphalanx, he marched towards a bridge, which crossed the ravine, inorder to rejoin his main body, and, if possible, to rally it; but findingthe passage already in possession of the enemy, who were anxious tosecure so important a captive, he rode along the ravine to find a convenient place for crossing it. Having reached a spot where the bankwas low, he spurred his horse forward, and was in the act of gainingthe other side, when Philopomen, leaving the bridge to the care of hisattendants, rushed to oppose his landing. Both parties stood inbreathless expectation of the result; but the Achæan general, keeping Defeat andthe level ground, wounded Machanidas with the point of his javelin, death ofwhilst his horse was leaping, and, instantly turning his hand, knocked him down with the butt-end.' He fell into the ditch, and his headand armour, raised upon a long spear, displayed to both armies thefate of the day. His attendants were all cut to pieces; and his men,without a leader and entirely broken, made no farther resistance. Theloss of the allies was trifling; that of the Lacedæmonian army is statedby Polybius to have amounted to four thousand slain, and a stillgreater number of prisoners. Philopomen, advancing to Sparta,pitched his camp on the banks of the Eurotas.Machanidas.Nabis.B. C. 207,The consequence of this brilliant and complete victory was theaccession of Sparta, for a time, to the League; but Nabis, who suc- Measures ofceeded Machanidas, entertained the most rooted hostility to the demo- his successor,cratic party, and was resolved, at all hazards, to reassert the ancientsupremacy of his country in Peloponnesus. For this purpose, havingcollected a considerable body of mercenaries, he took the opportunity,when Philopomen went out of office, and Cycliadas,³ a man of notalent, was general of the League, to ravage the territories of theAchæans, and even to threaten some of their towns which lay near toLaconia. Among other places, he endeavoured to surprise Messene,where, according to Plutarch, he was favoured by the treachery ofDinocrates, and admitted within the walls; but by the timely though unauthorized appearance of Philopomen, who came with a body of Megalopolitans to its relief, the town was saved. A few years subsequently,Philip, king of Macedon, who had renewed the war with Rome, was¹ Polyb. xi. 16.3 Livy, xxxi. 25.42 Ibid.4 Vita Flaminii.2 A 2356 PHILOPEMEN.B. C. 201 , extremely anxious to get the Achæans on his side; and he attendedin person the assembly of the states at Argos, to offer his assistanceagainst Nabis, whom he undertook to keep in check, on condition thatthe Achæans should, in the meanwhile, reinforce his garrisons to thenorth of Peloponnesus, hoping, by these means, to involve the united states in hostilities with the Romans. But Cycliadas, who hadhitherto been considered as of the Macedonian party, alarmed at theconsequences which he foresaw, affirmed that it would be unconstitutional to discuss any proposal except that upon which the states weresummoned to deliberate, and dismissed the assembly.Plutarch's account of Philip.Offers ofthe Romans to the States.Plutarch, who omits no opportunity of heaping odium upon royalty,asserts that Philip had attempted to pave the way to this measure by the assassination of Philopomen. But Polybius has clearly shownthat the party of Philopomen was constantly in opposition to the friends of Aristanus,* who were in the Roman interest; and consequently that nothing could be more important to the king of Macedonat this juncture than to strengthen the hands of the very man whom he is accused of designing to murder. It appears that the friends of Aristanus had not only sufficient interest at this time to procure therejection of Philip's proposal, but to make Aristanus himself general of the League, when Cycliadas went out of office. Philopomen, whowould never consent to serve in any subordinate capacity, was again induced to accept a command in Crete; and his countrymen were somuch offended by his deserting them in the present exigency, Megalopolis being more than any other state of the League exposed to incursions from Sparta, that they were disposed to pass a sentenceupon him equivalent to banishment for life, with confiscation of property; but Aristanus generously interfered to prevent a decision so injurious to the welfare of the states.This state of things afforded an opening for the Romans to interferein the affairs of the united states, which that wily and ambitious peopleB. C. 200. was not likely to overlook. Their fleet now lay at Cenchreæ,7 with theallied forces of Attalus and of the Rhodians, for the purpose of takingCorinth from Philip; and they thought it a fit opportunity for detaching the states from the alliance of Macedon, by the tempting offerof putting that key of Peloponnesus into their hands. Ambassadorswere accordingly sent from the allied powers, and an assembly of theLeague was convened at Sicyon to deliberate on their proposal.2 Vita Philopomenis.The3 Excerpt. Leg. xli, &c. 1 Vita Haminii.4 Plutarch calls him Aristænetus; Livy, Aristanus. Polybius mentions Arista- netus of Dymæ in the action with Machanidas (xi. 10) , in a passage, which mayperhaps have misled Plutarch; but he agrees with Livy in the name of the Prætor Aristanus.5 Livy seems to imply that Cycliadas was turned out of office before his time and banished by the Roman party, to make room for Aristanus. Cycliadem, principem factionis ad Philippum trahentium res, expulerant, xxxii . 19, 32.6 Plutarch, Vita Philopomenis.7 Now Kenkri , 8 Livy, xxxii. 19.PHILOPEMEN. 357deputies were, at this period, very much divided in sentiment. Some B. C. 200.of them, those especially from the southern states, were chiefly influenced by apprehension of the Spartan arms; others, among whomwere the Megalopolitans, Dymæans, and Argives, were bound, by many obligations and strict friendship, to Macedon; an equal number,with the Prætor Aristanus, saw no prospect of safety but under theprotection of Rome, and were willing to purchase it on any terms.¹ The debate was prolonged to the third day, and the Council of Tenwas equally divided; but when it appeared that violent measures hadbeen adopted to procure a majority in favour of the Roman alliance, thedeputies on the other side left the assembly, and it was deemed uncon- stitutional to enter into a formal treaty without their concurrence.Measures, however, were taken which answered all the purposes of the party. Attalus and the Rhodians were declared allies of theunited states; the Achæan army was ordered to march towards Corinth,and to co-operate with them; and it was resolved to despatch ambassadors to Rome as soon as the forms of the constitution would permit.2In the meantime a friendly intercourse was kept up with the Romangeneral by three commissioners, who attended in his camp.The first operations of the allies were unsuccessful. They failed in Decline of their attempt upon Corinth; and the Argives, always strongly in the Philip's Macedonian interest, massacred the Achæan garrison placed in theircity, and delivered the citadel to Philocles, the Macedonian general,who admitted Nabis to take possession of it, and to levy contributions on the inhabitants. * But the hopes which Philip entertained ofexpelling the Romans from Greece were soon found to have arisen from erroneous calculation of the vast resources of that growing empire; andwhen Philopomen returned, three years afterwards, from his command B. c. 194.in Crete, in which he had earned great military glory," he found theking of Macedon reduced to the most abject condition, having beendefeated at Cynocephale, by Titus Quintius Flamininus, and compelledto sue for peace; the Achæan states declared free under the protectionof the senate and people of Rome; and Nabis still maintaining his ground in an unequal contest with almost the whole power of Italy and of Greece.power.Philopomen, now in his sixty-fourth year, was immediately elected B. C. 192.general of the League, and received directions to prosecute the waragainst Lacedæmon, the Romans having committed to the Achæansthe protection of all the maritime towns of Peloponnesus,7 which wereinfested by the emissaries of Nabis. To effect this he manned a fleetequal in number to that of the enemy, and made TisoⓇ of Patræ hiscommodore, putting him on board the flag- ship, an old decayed man¹ Polyb. Excerpt, xxi.4 Livy, xxxii. 40.6 Al. Flaminius.2 Livy, xxxii. 25.5 Plutarch, in Vita 7 Livy, xxxv. 13.3 Polyb. Excerpt. li.Philopomenis.8 Livy, loco citato, says eighty years old; Plutarch, forty; the old copies of Livy read eighty. 9 Livy, xxxv. 26.358 PHILOPEMEN.B. c. 192. of war, utterly unfit for service. Tiso advanced to meet an experiencedNaval defeat admiral, in a new ship, with all the rashness of a man confident in his of the Achæans.Attempted relief of Gythium.own powers, and ignorant of the difference between naval and military tactics. The result was such as might have been anticipated; the flagship was sunk, and all hands on board captured; the rest of the fleetwas dispersed, as each thought best for his own safety; and Philopomen himself, in a light pinnace, with great difficulty escaped, and landed at Patræ.But he had seen too many reverses to be easily discouraged; andfinding himself unequal to conduct the war by sea, he immediately setB. C. 192. about the relief of Gythium, then besieged by the enemy on the landside. The Spartan king, trusting to the effect of his naval victory, hadwithdrawn part of his troops from the siege, and had thrown upintrenchments at Elia' with a design of reducing Leucæ and Acriæ,which were both commanded by the eminence on which he had encamped. Few of his men being accommodated with tents, the greater number contrived to shelter themselves from the heat of thesun by constructing sheds with reeds gathered from the adjacentmeadows. Philopomen, having reconnoitred their position, procuredsome small craft in the neighbourhood, and embarking his light troops,arrived by night at the foot of the promontory on which the camp waspitched. Ascending the hill, by well-known paths, he surprised theguards asleep, and set fire to the combustible dwellings of the soldiers,many of whom perished in the flames, and more fell unarmed by theweapons of the assailants; a very small party reached Gythium, andtook refuge under cover of their main body. Philopomen hastened toTripolis, and, laying waste the country, made an immense booty ofcattle and captives, and retired in safety before succours could arrive fromthe camp at Gythium, for the protection of the Laconian territory.ªThe siege, however, was not raised; and Philopomen resolved toassemble his army at Tegea, and make a demonstration upon Lacedæmon, in order to draw Nabis from his lines. That this might beeffected without the previous knowledge of the enemy, he despatchedcouriers to those towns of the League, which were situated farthestfrom the rendezvous, bearing sealed packets addressed to the chiefmagistrate, in which directions were given for assembling the militia,and for conducting them, with five days' rations, to the town next onthe road to Tegea, where they were to be left under orders of the chiefmagistrate of the place, with a sealed letter which had been enclosedin the former. This letter commanded the magistrate to forward themen, together with his own, in a similar manner, to the next town, andit contained a similar enclosure; so that the whole military force ofAchæa was gathering towards Tegea, and actually arrived there, before any person, beside the general, knew either their destination or theobject of the expedition.³¹ Livy, xxxv. 27. Al. Pleiæ; vide Polyb. v.; Strabo, viii.2 Livy, xxxv. 27.3Polyb. xvi. 20.PHILOPEMEN. 359Brilliant Advancing from Tegea, he pitched his camp at Caria, in the enemy's B. C. 192.territory, and on the same day, Gythium surrendered; but intelligence generalshtpof this event not reaching the Achæan head-quarters, Philopomenmached the next day to mount Barbosthenes, only ten miles fromLacedæmon. In the meanwhile Nabis, having left a garrison inGythium, passed by forced marches through Sparta, and arrived at aplace called the Camp of Pyrrhus, which he rightly conjectured wouldbe the first object of the Achæan general. By this movement Philopomen was completely surprised; for he had not only calculatedupon reaching the camp without difficulty, but was marching along aravine, with his troops formed in column, and his principal strengthin the rear, in which he expected to be attacked, when he suddenlysaw the enemy about half a mile in front of him, threatening to fallupon his heavy troops, embarrassed in uneven ground, without theprotection of light infantry or cavalry. It was in situations of thiskind that the genius of Philopomen became most conspicuous; hiseye saw, at a glance, all the advantages afforded by an unequalsurface; and he availed himself of his skill, in the present emergency,to protract his manœuvres till darkness precluded both parties fromaction. During the night he prepared an ambush; and in the morning, after a smart conflict, by a feigned retreat, he drew the enemyinto the snare, and defeated them with very great loss. They fledto their camp; and such was the ardour of the Achæans, that had notthe general prudently sounded a recal, they would have attempted to force the lines. In the evening, he sent a pretended deserter withfalse intelligence, to alarm the king and to hasten his retreat to Sparta,which was attempted the next morning in so much confusion, that theAchæan light infantry and the Cretan archers harassed their rear the whole way, and at last, falling upon them as they descended a narrowroad between two hills, created so general a panic that great part of and success ofarmy threw Philopomen.away their accoutrements, and sought safety inrate flight among the woods and fastnesses. Nabis, with his bodyguard, and a few only of his heavy-armed mercenaries, arrived atSparta. Philopomen advanced to the Eurotas, and there pitching hiscamp for the night, he ordered his men to light their fires and cooktheir suppers. Himself, meanwhile, singling out a small corps ofactive and daring young men, armed only with falchions, occupied thepaths which led from the mountainous country towards the city. Thedisarmed fugitives, as soon as they saw the lights in the Achæancamp, began to descend from their hiding places, and to seek the roadhome; but so completely was their return intercepted by the swordsmen, that not a fourth part of them ever returned to Sparta. Philopomen spent a month in plundering the country, and then led hisforces home, where he was received with unbounded applause, and hisachievements were extolled even above those of Flamininus; a pre1 Livy, xxxv. 27, &c. 2 Ibid. 28, 29; Polyb. xvi. 21; Plutarch, in loco.3 Livy, xxxv. 30.the sepa-360 PHILOPEMEN.B. C. 192. ference which, according to Plutarch, proved extremely mortifying to the Roman general. 'with the Achæan League.B. C. 191 .It was never the policy of the Roman senate to suffer any one statein Greece to preponderate over the rest so as to consolidate the wholeinto one empire; on the contrary, by taking part with the weaker,they contrived that every contest should contribute to wear out bothparties, without giving a decided ascendency to either. " No soonerSparta unites was Nabis sufficiently humbled, than Flamininus hastened to concludea peace with him on terms rather favourable to Lacedæmon thanagreeable to the Achæans: but Philopomen, shortly afterwards , tookadvantage of a sedition, in which Nabis was murdered and the cityplundered by a party of Etolians, to persuade the Spartans to unitethemselves with the League, and to adopt the constitution of the other united states. In the management of this delicate business he displayed so much diplomatic talent, that it is surprising to find Plutarchand even Polybius representing him as inferior to Aratus and Aristænus in negotiation, as much as he was their superior in the field. And itdeserves remark, that while the policy of one of these statesmen preserved the states from ruin at the expense of making them subservientto Macedon, and the only resource of the other was to submit implicitly to all the decrees of Flamininus, Philopomen alone was enabledto maintain their independence without any derogatory concession to aforeign power; for though he was too prudent to involve his countryin hostilities with so irresistible an enemy as Rome, he always contrived to set aside every measure, however strongly supported, whichmilitated against the laws and constitution of the Achæan league.When Dinocrates, a worthless and intriguing Messenian, had formeda plan for withdrawing his native city from the union, and for restoringthe Lacedæmonian exiles who were of the seditious party, and Flamininus, like a true Roman diplomatist, was ready to promote anyscheme for sowing the seeds of division among the allies, Philopomen,Prudence of by his temperate and judicious adherence to the ancient laws of theLeague, which forbade an assembly of the states to be summonedunless the precise nature of the proposal to be laid before them werepreviously stated, entirely defeated the design of the Roman general,who, having no authority from the senate to act in the affair, darednot hazard a premature disclosure of his intentions.Philopomen.645During the war which followed between the Romans and Antiochus,the Achæans, though occasionally called upon for inconsiderable reinforcements, enjoyed comparative repose; and Philopomen was contented to remain quietly in a private station, watching, however, withanxious eye, every turn of fortune, and providing, by every means inhis power, against the overwhelming ascendency of Rome. During1 Plutarch, in loco; Livy, xxxv. 47.3 Plutarch, in loco.5 Polyb. Excerpt. leg. xlvii.Ibid. leg. xx.; Livy, xxxvi. passim.2 Prideaux, part ii. lib. iv.Polyb. Excerpt. xxi.7 Plutarch, in Vita.PHILOPEMEN. 361this time, Plutarch' relates that the Lacedæmonians showed symptoms B. C. 191 .of disaffection to the League; and Diophanes, who had studied themilitary art with great success under Philopomen, in the former warwith Nabis, and who was now prætor of the League, marched withthe Roman general to reduce them by force. Philopomen, who hadin vain endeavoured to dissuade him from so hasty a proceeding,threw himself into the city, shut the gates against a Roman consuland an Achæan general, and, by his able negotiations, restored order and reconciled all differences.3League.But the Lacedæmonians could not brook being deprived of all their The Spartansseaport towns, which, by order of the consul, were garrisoned with renounce theAchæan troops; and, after the expulsion of Antiochus from Greece, B. C. 188.and the subjugation of the Ætolians, they were so imprudent as toseize upon Las, a small maritime port within the borders of Laconia.Philopomen was, at this time, again prætor of the League, and heimmediately issued his order to the Lacedæmonians to deliver up tojustice the authors of this violence, and all the persons concerned inthe transaction. Fired at the imperious tone of this mandate, theSpartans seized and executed the leaders of the Achæan faction intheir city, renounced the League, and sent deputies to the consul* atCephallenia, offering to put him in possession of Lacedæmon, and tobecome subjects of the Roman empire if he would march to theirassistance. The Achæan council, upon this, declared war againstSparta; and though the season prevented the immediate marching ofthe troops, so violent was the animosity excited, that predatory incursions and reprisals threw the whole peninsula into confusion. Thesedisorders brought the consul into Peloponnesus, who appointed ameeting at Elis to hear both parties; but, after studiously fomentingtheir mutual discontent, he peremptorily commanded a cessation ofhostilities, and referred the adjudication of the cause to Rome. Theambassadors of the Achæans, chosen on this occasion, were, Diophanes,the ex-prætor, who adhered strictly to the line of policy pursued byAristanus, and Lycortas, father of the historian Polybius, who hadadopted the sentiments of Philopomen, and who now urged beforethe senate, in firm but respectful language, the right of the Achæancommonwealth to regulate its own domestic affairs.The senate,whose object it was to prolong the contest and to weaken the union ofthe League, returned an evasive answer, which each party interpretedin its own favour. Philopomen, whose command was prolonged forthe purpose, marched with the whole Achæan army into Laconia, andrenewed his demand to have the authors of the late seizure of Lasgiven up to him. The Lacedæmonians had no longer any hope ofbeing enabled to resist the combination against them; and the obnoxious individuals, eighty³ in number, marched out on the assurancePolyb. Excerpt. xxi .+ M. Fulvius.1 In Vita.3 Livy, xxxviii. 31, &c.5 Livy, xxxviii. 33; Plutarch, in loco. Others make the number 350.362 PHILOPEMEN.B. C. 188. of the prætor that they should not be condemned without a hearing.Some of them were immediately stoned, in a tumult which arose between them and the exiles, in front of the army; and the rest wereexecuted the next morning with little ceremony. The Lacedæmonians were ordered to throw down their walls; to banish all mercenarysoldiers beyond the limits of Laconia; to oblige all freedmen to quitthe country by a set time, on pain of being seized and sold for slaves;to abolish for ever all the laws and institutions of Lycurgus; and toadopt the democratic constitution and the statutes of Achæa. Nothing,observes Livy, of these conditions was so willingly obeyed as the destruction of the fortifications; nothing so hardly borne as the abrogation of the discipline of Lycurgus.' A great number of mercenarysoldiers and freedmen, found wandering about the country, wereapprehended and sold; and, by a decree of the Achæan council,assembled at Tegea, the celebrated piazzas of Megalopolis, formerlyruined by the Spartans, were rebuilt with the profits of the sale. Andthus, after a lapse of seven hundred years, the extraordinary fabric ofLycurgus was finally crushed by the hand of Philopœmen.Abrogation ofthe laws ofLycurgus.B. C. 188.B. C. 183. 84After forty years of active life, Philopomen was again chosengeneral of the united states, in the seventieth year of his age, havinglately recovered from a severe and lingering illness. He had scarcelyassumed the command, when he was informed that his ancient enemy,Dinocrates, now chief magistrate of Messene, had withdrawn hiscountry from the League, and had marched to seize Corona, a smalltown in the Messenian territory. Philopomen immediately set out torelieve the place; but was surprised in an uneven defile by the activityof the enemy. It is reported that he might easily have effected hisescape under cover of his Thracians and Cretan archers; but he disdained to provide for his personal safety, whilst the cavalry, theflower of the Achæan nobility, were exposed to be cut in pieces. Hetherefore put himself at their head, and attempted to retreat by anarrow pass, in which his horse fell and rolled over him. The violenceCapture of of the shock rendered him insensible; and when he recovered, hePhilopomen. found himself in the hands of Dinocrates, who could scarcely creditthe evidence of his senses, overjoyed in the possession of so illustriousa prisoner. A courier was instantly despatched to Messene with thenews-“ The Achæan cavalry are routed, and Philopomen is taken;”-but so incredible did the story appear, that the messenger was notonly disbelieved, but was treated as a madman. The intelligence,however, was soon confirmed, and Messene was literally emptied ofits inhabitants, persons of every age and sex crowding through its gates to behold " the last of the Greeks a captive. The magistrates,apprehending some violence, in the recent agitation of men's minds,and in the compassion naturally excited by so sad a spectacle, led him1 Livy, xxxviii. 34.""2 A partial attempt was afterwards made to restore it, but with little effect.3 Polyb. Excerpt. xxi. * Pliny, iv. 5. 5 Livy, xxxix. 49.PHILOPEMEN. 363hastily to the theatre, and, having exhibited him to the multitude at a B. C. 183.safe distance, conducted him to a place of security, Dinocrates cryingout that he must be examined, touching the cause of his commencinghostilities, before the council. On his arrival at the town-hall, themagistrates, overawed by his presence and long-established reputation,were unable to put to him a single question; and as the night wasapproaching, they were greatly at a loss where to confine their formidable prisoner, for whom no one chose to be responsible. Atlength it was agreed to put him into a strong stone chamber underthe public treasury, closing the door with an enormous mass of rock,and trusting the custody of so great a man rather to the strength ofthe jail than to the fidelity of the guard. 'The deliberations were continued during the night. Fear and theinfluence of Dinocrates prevailed over every other consideration; andearly in the morning an executioner entered the dungeon with a cup ofhemlock-juice in his hand. The general, without any change of coun- His death.tenance, took the cup from the officer, and inquired whether Lycortas B. C. 183.had escaped in the action of the preceding day, and whether thecavalry had effected their retreat? Both questions being answered inthe affirmative, he replied, " Then all is well," raised the deadly draughtto his lips, and composing himself, as if to sleep, shortly expired.2The authors of this atrocious crime were not permitted long toenjoy their guilty triumph. The nobility of all Achæa felt at onceashamed of having left their leader in the field, and indignant at thecruel treatment with which he had met: they assembled from everyquarter at Megalopolis, and encouraged each other in a determinationto avenge the affront. Lycortas, notwithstanding his youth, waschosen general; and so admirably had he profited by the lessons ofPhilopomen, that the army seemed still to be conducted by the spiritand experience of their veteran commander. Messene soon yielded tohis skill and impetuosity. Dinocrates and his principal adherentsavoided his vengeance by committing suicide; but the magistrates,who had voted for examining Philopomen by torture, were reservedto be executed upon his tomb.³ The funeral was celebrated by thewhole body of the Achæan assembly; and so anxious were they to omit no honour which can be conferred upon the memory of man,that they scrupled not to pay him marks of respect which are proper only to divinity. His statues were erected in all the cities of theLeague, and were pointed out for many years afterwards as the images of the last of the Greeks."665Thirty-seven years after his death, he was publicly denounced as an¹ Livy, xxxix. 50.2 Plutarch states that he was only twenty years of age; but, as Lycortas hadpreviously been sent as ambassador to Rome, and had pleaded the cause of theAchæans before the senate, it seems probable that he was much older.3 Plutarch, in loco.Livy, eod. universo Achaico concilio. 5 Id. eod.364 PHILOPEMEN.B. C. 183. enemy to the Roman name, and it was proposed that his statues should be thrown down. But his cause was so ably and boldly defended by Polybius, the historian, son of the gallant and accomplishedLycortas, that Mummius forbade any violence to be offered to thememory of a man, who had never opposed to the ambition of Romeany policy but truth and disinterestedness, nor any arts of war but honour and courage. '¹ Polyb. xi. 7.MELEEPalace of Seleucus at Antioch.CHAPTER XIII.SYRIA, FROM THE REIGN OF ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT TILL THETERMINATION OF THE DYNASTY OF THE SELEUCIDE .FROM B. C. 193 TO B. C. 64.BETWEEN the complete establishment of the Seleucidæ on the throneof Antioch, and the final overthrow of that family by the Romans,there is a brief period in ancient historyduring which the affairs of Syria appearto claim a distinct and separate narrative. The influence of the Macedonianname, and a knowledge of the great objects which had animated as well asennobled the ambition of Alexander,continued for some time to support thereputation, and to direct the policy ofhis successors; on which account, aswell perhaps as on the ground of theircommon origin and connection, it hasbeen usual to give a combined view ofthe history of those powerful kingdoms which were founded upon the Antiochus the Great.366 SYRIA.The B. C. 193. conquests of the renowned son of Philip. But the lapse of a fewgenerations dissolved the bonds of this political consanguinity.Grecian kings of Syria and Egypt lost by degrees all remembranceof their extraction as Macedonian chiefs, and relinquished, amidst thesplendour of confirmed sovereignty, those high objects of glory or universal dominion which the respective founders of their dynasties had never ceased to contemplate. The reign of Antiochus the Great may be regarded as marking with sufficient accuracy the limits of thatfederal attachment, or historical unity, which characterised the earlierproceedings of Alexander's successors, We, therefore, proceed to narrate, under the names of this monarch and of his immediate descendants, the more important events which paved the way for thefinal annexation of Syria to the Roman empire.Policy ofthe Romans.The cautious policy pursued by the republicans of Italy with regardto the Grecian states, had already extended the influence of the senateto the remotest parts of Thrace and of Peloponnesus. The proconsulFlaminius, who knew well how to throw the veil of moderation, andeven of generosity, over the ambitious designs of his countrymen, hadreturned to the banks of the Tiber, carrying with him the rare praiseof having at once conquered and liberated a large portion of Greece.He had not, indeed, disarmed the power of Antiochus, nor removedall danger that might arise fromthe claims of Syria upon certain townssituated on the western shores of the Hellespont; but he had materially strengthened the enemies of that monarch, and had made preparations for opposing him which could hardly fail of success.We have already mentioned the repeated conferences which wereheld in Greece between the Roman deputies and the representatives ofthe great king, and stated the grounds on which the contending partiesrested their respective claims. No adjustment having been effectedwhen Flaminius withdrew his troops into Italy, Antiochus, either withthe intention of gaining time, or of seriously attempting to secure theneutrality of such powerful mediators, thought it expedient to send two ambassadors to Rome. The discussions which ensued wereattended with no material result, besides an increase of irritation onB. C. 193. both sides, and a more determined resolution to persevere in thoseConference at Rome.particular measures from which each party laboured to dissuade theother. The Romans loudly condemned the restless policy of Antiochus, who, not satisfied with his immense territories in Asia, neverceased to prefer some antiquated claims upon the independence of the Grecian cities; which, as the friends of liberty in all parts of theworld, and more especially as the allies of the free states whom hewished to oppress, they were determined by all the means in theirpower, whether by arms or negotiation, to protect and support. TheSyrian envoys, on the other hand, did not affect to conceal their suspicions of the insidious conduct and hypocritical professions of the Roman senate. They set forth the ancient and hereditary right of their master to all those cities, both in Thrace and Asia Minor, overANTIOCHUS. HANNIBAL. EUMENES. 367which he was desirous to extend his dominion; they magnified his B. C. 193.services to the Greeks, whose walls he had repaired , and whose wealthand security he had increased; and they concluded by observing, that his honour not less than his interest was concerned in maintaining theauthority of the Syrian crown. These deliberations were terminatedby a proposal on the part of the Romans to send to the head-quartersof the king, in the character of ambassadors, the three persons whohad treated with him the preceding year in his camp at Lysimachia.¹on war inMeanwhile Antiochus was at the head of an army in Asia Minor, The king ofprosecuting hostilities in person against his rebellious subjects in Syria carries the province of Pisidia. Another division of his forces was occupied Asia Minor.in besieging Smyrna and Lampsacus; two towns of great importanceto his future views on the opposite coast of Thrace. This vigorousactivity, during the whole period that the negotiation was pending atRome, was enough to convince the enemies of Syria, that the king hadeither no desire or no expectation that peace could be secured. Butwhatever might be his views on this head, it admits not of any doubtthat the Romans had already resolved on war. The conquest ofCarthage made such an accession to their power, as well as to theirambitious designs, that they could no longer tolerate a rival influencein any part of Europe; and whatever might be wanting to their pretexts, on more general grounds, was amply supplied by the following considerations.warlikethe fear of Hannibal.No sooner had the Syrian deputies departed from Rome, than mes- The Romanssengers arrived at that city from Carthage, to inform the senate that urged toHannibal was already concerting measures with Antiochus for carry- counsels bying back the war into the heart of Italy. The Romans, whose fearswere renewed at the very name of their late invader, succeeded indriving him from the head of affairs, in the capital of Africa, and compelled him to seek an asylum among the people of Tyre; whence hesoon after proceeded to Antioch, and subsequently to the camp of theking, in the neighbourhood of Ephesus, where a conference was to be resumed with the Roman ambassadors, on the great question of peaceor war. The advice of the Carthaginian commander confirmed theresolution of Antiochus to trust his cause to the decision of arms;and as this determination could not fail to be made known to theRomans, it may be regarded as affording a reasonable excuse for thewarlike attitude which they forthwith prepared to assume.co-operationRomans.Another motive which induced them to declare war against Antio- Plans ofchus, may be found in their political connection with Eumenes, the Eumenes inking of Pergamus. Foreseeing that a rupture would in all probability with thetake place between the Romans and his Syrian neighbours, this cautious prince had refused to co-operate with Antiochus in his designsupon Greece, and had thus exposed himself to an unequal conflict witha very powerful enemy. Eumenes, therefore, actuated by the veryobvious view of self- defence, as well, perhaps, as by the dictates of a1¹ Livy, lib. xxxiv. 57. 2 Ibid. xxxiii . 33.368 SYRIA.B. c. 193. more profound and less justifiable policy, pressed upon the Romans theexpediency of war; promising, at the same time, the assistance of hisWarlike disposition of the Etolians.Resolution adopted by the Romans.B. C. 192.Eumenes II.arms and counsels, should the scene ofhostilities be eventually transferred intothe provinces of Asia Minor. The Romancommissioners, accordingly, who weresent to negotiate with Antiochus, deemedit proper to pass through Pergamus, inorder at once to inform themselves of theprecise relations which subsisted betweenthe Asiatic sovereigns, and to communicateto Eumenes the strongest assurances ofsupport from the senate, should they finallyresolve upon a war with Syria.The peace of the Grecian states, and the interests of Rome werethreatened from another quarter also, which, if not so formidable inpoint of power, was more to be dreaded in respect of the implacablerevenge and desperate counsels with which the renewal of war wasmeditated . The Etolians, who had been the most active in invitingthe interference of the Romans in the affairs of Greece, were the firstto discover the mischievous effects of that short-sighted policy; andnow finding themselves disappointed in all their hopes, and contemptuously dismissed whenever they sought compensation, or claimeda share of the advantages obtained by their own arms, they everywhereindulged in the most furious invectives against their late allies, andinvited an open confederacy of the more independent states to throwoff for ever their odious dominion. With this view, they despatchedembassies to Nabis of Sparta, to Philip of Macedon, and to Antiochus,the king of Syria; and as the last of these sovereigns was already disposed for war, the intemperate counsels of Ætolia were not urged in vain.Such measures, openly pursued by some of the leading republics ofGreece, and not less openly countenanced by others, could not fail toalarm the vigilant policy of Rome. It was immediately resolved to adopt such precautions as might obviate the danger to which the interests of the Roman people appeared to be exposed from the hostileintentions of Antiochus and the Etolians; and also, in the mean time,to add to the number of their commissioners already despatched intoAsia Minor, that they might the more certainly become acquaintedwith the real views of the Syrians, and watch the motions of theirwavering allies. A small force of men and ships was sent under Flaminius, who seems in this, as in the former expedition, to have beencharged with the superintendence of diplomatic as well as of military affairs; and that wary general found, immediately upon his arrival inAchæa, the most unambiguous proofs that a second and more decisivecrisis was impending over the Grecian republics, and threatening withimportant change the whole of Asia Minor.ANTIOCHUS. HANNIBAL. 369When the invitation to assist in the liberation of Greece reached B. C. 192.Professions Antiochus, he appears to have been still resident at Ephesus, and to of theirhave permitted at his court the attendance of the Roman envoys, Sul- ambassadors.picius and Villius. These functionaries continued to use the languageof peace, and to cover the designs of their country by the usual professions of moderation, and of a conscientious regard for the interests of their Grecian allies. The reply of Minio, the minister of the Syrianpotentate, addressed on this occasion to these haughty and insidiousrepublicans, conveyed at once a merited reproof, and also the sentiments which were then generally entertained in regard to the protection vouchsafed by the Romans to the Greek commonwealths. "Your Remonconduct," said he, " where you are in a condition to act without dis- the syrianguise, is a much better evidence of your intentions, than any profes- sions you may think proper to make in Greece or in Asia, where, byassuming a popular character, you have so many parties to reconcile toyour interest. Are not the inhabitants of Naples and of RhegiumGreeks, as well as those of Lampsacus and Smyrna?You are extremely desirous to set the Greeks at liberty from the dominion ofAntiochus and Philip, but have no remorse in subjecting them to your own."99 1War being no longer doubtful, nothing remained for the king ofSyria but to determine whether to attack the Romans in their owncountry, or to wait their arrival in the territory of their allies. Hanstrances ofminister.POR000Hannibal.Hannibal to nibal, who had never ceased to hold the opinion that the Romans could Advice ofonly be conquered in Italy, recommended with the utmost earnestness Antiochus,and force of reasoning the manifest advantages of an invasion, as thesole means whereby the king could effectually weaken the power and1 Livy, xxxv.[H. G. ]2 B370 SYRIA.B. C. 192. distract the counsels of that warlike people. Soliciting from Antiochusan armament of no more than a hundred galleys, ten thousand foot,and a thousand horse, he offered his services as the commander of theexpedition; assuring him that, with this small force, together with thetroops and supplies which he could raise at Carthage, he would beable to effect a descent on the Italian coast, and thereby create apowerful diversion in his favour.Opposite counsel of the royal flatterers.Antiochus invades Greece.This wise counsel was overruled by the influence of the Ætolians,and the jealousy of the Syrian courtiers. Such a monarch, said thelatter, stood in no need of foreign aid or direction; his own forces andhis own talents were sufficient to vanquish the Romans in any part ofthe world; the liberation and recovery of Greece ought to be the firstobject of his arms, and there everything promised success. Antiochusis himself a Greek, and his appearance on their shores will be hailedby his countrymen with transport and affection: the Etolians arealready in arms: Nabis longs for an opportunity to recover the possessions of which he has been despoiled by the Romans; and Philip ofMacedon, who smarts under the indignities which he has suffered fromthat encroaching people, will obey the first signal to retrieve hiswrongs, and will join his standard to that of the great king. 'The Etolians, who had already made some hostile movementsagainst the Achæans and inhabitants of Euboea, were extremelyB. C. 192. urgent in their entreaties that Antiochus would pass over into Greece.At length he complied with their request; for, leaving the blockadeof Smyrna and Lampsacus to the care of his lieutenants, he sailed intothe Pelasgic gulf at the head of ten or twelve thousand of his besttroops. His reception on the European shore was marked with thatardent enthusiasm which distinguished the ancient Greeks. TheAthenians themselves were shaken in their fidelity to Rome. TheBoeotians were prepared to extend their services to the invader; andnone of the states remained steady in their allegiance to the Romanrepublic, except the members of the Achæan league, and the small commonwealth of Euboea. The opposition of the latter body provoked the first act of hostility on the part of Antiochus. He reducedtheir capital, and subdued their island; in which achievement hegained, at the same time, a partial triumph over the allied arms of theAchæans, as well as those of Eumenes, the king of Pergamus, whohad so early taken the field on the side of the Romans. This triflingconquest was the only event which occurred to crown the preparationsand boastful promises of the Syrian monarch and his confederates;after which he retired to pass the winter in negotiation, and to awaitthe more important transactions of the ensuing summer.Weak and unsteady conduct of Antiochus.The vigour of Antiochus's mind proved unequal to the mighty contest in which he was about to engage; and his weakness nowhereshowed itself with more fatal effects than in his contemptible jealousyof Hannibal, who still administered to him the most valuable counsel.¹ Livy, xxxvi. 7.ANTIOCHUS INVADES GREECE. 371In direct opposition to the advice of this consummate statesman and B. C. 192.soldier, the Syrian king not only neglected to secure the friendship ofthe Macedonians, but even by affording unseasonable countenance to arival prince, who had pretensions to the throne, he provoked the openenmity of Philip, and drove him into a new alliance with the Romans.It was to dissuade Antiochus from the pernicious policy which hewas now pursuing, and to remove from his mind the unhappy suspicion which he saw the king entertained in regard to his fidelity, thatHannibal related to him the interesting anecdote of his early life, sofamiliar to every schoolboy, and which is recorded by Polybius, Livy,and Cornelius Nepos. But remonstrances and protestations were now alike in vain. The infatuated Syrian wasted his time in concludingobscure treaties, and in besieging unimportant towns, till he wasroused to a momentary activity, and to a sense of the manifolddangers which gathered around him, by the sight of a Roman encampment, whose fires already blazed on the hills of Thessaly.of theAware B. C. 191 .No sooner had Sulpicius and the other ambassadors reported at VigilanceRome the unsuccessful issue of their negotiations with the great king and activityand his Ætolian allies, than active preparations were ordered by the Romans.senate to meet all the contingencies of the approaching war.of the offensive measures recommended by Hannibal, the Romansstationed forthwith a powerful army of observation at Tarentum;provided for the safety of Sicily and the shores of the republic, byfitting out two numerous fleets; and, above all , gave directions forassembling a large armament, early in the spring, at a convenient porton the Adriatic, that it might be transported into Illyricum, upon thefirst signal of a hostile operation on the part of the enemy. Theallies of Rome seconded, with unwonted zeal, her preparations against Zeal of their allies against Antiochus. Carthage, in order to wipe off all suspicion that Hannibal Antiochus.acted with the concurrence of his native government, offered largesupplies of corn. Ptolemy, actuated by personal resentment, and themore justifiable motives of national security, volunteered his aidagainst the conqueror of Cole- Syria, and Phœnicia: whilst Philip ofMacedon, enraged at the threatened violation of his territory, professedhis readiness to join the standard of the consul with a considerableforce of men, and large supplies of money and provisions.¹the siege ofThe army which subsequently passed over into Greece, under the The Romanscommand of Manius Acilius Glabrio, amounted to twenty thousand march Thessalyintofoot, two thousand horse, and about fifteen elephants. The siege of and raiseLarissa by Antiochus was held to be a declaration of war; and Larissa.accordingly, at the request of the Macedonians, Appius Claudius, atthe head of a powerful detachment, marched into Thessaly, as wellfor the relief of that city, as to apprise the invader that his ravages inthe territory of a Roman ally would not be allowed to pass unavenged.This demonstration was more than sufficient to disconcert the hasty and ill-provided inroad of the Syrians. Antiochus immediately¹ Livy, xxxvi. ab initio.2 B 2372 SYRIA.B C. 191. retreated to Demetrias, and afterwards to Euboea; in which latterplace, it is said, he gave himself up to the pursuit of an unequal love,and renewed for a time the sensuality and voluptuous indolence whichhad disgraced the earlier part of his life. Most historians agree infixing the date of his marriage with the daughter of Cleoptolemusafter his retreat from Thessaly: but there is reason, we think, forplacing this amorous transaction among the occurrences which fell outat Chalcis, during his first residence there; as it is hardly possible toimagine that he would allow himself to indulge in the protractedabsurdities with which he celebrated his nuptials, immediately afterbeing repulsed by one army, and whilst threatened by another stillmore powerful. However this may be, we are not permitted todoubt that Antiochus was in the field before Acilius landed his troopsin the gulfof Ambracia.Battle of the straits of Thermo- pylæ, and defeat ofThe commencement of the war was signalized on the part of theRomans by the reduction of Pelinnæum, a Thessalian city, which hadbeen garrisoned by the Syrians, and committed to the charge ofAntiochus. Philip, commonly called the Megalopolitan, and whom we havealready described as a pretender to the throne of Macedonia. But themain object contemplated by Acilius was to drive Antiochus out ofEurope; and with this view he pursued his retreating phalanx untilhe succeeded in shutting him up on the narrow shores of the MalianGulf. Here the Syrian determined to make a stand, in order at leastto protect the entrance into Greece, and gain time for the assemblingof a more numerous army. But the straits of Thermopyla were nolonger esteemed impregnable. The Persians and Gauls had undeceived the Greeks as to the imaginary strength of that celebrateddefile; and the Romans, as Antiochus well knew, were not inferior tothe troops either of Xerxes orBrennus, in point of enterprise,courage, and perseverance. It wasin vain that the Etolians occupiedthe narrow passes in the neighbouring mountains. Cato, the celebratedcensor, then in the prime of life ,exercised a subordinate commandunder Acilius; and being on thisoccasion detached with a body ofactive soldiers to dislodge theEtolians from the high ground, heeffected his object so completely,as to afford the most essential aid tothe principal attack on the enemy'scamp and lines, against which theconsul advanced in person. The Syrian army was cut in pieces: theking himself, not without some difficulty, escaped, with a few hundredmen, to Elatia, and afterwards to Chalcis; whence he was escorted toCESARGENTCato the Censor.ANTIOCHUS. THE SCIPIOS IN GREECE. 373Ephesus by a small squadron of scattered ships, which had succeeded B. C. 191 .in assembling at Euboea.and distress oftheAfter the defeat of Antiochus, and his flight from Europe, no Resistanceenemy remained in Greece to dispute the ascendency of the Romans,except the fickle people of Ætolia, who now found themselves at the Etolians.mercy of a victorious foe, whom they had provoked by a long course of insolent invective, and by the most selfish and traitorous disaffec- tion. The consul advanced into their country, laid siege to Naupactus, and having reduced them to considerable distress, agreed to acessation of arms, which was to last only whilst their deputies wereproceeding to Rome, to implore forgiveness, and to make their peace with the senate. Their mission to the banks of the Tiber was, however, attended with little success. No terms were promised, excepton the condition of unlimited surrender, and the payment of a thousand talents. The Etolians, therefore, made haste to resume their arms.Naupactus was strengthened so much as to bid defiance to therenewed attacks of Acilius; who, that he might achieve somethingmemorable before his command should expire, removed his army tothe siege of Amphissa. 'the commandaccompanied by hisPublius, theZama.B. C. 190.Affairs were in the posture we have now described, when news Lucius Scipioarrived that Lucius Scipio was appointed to conduct the war against appointed toAntiochus, aided by the counsels of his brother, the renowned Afri- in Greece,canus, who had accepted of an appointment under his command. Thenew consul carried with him into his province a powerful army, rein- brotherforced by the addition of five thousand veterans, who were desirous victor ofto renew their laurels under the banners of a captain, whose name wasat once extremely popular, and had long been auspicious to Romanglory. The fleet, too, was greatly augmented under Livius, already become a successful commander: and ample supplies of money andmilitary stores were furnished by the king of Egypt, who, at this momentous crisis, appears to have confined his narrow views to thehumiliation of Syria, overlooking the more formidable ambition, andstill more formidable arms of his new allies. Philip, likewise, exertedall his powers of civility and accommodation to further the views ofthe consul Scipio for carrying on an Asiatic war. He granted a freepassage through Macedonia; was delighted to report that his roadsand bridges were in excellent order, and that his magazines wereamply replenished with everything that might be found necessary topromote the comfort and expedition of the Roman soldiers. Thesiege of Amphissa was no longer regarded as worthy of delay thearmy of Acilius joined the ranks of Scipio; and the latter, cheered bythe enemies of Antiochus, and unobstructed by his friends, performedan easy and rapid march to the shores of the Hellespont.When Antiochus had reached Ephesus, after the defeat at Thermo- Situation and pylæ, his fears were not alleviated when he heard from the faithful measures oflips of Hannibal, that he would soon have to contend with the1¹ Livy, xxxvii. 5.2 Ibid. c. 7.Antiochus.374 SYRIA.B. c. 190. Romans for Asia in Asia. Roused to a sense of his danger, the kingresolved to make a vigorous effort to recruit his army, and tostrengthen his interests by negotiation, before his active enemies couldcross the Ægæan sea. He reinforced his garrisons at Chersonesus,equipped a powerful fleet under Polyxenidas, and despatched ships ofobservation to guard the coasts, or to give early notice of such hostilemovements as it might be necessary to oppose. He relied with undiminished confidence on the boundless resources of his Asiaticprovinces; and though Lampsacus and Smyrna still refused to acknowledge him as their master, the greater part of the maritime townswere open to his forces, and well stored with magazines to meet the various contingencies of war. His matrimonial relations with Pontusand Cappadocia, afforded to him the ground of a reasonable hope thatthe arms of these kingdoms would be joined to those of Syria indefeating the schemes ofthe Romans against the independence of theLesser Asia. He likewise courted the alliance of Prusias, the warlikeprince of Bithynia, and entered into a treaty with the inhabitants ofGalatia, the descendants of those formidable Gauls who had filled withterror the most powerful states of Greece, and conquered an independent settlement from one of the most vigorous of Alexander's suc- cessors. In this way he made arrangements for encountering in Asiathe redoubtable armies of Rome, and for meeting the exigencies of themomentous struggle in which he had involved the interests of hishereditary dominions.Defeat of his fleet at Corycus.The territory of Pergamus invaded by Seleucus.The first events of the war proved rather unfavourable to his hopes,and weakened considerably one of the main supports of his ascendencyin Greece. His fleet was defeated by the Romans near Corycus, andpursued into Ephesus, where it was afterwards blockaded. A temporary advantage gained soon after over the Rhodian navy, was dearlypurchased by a gross breach of faith committed by his admiral, andAttalus II.by a renewed declaration of hostility on the part of those hardyislanders, who were in this instance the victims of his guile.Whilst the Romans were employed in an unsuccessful expedition against the sea-ports ofLycia, the plans of Antiochusbegan to be developed, in the invasion of Pergamus by an armyunder his son Seleucus. Eumenes,although thus taken by surprise,was not altogether unpreparedfor resistance. His capital sustained a protracted siege, carriedon by the whole united army ofthe Syrians, until it was relievedANTIOCHUS. THE ROMANS INVADE SYRIA. 375by a seasonable reinforcement of troops from Achæa. The forces of B. C. 190.Eumenes were commanded on this occasion by his brother Attalus,who subsequently ( B. C. 150) succeeded him on the throne as AttalusII. An assault on Adramyttium by Antiochus in person was in likemanner defeated; after which the arms of the contending partiesappear to have been for some time employed in mutual ravages of eachother's fields, and in pillaging defenceless towns.near A more severe disappointment than he had yet sustained was soon Sea-fightannounced to Antiochus. A large fleet, conveying to him an important Pamphylia.supply of men and stores, and commanded by Apollonius and thefaithful Hannibal, had just left the shores of Phoenicia, when theRhodians, informed of its approach, prepared to intercept its progressand defeat its object. The memorable fight off the coast of Pamphyliaensued, in which the Carthaginian general displayed so much ability asa naval commander, and so nearly retrieved, by a signal victory, thedepressed fortunes of Antiochus. But the skill and activity of theRhodians baffled all the efforts of the Syrian ships; which were atonce unwieldy from their size, and encumbered with a heavy loading.Hannibal had the mortification to behold once more the rising fortunesof Rome bearing down his hopes, and thwarting his utmost endeavours.He witnessed the total discomfiture of his friends; saw the Phoenicianfleet driven on the rocks, or scattered on the surface of the deep; andafter a useless display of courage, and a partial success in the divisionwhich he personally commanded, he was compelled to join the generalflight, and to seek for safety on the neighbouring shore.To recover the power which he was thus daily losing at sea, Antiochus resolved to make a vigorous effort with the fleet under Polyxenidas,before the consular army, led by the two Scipios, could gain a firmfooting in Asia. But the Romans, with their vigilant allies thesailors of Rhodes, were fully prepared to meet the Syrian admiral.The hostile squadrons encountered near Teios, a city of Ionia, whenvictory once more declared for the confederates, who destroyed orcaptured more than thirty of the enemy's ships. The command oftheÆgaan was now entirely in the hands of the invaders; the Syriangarrisons were hastily withdrawn from Chersonesus, and the king retreated in no small panic to Sardis, where he expected a contingentof troops from Cappadocia, furnished by his son-in-law, Ariarathes. Itis said that the reverses which he had already sustained even affectedthe reason of Antiochus. His conduct was marked with an unmanlytrepidation and fickleness; and upon finding that he could not securethe alliance of Prusias, the sovereign of Bithynia, his rage and feargave themselves vent in the most unbecoming terms of reproach anddespair.festival ofThe progress of the consul at the head of the invading army had The Scipiosbeen somewhat delayed by the necessity of celebrating the festival of observe theMars at the appointed season. Africanus, who was himself a priest Mars.of that god, took an important share in the religious ceremonies in376 SYRIA.B. C. 190. which the soldiers were employed; being resolved to carry with himinto Asia all the aids which the military system of the Romans waswont to derive from their warlike superstition, particularly when enteringupon a new soil, and about to expose themselves to the untried powersof foreign divinities.The Romans visit Troy,When they had crossed the Hellespont, the Romans, who now deas the cradle lighted to cherish the recollection that they were descendants of Æneas,of their ancestors.Proposals for a treaty by Antiochus.proceeded with great solemnity to visit the remains of ancient Troy,that famed and venerated seat of Phrygian sovereignty. The inhabit- ants of Dardanus and Rhoteum met the Roman soldiers on the plainwhich surrounded the old capital of Priam; whence they ascended,hand in hand, to the temple of Minerva, to perform sacrifice to their tutelary goddess, who still enjoyed divine honours amid the rainedwalls, which she had not been able to protect, and spread the sanctityof her mild worship over the neighbouring fields, on which her heroes had fallen under the swords of their enemies. The soldiers of Africanus felt the auspicious influence of this interesting commemoration.They had come to claim with their affections, not less than with theirarms, the country of their progenitors; and having conquered Europe and Africa, they were now about to add to their triumphs the third great division of the habitable world. 'Availing himself of the delay occasioned by these repeated halts,Antiochus sent an ambassador to the camp of the Romans, in order toན ནནཱརཔཎཀར ར ཉ, རར རསོpropose terms of peace. It was hoped bythis monarch that Scipio Africanus, as hisglory could receive no accession from thereduction of a few provinces in Asia, whichwere always ready to change their masterin the presence of a superior force, wouldnot be ardently bent on the prosecution of a distant war. He expected much, too,from the paternal feelings of that renownedcommander, whose son had fallen into thehands of the Syrians, and was at that timea prisoner with the king, who is said tohave treated him with the utmost kindness.Heraclides, the envoy employed by Anti- ochus, represented to the Roman chiefs thathis master had already made great concessions with the view ofmaintaining amity with their republic; that he had relinquishedseveral strong positions and valuable towns on the Chersonesus; andthat he was willing, rather than desolate his country with blood, torenounce also his just right to Smyrna and Lampsacus. The consulinformed the ambassador, that peace was not now to be retained at somean a price. Antiochus, says he, whose ambition and restless spirithave drawn the Roman eagles across the Hellespont, must consent to1 Livy, xxxvii, 33.Scipio Africanus.ANTIOCHUS. BATTLE OF MAGNESIA. 377the Romans.resign all the territory which he holds westward of Mount Taurus, and B. C. 190.also to defray the whole expense which the Romans have incurred inpreparing for war. It was in vain that Heraclides applied more private arguments to the individual interests of Africanus, and promisedthat his son should be immediately delivered up to him, were the viewsof Antiochus promoted in regard to a treaty with Rome. The conqueror of Zama returned for answer, that he was less surprised that Rejected bythe envoy of the Syrian king should be ignorant of the character of theRomans than that he should not be acquainted with the condition ofhis own master. After relinquishing his defensive positions on theHellespont, and having allowed his enemies to pass quietly into Asia,Antiochus, says he, may be compared to a horse, which has not onlyadmitted the rein, but has patiently received a rider. Alluding, then ,to his own concerns, Scipio continues: "I shall accept my son fromhis hands as the highest personal favour; I will hold myself ready torepay him by the highest personal service in my power. But as topublic affairs, I can do nothing for his interest, except by giving himthis one advice, that he accede to any terms of peace proposed by theRomans, however hard and unreasonable they may appear to him. "Preparations were now made, on both sides, for battle. Eumenes Both sidesjoined the Romans with a considerable force, eager to share in the prepare formerit, and to brave the danger of a conflict which he perceived wasnow altogether inevitable. Nor was Antiochus less active than hisformidable opponents. With seventy thousand infantry and twelvethousand horse, he made haste to occupy a strong post near MountSipylus in Ionia; defending his camp, by means of ramparts and otherfortifications, against any sudden attack on the part of the Romans,who had already assembled in considerable strength on the frontiers ofthe Pergamenian territory.99 1battle.Scipio Africanus had been obliged to leave his brother on his march, The son of Scipio and to yield to the pressure of a severe indisposition, which confined restored.him at Elea. Whilst in that city, an embassy reached him from Antiochus, restoring to his arms his captive son. The gratitude of theRoman general was ardent and sincere; and as the only return whichhe could make to the Syrian king, he entreated him not to commit hisaffairs to the hazard of a battle until the father of the youth whom hehad just set at liberty had rejoined the camp of the consul.battle of But Antiochus did not follow this advice, which was unquestionably Decisivemeant for his advantage. The Romans having advanced within two Magnesia.miles of his lines, provoked him to the combat by every demonstration B. C. 190.of martial ardour and of personal contempt. They even prepared toattack his intrenchments, and drive him from his position; when atlength, yielding to necessity, to his own impatience, or to the demandsof his army, he descended into the plain to meet the insulting confedeTates. The fortune of the day was various, and the conflict obstinateand bloody. The phalanx and a select body of cavalry, trained accord-¹ Livy, xxxvii. 36.378 SYRIA.B. C. 190. ing to the exercises and discipline of the renowned Alexander, constituted the main strength of the Syrians; whilst they were opposed byfour legions of Roman soldiers, well armed and full of courage, by alarge body of Pergamenians, commanded by Eumenes, and by severalthousand Macedonians, sent into the field by Philip. The celebratedhorsem*n called the Agema, vindicated on this occasion their ancientfame; for, breaking through the Roman cavalry, they carried Antiochusa victor to the very gates of the enemy's camp, and threw a momentary consternation into the various ranks of the consular army. But thetribune Æmilius, at the head of the reserve, checked, after a severecontest, the victorious Syrians. The aspect of the field immediatelychanged. Antiochus returned to his infantry only to witness theirtotal discomfiture; and the utter impossibility of recovering the groundhe had lost, induced him to set an example of flight, which he continued, surrounded by a few horsem*n, until he reached, about midnight,the walls of Sardis.Flight of Antiochus into Syria.Embassy tothe at Sardis Romans .Peace granted, and the terms of the treaty.But the strongest fortress in Asia Minor could no longer inspireconfidence or insure safety to the vanquished king. Leaving Sardis,he accordingly hastened his retreat into the plains of Cilicia, whence hepursued, in great dejection, the road which led to Antioch. Destituteof defence, the principal cities in Ionia and Lydia opened their gates tothe conquerors, or anticipated their arrival by sending offers of sub- mission. There was now no hope in arms, as the whole Syrian hosthad been either slaughtered at Magnesia, or dispersed by the activepursuit of the Romans; and the only resource which remained forAntiochus was placed in the moderation of his powerful enemy, thejealousy of their allies, and the personal gratitude of the elder Scipio.No time was to be lost in this critical and arduous predicament.Antiochus immediately selected for his ambassadors to the Romangenerals the experienced Zeuxis, who had long held an important command in Lydia, and his nephew Antipater, who had probably been thecompanion of the son of Africanus. The head- quarters of the consulwere already advanced to Sardis, where he appears to have been joinedagain by his illustrious brother; and it was in this capital ofthe Lydianprovince, that the deputies of the great king presented themselves beforethe victorious soldiers of the western republic, to implore their clemency in behalf of one of Alexander's successors, and to entreat thatthe throne of Seleucus might be allowed to stand. 'Scipio Africanus replied to the speech of Zeuxis, who, in his addressto the conquerors, had used the humblest language, and employed themost submissive arguments, that the crouching spirit of an Asiatic could dictate. The Roman, not less mindful of the wise policy whichhad everywhere seconded the vigour of his country's arms than of hisprivate obligation to Antiochus, made haste to assure the Syrians that the recent success of the consul did not at all affect the moderation ofhis demands. The events of war, said he, depend upon the will of1 Livy, xxxvii. 44, et seq.DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT. 379the gods, but the sentiments of the heart, and the generosity of our B. C. 190 .intentions, belong to ourselves. The king of Syria, instructed by misfortune, must henceforth confine his pretensions to a more limitedterritory, and resign, not only his claim upon all Grecian states andcities, but also upon that portion of Asia Minor which lies westwardof Mount Taurus. To defray the expense ofthe war, he must pay, bysuccessive instalments, the sum of five thousand talents; and, to securethe performance of the conditions thus imposed, he must surrenderinto the hands of the Romans twenty hostages, such as they shallrequire. To remove from him the temptation to enter anew upon adestructive war, or to annoy, by menace of hostilities, any of the alliesof Rome, he must likewise consent to give up his elephants, and allhis navy, with the exception of ten ships; and even these are not tobe allowed to extend their progress at sea beyond a certain point onthe coast of Cilicia, unless when they shall carry ambassadors, hostages,or tribute.to Hannibal.The severity of these terms was mixed with a becoming degree of Stipulationgenerosity and self-denial, inasmuch as the Romans could have stripped with regardAntiochus of all that they chose to leave him, and as they conferredupon Eumenes, and their other allies, the whole of the valuable provinces which they thus wrested from the Syrian crown. The stipulation with regard to Hannibal was the only one which indicated eitherfear or revenge; and fortunately for the fame of Africanus, as well as forthat of Antiochus, it was not in the power of the latter to fulfil it, bydelivering up the renowned Carthaginian into the hands of his enemies.It was reserved for another sovereign, and another Roman general, toemploy the vile arts of perfidy and deceit against one of the greatestcommanders of antiquity; and Hannibal, a few years afterwards, received from the hands of Prusias the mean, cruel, and disgracefultreatment which the treaty of Sardis failed to inflict.Antiochus.B. C. 187.Antiochus did not long survive the battle of Magnesia, which had Death ofso entirely denuded him of power as a king and of reputation as amilitary chief. The last act of his life continues to cloud his memory.Compelled by the pecuniary claims which pressed upon him to haverecourse to violent measures, he formed the resolution of robbing oneof those sacred emporia, in which the caravans of Media and Persiswere wont to deposit their goods and to perform the stated acts oftheir religion. The assault, conducted by the monarch himself, wasmade in the night; but meeting with greater resistance than had beenexpected, the royal troops were repulsed by the fierce barbarians whoguarded the temple; a great slaughter ensued, and Antiochus wasnumbered amongst the slain. A various and eventful reign of thirtyseven years was thus closed in a paltry attempt to pillage a fewtravelling merchants; and a king, to whose name the epithet " Great "was attached, sacrificed his life in a nocturnal brawl, whilst fightingagainst the commerce, the arts, and the religion of his subjects.The throne of Antioch was immediately filled by the eldest son of380 SYRIA.SeleucusB. C. 187. the late sovereign, Seleucus Philopator. The younger brother, Antio- Accession of chus, who had been selected by the Romans as one of the twentyPhilopator. hostages which they demanded upon the peace of Sardis, was now inthat condition of honourable captivity, learning the language and arts of his conquerors on the banks of the Tiber.attemptto pillage the temple of Jerusalem.B. C. 176.Fifteen years elapsed after the accession of Philopator, during whichnothing of material consequence occurred to employ the pen of history.He appears to have paid punctually to the Romans the annual tributewith which they had burdened the crown of his father, and to haveenjoyed, in uninterrupted security, the inglorious peace of which thatSacrilegious tribute was the price. But, like his predecessor, he was driven byhis necessities to perpetrate, or to attempt, an act of sacrilege. Thetreasurer, Heliodorus, being informed that the Temple of Jerusalemconcealed a rich treasure, proceeded, at the command of his master, todemand from the high priest a portion of his wealth for the use of theSyrian government. Onias, who at that time filled the highest officein the sanctuary, represented to the treasurer that the gold and silverin question, of which the amount had been greatly exaggerated, was acharitable deposit, reserved for their widows and orphans. Heliodoruswas not satisfied with this explanation, but proceeded to enter by forcethe holy gates of the temple. His progress was arrested by super- natural means, which the reader will find described with much minuteness and animation in the second book of the Maccabees.Treason of Heliodorus.Heliodorus driven fromthe Temple.The disappointment of the Syrian king in this nefarious attemptwas soon afterwards followed by his death. The miraculous interpo-SELEUCUS PHILOPATOR. ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES. 381Seleucusof Antiochus Epiphanes.sition which saved Heliodorus from the guilt of sacrilege did not, it B. C. 176.should seem, impress his mind with any salutary religious fear, or with Murder ofthe love of justice and fidelity. Upon his return to Antioch he con- and accessiontrived the murder of his sovereign, whosethrone he meant to usurp, in the absenceat once of Antiochus the brother, and ofDemetrius the son of Seleucus. Thisyoung prince was on his way to Rome tosucceed in quality of a hostage his uncle,Antiochus Epiphanes, who was now tobe relieved from that irksome restraint;and the opportunity thus presented to thetreasurer of seizing upon the government,impelled him to perpetrate the horridcrime to which we have just alluded, andto remove his master by a cup of poison.But the speedy appearance of Antiochus with an army prevented thecomplete consummation of the treason and the full success of thetraitor. Heliodorus was expelled , and the brother of Seleucus Philopator, with the concurrence of Eumenes and Attalus, assumed thereins of authority, to the prejudice of his nephew Demetrius, whosejuster claims were overlooked.Antiochus Epiphanes.Antiochus.To supply the deficiency of his right to the throne, the new king is Triflingdescribed as having descended to the lowest arts of popularity. He behaviour ofadopted, in the streets of Antioch, the dress and manners ofthose who,at Rome, announce themselves as candidates for public offices; hesaluted the meanest of the people, joined in their amusem*nts, solicited their suffrages, and scattered amongst them handfuls of money. Thehighest orders of Syrians despised alike the meanness of his characterand his unseasonable imitation of foreign customs; and, using theirwit as the instrument of their revenge, they substituted for Epiphanes,the "illustrious," Epimanes, the " fool:" an alternative of epithets,of which neither can be held as truly descriptive of his conduct orcharacter,No sooner had he recruited his army and re- established the financesof his kingdom, than he turned his thoughts to the enlargement of histerritory, and in particular to the safety of his Egyptian frontier. Hissister Cleopatra directed, at that period, the government of her son,Ptolemy Philometor; in which delicate office she displayed so muchwisdom and prudence, that no pretence could be found for involvingthe country in war. Upon the death of the regent, however, Antiochusopened his ears to a rumour, which spread from Alexandria, that hisnephew had been advised by his ministers to renewthe claims of Egyptupon Cole-Syria and Palestine; and accordingly, without attempting He declares to ascertain by inquiry, or to avert by negotiation, the warlike inten- war againsttions ascribed to the young king, he marched an army across the desert, B. C. 168.and forthwith commenced hostilities. His fears or his ambition beingEgypt.382 SYRIA.B. C. 167. gratified with some important advantages in the first campaign, herenewed his invasion in the following year, defeated Philometor inbattle, and even took him prisoner.Siege ofand the arrival of RomancomThe people of Alexandria, who alone had successfully withstood theAlexandria; irruption of Antiochus, chose for their king the younger brother ofPhilometor, on whom they conferred the surname of Euergetes. The missioners. Syrian monarch soon after laid siege to Alexandria; whilst, to distractthe counsels of the new government, he restored the captive prince tothe titular sovereignty of his kingdom. Butthe Egyptians had alreadydespatched an embassy to Rome, describing their wretched condition,and imploring the aid of the senate. Returning to complete his intention on the besieged town, in which the chief strength of Euergeteswas placed, Antiochus was met at Eleusine by the ambassador PopiliusLænas, who, with Decimus and Hostilius, had been sent from Rometo remonstrate against his unprincipled aggressions. The Syrian king,to whom Pompilius was personally known, expressed his delight atseeing an old acquaintance in so distant a country; but the Romandeclined all compliment until he should be informed whether Antiochuswould instantly relinquish his views upon Egypt, and comply with theSubmissive request of the senate. The king glanced over the letter which wasAntiochus, put into his hand, and said he would immediately proceed to considerits contents, and give an answer without delay. Nay, exclaimed theenvoy, drawing a circle with his staff around the person of Antiochus,you shall answer it before you stir out of the narrow space which Ihave now circ*mscribed! The king then consented to follow the instructions of the senate, and to withdraw his troops: upon which thehaughty republican condescended to exchange civilities, and to revivehis friendship for the Syrian hostage whom he had formerly known at Rome.conduct ofand conclusion of the war.Philometor and Euergetes agree to reign in common.The wars of Antiochus against the Jews.The Roman commissioners next employed themselves in negotiatinga peace between the two brothers, who agreed to hold a commonsceptre, and to share the honours of royalty together. Proceeding nextto Cyprus, which had just been reduced by the sea forces of Antiochus,and wrested from the Egyptian dominion, they dismissed the Syrianfleet with orders to return to their own shores, and restored the alle- giance of the island to its former masters.In following the traces of the most authentic annals, we find Antiochus, soon after his humiliating repulse from Egypt, engaged in warwith the Jews; but as we have narrated the principal events connectedwith that unhallowed enterprise under its proper head, we shall restsatisfied here with referring the reader to our article on JEWISH HISTORY.¹Leaving his general Lysias in Palestine, the king, in person, undertook an expedition into Upper Asia, for the purpose, it is thought, ofcollecting tribute , as well as of checking the turbulent spirits of hisbarbarian subjects. Nothing remarkable is recorded in regard to the1 Vide History of the Jews, in this edition of the Encycl. Metrop.ANTIOCHUS EUPATOR. DEMETRIUS SOTER. 383B. C. 164.events of this campaign, if we except the sacrilegious assault which B. C. 167.was made upon the temple of Elymais, the same emporium of easternmerchandise which had tempted the cupidity of Antiochus the Great.The gods were thought to protect, in this instance as in the former, Histhe wealthy votaries who had confided to their keeping the treasures expedition into Upper of Media and of the Indus; and the Syrians, baffled and disappointed, Asia andfound it necessary to secure their safety by a speedy retreat before the death.bands of the enraged mountaineers, in whose district the temple wassituated. Antiochus himself reached Ecbatana, smarting under thewounds he had received at Elymais; and it was in this capital thatthe news was conveyed to him that his armies in Palestine were utterlydiscomfited, that Jerusalem was retaken and fortified, and that theaffairs of his enemies were everywhere greatly improved. In his ragehe swore that the ruins of the Jewish cities should soon bury all theirinhabitants; and setting out in haste, to realize his impious threats, hedied at an obscure village on the road to Babylon; his demise beingaccelerated partly by his wounds, and partly by a fall which he had suffered from his chariot.of Antiochus The throne of Syria was immediately filled bythe young Antiochus, Accession the fifth of the name, who is also known in history by the cognomen Eupator.Eupator. Being only nine years of age, the cares ofgovernment wereintrusted to the veteran Lysias, who had, indeed, been appointed bythe late king both regent of the kingdom during his absence in theeast, and also guardian to the prince, whose education he was to direct.Demetrius Soter fromBut the reign of this boyish sovereign was of very short duration, Escape ofthough acknowledged by the Romans and even supported by theirinfluence. Demetrius, the son of Seleucus Philopator, who had been Rome.sent by his father as a hostage to Rome, and had remained in that city B. C. 162.during the long usurpation of his uncle Epiphanes, no sooner heard ofthe death of the latter than he made preparations for returning toAntioch. Unable to obtain the consent of the senate, he contrived,with the help of the celebrated Polybius, and the Egyptian ambassadorMenyllus, to procure the means of escaping from Italy; and embarkingin a Carthaginian vessel at Ostia, he succeeded in deceiving the vigilance of his enemies, and reached in perfect safety the coast of Phoenicia.His appearance at Antioch was the signal for a revolution . The armysecured the persons of Lysias and his royal ward, whom, to pleaseDemetrius, they immediately put to death: and the nation at large,conceiving that the son of Seleucus could not have left Rome withoutthe concurrence of the senate, hailed his accession to the throne withexpressions of the greatest respect and attachment.The beginning of the reign was embroiled with a Jewish war, of which, as usual, the events were various, and the conflicts mostobstinate and bloody. But Demetrius, dreading the power of Rome more than that of Palestine, and finding that no reasonable concessionscould procure the countenance of the senate, resolved to court the384 SYRIA.B. C. 162. alliance of the Greek kings in Asia Minor; whose arms, if united,might still, he hoped, oppose a permanent barrier to the ambition of0120Intrigues and death of Demetrius.Demetrius I. and Laodice.the haughty republic. His success, however, was not equal eitherto his expectation or to the strength of the arguments which heB. C. 151. employed. In his attempts upon Cappadocia he added guile toreasoning, and, by the instrumentality of an intriguing woman,carried his designs so far as to change the succession to the throne.His designs were, however, ultimately defeated, and he very soon fell a prey to thecraft of his enemies, who, in planning hisdestruction, had recourse to the same kind ofstratagem, and to the use of the same weapons,which he had employed against Ariarathes,the Cappadocian prince. A Rhodian youthnamed Balas was induced to personate thecharacter of a son of Antiochus Epiphanes,who, in fact, had been some years dead, butwho was said to have been only concealed.Stratagem Balas was taught to claim the crown of Syria. His pretensions wereand accession listened to by the Romans, who had not yet forgiven the flight of Balas. Demetrius; and, accordingly, assisted by that warlike people, as wellas by the Jews, he took the field with an army, to dispute the throneofAlexanderAlexander Balas.ALEXANDER BALAS. DEMETRIUS NICATOR. 385of Antioch with the son of Philopator. Victory crowned his at- B. C. 159.tempt. Demetrius was killed in the first battle, and the sceptre of the Seleucidæ passed into the hands of a Rhodian impostor.conduct of Alexander Balas soon proved himself unworthy to reign. Com- Unworthybining vanity with boundless voluptuousness and profligacy, he dis- Balas: hisgusted his subjects, who began to turn their thoughts to the sons ofdeath .Demetrius, their late sovereign, who were enjoying an honourableretreat in the city of Cnidus. The eldest, who bore the name of hisfather, being encouraged by some of the governors and other leadingmen throughout Syria, hired a body of troops, and passing into Ciliciainstantly raised the standard of rebellion against the usurper. ButBalas had a powerful support in the alliance of Egypt, the king ofwhich country had given him his daughter in marriage; and had thespirit of the Rhodian been at all equal to his means, and to the highdestiny which he pretended to vindicate, the efforts of the young Demetrius must have been crushed at the very outset. It was notB. C. 146.long, however, before Ptolemy discovered that his son- in-law wasutterly undeserving of his protection. He found him equally pusil- Accession oflanimous and faithless; upon which, after having himself refused the Demetrius.Syrian crown which the people of Antioch had solicited him to accept, he espousedthe cause of the rightful heir, and offeredto Demetrius at once the assistance of hisarms and a bride in the person of hisdaughter Cleopatra. Balas, at length rousedby danger and shame, resolved to make one effort to secure his throne. He advanced towards Antioch at the head ofsome Cilicians whom he had gained overto his interests, and meeting in a field nearthe capital with the forces of Ptolemy andDemetrius, he rushed into battle withthoughtless and ignorant impetuosity. The young king gained atonce an easy victory and the surname of Nicator, by which he was thenceforth distinguished; and, to complete his success against theenemy of his house, he was presented in a few days with the headof the fugitive Balas, who had in vain sought for safety among thetreacherous hordes of the Arabian desert. But the joy attending thisgood fortune was somewhat clouded by the death of Ptolemy Philometor, who sunk under his wounds about a week after the battle.Cleopatra, wife of Demetrius Nicator.The royal house of Seleucus had now lost all the virtues whichduring several generations supported the Grecian throne of Syria, andwas fast sinking into the voluptuous effeminacy of the Persian dynastywhich it had displaced. Demetrius on the throne disappointed thehopes of his friends, and afforded to his enemies, by his feeble andversatile conduct, at once an apology and the means for plotting hisruin. The son of Alexander Balas was set up in opposition to him by[H. G.] 2 c386 SYRIA.The son of Balas isB. C. 146. Diodotus, who had served , in the quality of minister, that weak andunfortunate Rhodian. Demetrius found it necessary to take the field proclaimed against this pretender; but being defeated in a battle which wasfought near the walls of Antioch, he had the mortification to learnthat his rival was proclaimed king of Syria by the title of AntiochusB. C. 144. the Sixth, whilst he himself was compelled to seek for refuge in thefortress of Seleucia Pieria.king , and defeats Demetrius.Usurpation of Diodotus,and death of Antiochus the Sixth.Demetrius makes war on Parthia,Diodotus, who administered the government in the name of theyouth whom he had raised to its head, endeavoured to strengthen hisinterests by gaining the Jews, as well as by creating, on the coast ofCilicia, a powerful body of seamen, who soon thereafter degeneratedinto the character of piratical banditti. At length he aspired to thethrone, which he had thus professed to strengthen for the family ofBalas. He betrayed Jonathan the Jewish chief, whose zeal andactivity had contributed much to the elevation of the young king, andafter depriving that veteran of his life, he proceeded to the murder ofthe unfortunate boy himself, who occupied for about a year the nameand seat of Antiochus Epiphanes.This usurper assumed the name of Tryphon, and maintained duringfour years the ascendency to which his crafty ambition had raised him.Demetrius sought in indolence and dissipation a solace for the lossof power; and it was not until the complaints of the Greeks in UpperAsia reached his ear, representing the sufferings and indignity to whichthey were subjected by the domination of the Parthians, that he shookoff his contemptible habits, and resumed the character of a soldier.Leaving to a lieutenant the care of his native states, or rather of thewar against Tryphon, whose authority was almost universally acknowledged, he placed himself at the head of the Asiatic Greeks, and pre- pared to meet in battle the Parthian Mithridates. After variousHe is taken success, the king of Syria was taken prisoner by his formidableopponent, and sent into Hyrcania, where he sustained ten years ofcaptivity, mitigated, indeed, by the most humane attentions, and bythe enjoyment of every indulgence that was not incompatible with hissafe keeping.prisoner.The Syrian crown meanwhile was placed on the head of his brotherAntiochus, called Sidetes, or the Hunter. Cleopatra, the wife of 11 One of the greatest difficulties encountered by the historical student is to be found in the numerous repetitions of the same name in the royal dynasties into which the vast empire of Alexander was broken up; of which Ptolemy, Seleucus,Cleopatra, and several other princely titles, furnish copious illustrations. Of the latter celebrated name, there occur no less than twelve representatives. 1st.Cleopatra, niece of Attalus, a general of Philip of Macedon, whom that prince married on his divorcing Olympias, B. C. 337. 2nd. The daughter of Philip and Olympias, and sister of Alexander the Great; married to Alexander, king of Epirus, B. C. 336. 3rd. Cleopatra, the daughter of Antiochus the Great, who married Ptolemy V., Epiphanes, B. C. 193. 4th. Cleopatra, a daughter of the above Cleopatra and Epiphanes. 5th. Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy Vl.,Philometor; she was married first to Alexander Balas the Syrian, and then toANTIOCHUS VII. ALEXANDER ZEBINA. 387AntiochusB.C. 138.Demetrius, upon learning that her husband was a captive among Accession ofthe Parthians, where he had espoused one of the daughters of Mithri- VII. anddates, immediately invited to her bed and the throne of his ancestors death of Tryphon.the young prince already named. Antiochus the Seventh listened toher proposals, and acceded to her conditions; and being joined by alarge body of his countrymen, he took arms against Tryphon, whomhe defeated in battle, pursued into Phoenicia, and thence into Apamea,where the tyrant soon breathed his last.The brother of Demetrius, either to avenge the dishonour of hisfamily, or to secure his eastern frontiers against an active enemy,employed the resources of his kingdom in fitting out a mightyexpedition, which he prepared to conduct in person into such of theSyrian provinces as were afflicted by Parthian invasion. His progress was at first marked with brilliant success; but at length, Antiochusyielding to his own rashness, or to the guile of his foes, he was amongtheattacked to great disadvantage, and either killed on the field or driven Parthians.to an act of suicide.VII. slainthe intriguesandDemetrius, whose escape from Parthia may be ascribed either to Demetrius isaccident or to intention, presented himself at Antioch upon the death defeated byof his brother, to resume his troubled reign, which had been interrupted of Egypt,by so many circ*mstances of treason and misfortune. His marriage murderedwith the Parthian princess Rhodogyne alienated the affections of his at Tyre.wife Cleopatra, and gave great offence to her powerful friends in B. C. 126 .Syria. Involving himself in a war with Egypt, in order to supportthe pretensions of the queen-regent against her husband Physcon, hegave an opportunity for a conspiracy at home, which ultimatelydeprived him both of his crown and his life. The Egyptian kingfomented the turbulent humours of the Syrians, supplied them withtroops, and sent to them a competitor for the throne in the person of ayouth who was taught to claim his descent from Antiochus Epiphanes,though he was in reality the son of an Alexandrian of humble birth.A battle, as usual, determined the contending claims. Demetriuswas defeated, and upon taking refuge in Tyre was cruelly massacred,at the suggestion of his profligate wife, who eagerly sacrificed to ambition and revenge all the duties and sentiments of the female heart.The Egyptian impostor assumed the honours of royalty under the title of Alexander the Second, and disputed the occupation of thethrone with the sons of Demetrius for nearly six years. Seleucus,Demetrius Nicator (see page 385) . 6th. Cleopatra, another daughter of Ptolemy VI. , Philometor, married to her uncle Physcon. 7th. Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy Physcon, married to her brother Ptolemy VIII . , then to Antiochus IX.(Cyzicenus). 8th. Cleopatra, another daughter of Ptolemy Physcon, marriedto her brother Lathyrus. 9th. Cleopatra, daughter of Lathyrus, usually called Berenice. 10th. Cleopatra, third daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, born B. C. 69,so celebrated in connection with Julius Cæsar and Mark Antony. 11th. Cleopatra,daughter of Antony, born B. C. 40. 12th. Cleopatra, daughter of Mithridates,married to Tigranes, king of Armenia ( see page 389).2c2388 SYRIA .B. C. 121. the eldest of these youths, was greeted as king by a large party inAntiochus Grypus ascends the throne,which isdisputed byhis brother.A partition of the kingdom isagreed upon.B. C. 111 .Grypus murdered and Cyzenicus slain.B. C. 95.the nation; but not being submissive enoughto his mother, he fell a victim to her jealousyand to the aspiring wishes of a youngerbrother. Antiochus the Eighth, surnamedGrypus, was acknowledged the sovereign ofSyria; who, receiving in marriage adaughterof Physcon, was immediately secured in hishereditary right by a powerful army of Egyptian mercenaries. A battle ensued.Alexander was worsted, and put to flight;and in an attempt, now become very common among Syrian rulers, to rob a templeof its treasures, he was either killed on the spot, or despatched by his pursuers at a small distance from Antioch,SARGENT.Antiochus Grypus.The tranquillity of Grypus's reign was soon disturbed by the claims.of a brother whom Cleopatra had borne to Antiochus the Hunter,during the captivity of Demetrius in Parthia. From the town ofCyzicus, in which he was educated, this pretender is known in historyby the name of Cyzenicus; and relying on the assistance of the Jews,whilst he was impelled by the intriguing and vindictive genius of hisEgyptian wife, he raised an army with which he marched to Antioch,and soon precipitated the son of Demetrius from the throne. Thevictor assumed the vacant diadem under the title of Antiochus theNinth, and insulted by his vices or silly pursuits the kingdom of Syriaduring several months. Grypus, at the end of a year, advanced fromPamphylia with a formidable body of troops; upon which Cyzenicusretreated into Cole-Syria, being unable to oppose the progress of hisbrother, and entertaining no hope of an accommodation. The heir ofDemetrius, however, instructed by misfortune, and diffident in regardto the chances of war, agreed to a partition of the kingdom; andreserving to himself the Greater or Upper Syria, of which Antiochwas the proper capital, he granted to Cyzenicus the sovereignty of theprovince into which he had fled, with the power of fixing his seat of government at Damascus.This amicable arrangement, which promised peace and security toSyria, was interrupted after a short period by the murder of Grypus,perpetrated by an ambitious retainer, who seems to have aspired tohis master's place. Cyzenicus embraced this opportunity to reunitethe kingdom under one crown; but his nephews, the sons of Grypus,thwarted his intentions, challenged him to the field, and defeated himin a decisive battle. The king of Damascus lost his life, either by the sword of his enemies or by his own hand, leaving one son to inherithis claims and to avenge his death. This youth, who reigned underthe name of Antiochus the Tenth, and was, from the filial spirit with which he entered upon the war, saluted " Eusebes," succeeded in collecting to his standard a considerable force, with which he vanquished,FALL OF THE SELEUCIDE, 389in the first conflict, his cousin Seleucus, the conqueror of his father, B. C. 95.and drove him into Cilicia, where he soon after perished. But Grypushad five sons, of whom four still survived to participate in the lasthonours of their expiring dynasty. Antiochus the Eleventh and Philipthe First had recourse to arms to punish the murderers of their brotherSeleucus, as well as to vindicate their own rights; but AntiochusEusebes, having obtained the assistance of the Parthians, set theirefforts at defiance, and maintained his seat on the throne of Antioch.Demetrius, the fourth son of Grypus, who had issued from the retirement of Cnidus to support the claims of his house, fell into the handsof the Parthians , and was led by them into captivity beyond theEuphrates, where he sank under the load of his disappointment.XII. ascends As soon as the fate of this unhappy youth was known at Damascus, Antiochushis youngest brother, the last in order of the five sons of Grypus, the throne ascended the throne of Cole-Syria. He was the twelfth who inherited of Damascus.the family name of Antiochus, to which, in his case, the cognomen of B. c. 85.Dionysius was added; and his popular character, aided by some talentfor war, enabled him to maintain during two years the independenceof his provincial government, not only against his kinsman Eusebes,but also against his brother Philip, and the predatory bands of Arabswhich issued incessantly from the Nabathæan desert. The hostility of these barbarians was more to be dreaded than the divided arms of therival cousins. Dionysius, whose impetuous valour led him to attacktheir camp on the edge of their own wilderness, fell pierced withnumerous wounds, surrounded by the greater part of his followers;leaving the crown of Damascus to deck for the first time the brows of an Arabian chief.The dynasty of Seleucus Nicator, the founder ofthe Greek kingdom Tigranes of of Syria, was now about to become extinct.Disgusted with their weakness, their folly,and their crimes, and exhausted by their interminable disputes and rivalry for power,the people of Antioch directed their eyes to aneighbouring nation, in search of wiser rulersand a more potent protector. They electedfor their sovereign Tigranes, the king of Armenia, whose rising fortunes and vigorousadministration appeared to promise to them the peace and security of which their wholenation had long been deprived. The sonsof Grypus had, it should seem, already disappeared from the scene of conflict. Eusebes saved his life by a seasonable flight into Cilicia;and his wife Selene, daughter of Ptolemy Physcon, retired into afortress of Commagene, to superintend the education of her two infant princes, and to await the chances of fortune.Tigranes.Tigranes governed Syria with more vigour than mildness for thespace of fourteen years, after which period the country of the SeleuArmenia invited to assume the government of Syria.B. C. 78.390 SYRIA.Syria reduced into a Roman province by Pompey.B. C. 64.cidæ ceased to be a kingdom. The sovereign of Armenia, vanquishedby Lucullus, yielded all his territories into the hands of the Romans.Cleopatra Selene.The conqueror, it is true, listened to theclaims of the elder son of Selene, andeven meditated his restoration to thethrone; but the plans of Lucullus werethwarted by the more rigid policy ofPompey, and Antiochus Asiaticus, thename of the youth in question , was dismissed from the tent of the Romangeneral as unworthy to reign, and evenas unentitled to any compensation forthe loss of his hereditary dominions.The authority ofa proconsul, who unitedcivil to military powers, directed henceforth the affairs of Syria, until thedecline of Roman ascendency, underthe successors of Augustus, opened a path for other conquerors toavenge the cause of the Seleucidæ, and to establish a barbaric government on the ruins of the western republic.Perseus, King of Macedon.CHAPTER XIV.PERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON.FROM B. C. 178 TO B. C. 167.WE avail ourselves of the name of this monarch to bring down theannals of his country until the period at which it finally merges intothe Roman republic; since the history of Alexander's successors cannotbe esteemed complete so long as the kingdom of Macedon remains,and the sceptre is swayed by a member of the royal house of Pella.tion.It is no doubt true that, from the moment the generals of Rome Recapitulacrossed the Adriatic, and carried their victorious arms into Illyricumand Epirus, the events which follow are at least as closely connectedwith the history of the Romans as with that of the Greeks; and it wasunder this impression that we paused in our narrative of Macedonianaffairs at an early epoch in the reign of the fifth Philip, and referredthe reader, for an account of subsequent transactions, to our sketch ofRoman history,' and to the biography of those great commanders whoultimately conducted the legions to the eastern boundaries of Europe,and established there the supremacy of the senate. It will, however,contribute not a little to the lucid order and arrangement which weare desirous of maintaining, if we devote a short article to the closingyears of Macedon, and set forth its expiring efforts for a separate andindependent existence under the last of its kings.phiale.The battle of Cynocephale broke down the strength of Macedon, Battle ofand gave a decided and permanent ascendency to the Romans in the Cynoreaffairs of Greece. The Rhodians, encouraged by their powerful allies,attacked Philip both by sea and land; whilst the other states, moredisposed to cherish the remembrance of occasional despotism on the1 Vide History of Rome, in this edition of the Encyclopædia Metropolitana.392 PERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON.Effects of the peace which followed.Philip V.part of their Macedonian protectors than to listen to the wise counselsof those who already foresaw in their Roman auxiliary the designs andtemper oftheir future masters, refused to accedeto such a confederacy as might have at once defeated the ambitious views of Rome, andrestricted within safe limits the dreaded powerof their northern neighbour. The terms ofthepeace which were granted to the solicitationsof the vanquished king, disarmed his handswhilst they lowered his dignity. He was commanded to surrender every city in Greece whichwas occupied by his troops, and to disclaim allauthority over the minor commonwealths andfree towns, which lay scattered in different parts of Thrace, and onthe shores of the Bosphorus. He was compelled to give up his shipsof war, and to pay, for the indemnification of his conquerors, a thousandtalents of gold; whilst, in order that these conditions might be observed and strictly fulfilled, he was required to send his younger son,Demetrius, a hostage to Rome. Nay, so far was the spirit of Philipsubdued and his fears alarmed, that when the Romans were about tobe embroiled with the king of Syria, he thought it expedient to sendan embassy to the capital of these republicans, to assure them of hisstrict neutrality in regard to Antiochus, as well as of his readiness toassist with supplies and furnish with guides such divisions of their army as might happen to pass through his dominions.The miserable policy of the Syrian monarch was no doubt one ofthe principal means of driving Philip into a closer alliance with Rome,than either his personal inclination or the interests of his kingdom would otherwise have induced him to form. The pretensions ofAntiochus himself to the throne of Macedon, and the open countenancewhich he afforded to the prince of Athamania, who was also taught tofix his eyes on the same lofty object, had induced the king to adopt thevery questionable measure of assuming arms in co-operation with hisformidable conquerors. For we find that, whilst the Scipios werepreparing to conduct their troops across the Hellespont, and to attackthe Syrians in their hereditary provinces, the Macedonians wereactively employed, in conjunction with the Romans, in expelling fromcertain strongholds in Thessaly the inconstant but warlike Etolians,who had already forfeited the esteem or despised the protection of theSubserviency Senate. Acting in the capacity of an ally of Rome, Philip, it is true,succeeded in recovering a portion of the territory, as well as of theinfluence, of which he had been deprived by the fortune of war; buthis talents, both in respect of diplomacy and the more importantresources of the military art, were much too moderate to justify thehope which he seems to have cherished in his own bosom, and to haveinspired into the minds of others, in regard to the re-establishment ofMacedonian independence on a new and lasting basis.of Philip.PERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON. 393A com- views of the Romans,hostility to Macedon.The recent additions made to his power on the borders of Thessaly Ambitiousand Thrace alarmed the vigilant jealousy of the Romans.mission was appointed to hear complaints, and award redress; and and theirQuintus Cæcilius, who had been named to direct the movements ofthat migratory court, proceeded to the Thessalian territory, to meetthe king of Macedon, and to confront him with his accusers. In replyto the charges of violence and aggression, which the deputies of theinjured district urged against him, Philip pronounced a speech full ofrecrimination and contempt; retorting upon his enemies the ambitiousmotives and unjust procedure with which they attempted to load hischaracter; and, glancing at the selfish policy of the Romans, he concluded by reminding them, that " the sun of all his fortunes had notyet set." It was in vain, however, for the Macedonian sovereign togive vent to his indignation, or to console the impotence of his rageby uttering useless threatenings. The commissioners gave sentencethat he should immediately withdraw his garrisons from all the citiesof which he had lately taken possession; whilst, as to other mattersin dispute, they reserved to themselves the power of pronouncing adecision whenever a proper court should be appointed, and due inquiryinstituted at the several localities in question. Cæcilius acted on thesame principles, when discharging the duty of umpire between Philip and Eumenes. The claims of the latter to certain towns, seized uponand garrisoned by the Macedonians, were tacitly allowed, though noright could be shown on the one hand, and no violence proved on theother. Philip was again commanded to withdraw his troops. Heyielded to an authority which he could no longer resist; and satisfiedhimself with an appeal to the senate, in whose presence he intended tosue for his rights, thus unjustly questioned, and to claim compensationfor the numerous sacrifices which he had been compelled to make bythe arbitrary proceedings of Cæcilius and his colleagues.It could not, meanwhile, escape the penetration of Philip, that he Grandwould soon have to contend with the overwhelming power of Rome, project of Philip.for the possession of the narrow territory of ancient Macedonia. Itwas, therefore, the principal object of his administration, during thepeace which followed the disastrous battle of Cynocephale, to strengthenthe internal resources of his kingdom by improving agriculture, by extending commerce, and by introducing within his confines the firststock of a hardy peasantry from the neighbouring fields of Thrace.He laboured also to form new alliances with the warlike barbarianswho dwelt on either side of the Danube. The tribes of Scythians,and those numerous branches of the great Gothic family, who weredestined afterwards to avenge the successors of Alexander, and tohumble the Roman power, had already formed themselves into communities of considerable extent and regularity; and from the growingintercourse of war and treaties, they had learned to respect the superiority of civilized life , to reverence the fame of the Macedonian arms,and even to court the benevolence and council of the Macedonian394 PERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON.Defeated by the discord which prevailed in his family.Accession of Perseus.B. C. 178.government. With such allies, devoted to enterprise , and delightedwith the hazards of war, Philip thought it not altogether impracticableto direct into the bosom of Italy, from the countries north and east,a torrent of invasion, which would withdraw the consuls from theshores of the Ægæan, and engage the attention of the senate in measures of self-defence. But time was necessary for maturing an undertaking at once so arduous and full of peril. To effect his object,therefore, with greater security, Philip sent to Rome his son Demetrius,who was to plead the cause of Macedon, and to maintain, if possible,the pacific relations which subsisted at that period between the two countries.These schemes of conquest and revenge were ultimately defeated bythe domestic discord which rent the royal family of Pella. The favourwith which Demetrius was received at Rome excited at once thejealousy of his father, and the more dangerous envy of his brother Perseus. The latter saw reason to apprehend, that the right of primogeniture would not secure his succession to the throne, if the popular pretensions of Demetrius should be supported by the influence ofthe Roman senate: and Philip himself allowed his hatred and suspicion of his public enemies to poison the paternal sentiments of con- fidence and affection towards a deserving son, whose only fault consisted in the openness of his character. The treachery and deceit of Perseus at length prevailed. Demetrius was murdered; and theanguish which preyed upon the heart of Philip, joined to the resentment excited by the cruel baseness of his elder son, hurried this unfor- tunate king into his grave.Almost immediately before his death, the Macedonian monarch hadsent an embassy to his rude allies northward of the Danube, with theview of hastening their movements towards the upper boundaries of the Roman commonwealth. A whole people obeyed his summons,and advanced into Thrace, on their way to the Adriatic; but hisdeath distracted the counsels of their savage chiefs, and ultimatelyoccasioned their complete overthrow. Wasted by war, and enfeebledby hunger and the severity of the climate, thousands perished beforethey could reach Illyricum.Nor was their return less disastrous;for, trusting to the ice of the Danube, which they overloaded withtheir cattle and waggons, they were precipitated into the stream, inwhich the greater part of them lost their lives: a fate which did notdeter their warlike descendants from renewing more fortunate expeditions against the masters of the south, and from impressing the terrorof their name on every province which acknowledged the Romangovernment, from the Rhine to Mount Atlas, and from the EuxineSea to the Pillars of Hercules.The accession of Perseus to the throne of Macedon turned aside, fora time, the calamities of war, as it calmed the jealousy, or allayed thefears of the Romans. The son of Philip, however, received but afeeble sceptre, inasmuch as the untimely death of Demetrius alienatedPERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON. 395the affections of the nation from his cold-hearted, treacherous brother, B. C. 178 .and confirmed in the Roman senate a unanimous determination to visitthat murder on the head of him who had contrived it . The barbarianconfederates of his father, too, had reason to complain of his weaknessor defection, as he afforded them no assistance in their unfortunateexpedition into Dardania, and supplied them with no means to facilitate their return, when the object of that expedition was found impracticable.measures.To repair the mischief he had done, and to recover the moral in- His wise fluence which he had lost at home, Perseus employed the beginningof his reign in conciliating the affections of his subjects; in restoringto their country and possessions such persons as had fallen victims to the resentment of his predecessor; and in granting to all orders andparties the benefits of equal government, and of impartial preferment.His fear of Rome was chiefly shown in the assiduity with which he Attempts tocourted her allies in Greece. He was obsequious, in the highest de- gain allies.gree, to the Athenians and Achæans, whose fugitive slaves he offeredto give up, and to whose tribunals he promised to deliver every suchperson as had fled from justice, and found an asylum in any part ofhis dominions. He cultivated with unceasing earnestness the allianceor neutrality of almost all the Grecian states. He applied his solicitations to the people of Thessaly, Boeotia, and Ætolia, and thought hispains amply rewarded, wherever his good offices were not positively rejected or disdained. He formed a close connection with the smallstates of Epirus, negotiated with the king of the Illyrians, and broughtover to his views the chief of the Odryssians, the most warlike leaderin Thrace. The Rhodians, already not a little disaffected towardstheir Italian allies, showed themselves inclined to listen to the pro- posals of Perseus. The king of Syria entered into treaty with him,and strengthened this alliance by yielding his daughter in marriage.Prusias of Bithynia, at the same time, manifested a desire to opposethe formidable encroachments of the Romans; and as a pledge of hissincerity in this point, he solicited the hand of a Macedonian prin- cess.RomansBut these acquisitions were of small weight, when compared withthe anger of Rome, and the hostile disposition of the most powerful B. c. 172 .states in Asia Minor. Eumenes was still the avowed and implacable Eumenesenemy of Macedon. Instead of sending an embassy to the banks of stirs up thethe Tiber, that monarch proceeded thither in person, with the view of against him.laying before the senate an exaggerated account of the warlike preparations made by Perseus, and ofthe menacing and formidable attitudewhich Macedonia had assumed. Her army, he asserted, could nowmuster thirty thousand foot and five thousand horse; her magazineswere full of corn, and her treasury well stocked with money, and therecruits which her own territory could not supply, would be amplyfurnished by the hardy natives of Illyricum and Thrace. When, inreply to these inflammatory statements, the Macedonian deputies were396 PERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON.B. C. 172. allowed to speak, the senate could hardly refrain from expressing theirhatred of Perseus, and their hostile intentions against his country, bythe most indecent impatience and ungracious gestures. Such treatment could not fail to arouse indignation in the breasts of the ambassadors; and accordingly giving way to a sentiment so natural andpatriotic, they declared that their master having done everything inhis power to prove that his intentions were pacific, would no longersacrifice his most obvious interests, to preserve the forms of peace witha haughty and unaccommodating republic; and should the Romanspersevere in seeking a pretext for war, he would employ his bestresources in defence of himself and kingdom, and trust to the determination of fortune for the result.The Romans.war.The senate could not be ignorant of the ulterior designs of Perseus,prepare for whose independence, dignity, and safety were equally concerned incounteracting the growing ascendency of Rome.But their arms,meantime, were engaged in Spain and Liguria; and no occasion sufficiently provoking or plausible had yet presented itself, for turningthem directly against the Macedonians. An attempt on the life ofEumenes at length furnished an apology for hostilities, which couldnot, under any circ*mstances, have been long averted. Perseus was accused of an intention to murder his rival, as well as of practising bypoison against the safety of certain distinguished Romans, who wereemployed in the public service. Preparations were accordingly madeon the shores of the Adriatic for the invasion of Macedon; and twolegions of unusual strength were immediately levied, and placed underthe command of Licinius Crassus the consul, to whom the charge of thewar was committed. Nor did the Romans neglect to have recourseto their usual expedient of embassies. Deputies were sent to theRhodians to recover their wavering affections, and also to several statesin Epirus and Thrace. No one, indeed, was commissioned to thecourt of Perseus; but that monarch, still unwilling to put his fortunesto the hazard of war, solicited an interview with Marcius Philippus,who had been sent to Epirus, in order to exculpate himself from thefoul charges with which he had been loaded in the senate. The kingwas amused and deceived. Marcius listened to his defence, pronouncedit satisfactory, and proposed a truce; but the interval was employedin accelerating the march of the legions, and in rousing the activity ofthe allies. The fraud ofthe ambassador prepared the triumph of thegeneral; and the ruin of Perseus was planned by the son of his father'sfriend, the individual whom he himself selected as most worthy of his B. C. 171. confidence.Licinius Crassus invades Macedon.Publius Licinius Crassus left Brundisium, at the head of more thantwenty-five thousand horse and foot, expecting to be joined by a largebody of allies from Achæa, Ætolia, and Pergamus. Perseus likewisePerseus takes took the field with a powerful army, determined to inflict the firstmiseries of the war on those perfidious Greeks, who invited and sus- tained the Roman invaders. But the advance ofthe enemy into Thessalythe field.PERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON. 397prevented the revenge meditated by the Macedonians. The hostile B. C. 171 .armies encamped on either side of the Peneus, the one so nearly equalin strength to the other, that their commanders seemed more inclinedto be guided by contingencies, than to hazard a decisive battle. Theevents of the first campaign were, on the whole, favourable to thecause of Macedon; and if Perseus had possessed any share of themilitary talent which had been displayed, on so many important occasions, by his royal ancestors, the invaders of his country would havedeeply deplored their ambitious enterprise. Winter, however, put anend to the movement of the troops, and the chiefs retired to maturetheir plans for more effective operations upon the return of the year.Aulus Hostilius assumed, with his consulship, the command of the Thearmy in Thessaly. But his character, deficient in almost expedition of every civil A. Hostilius .and military virtue, only strengthened the interests of Perseus, and Success of alienated the allies of Rome. The Macedonians gained several impor- Perseus.tant advantages in the field, and made still greater progress in securingthe good will and co-operation of certain active confederates; and thisyear, like the last, without producing any decisive event, left the sonof Philip in more prosperous and hopeful circ*mstances than it hadfound him.underB. C. 170.The third campaign opened, on the part of the Romans, under the Thirdauspices and direction of Quintus Marcius Philippus, now enjoying the campaignrank of consul, and known to the reader as the person who, when dis- Marcius charging the office of ambassador, had deceived the confidence of Per- Philippus.seus at an interview which the latter solicited. But the craft ofdiplomacy has nothing in common with the ingenuity, firmness, and penetration which command success in war. Marcius achieved nothingin the field that is in the smallest degree worthy of remembrance, ifwe except a laborious march through certain defiles in the hills ofMacedonia, and a retreat equally full of toil and disaster. The ignorant presumption of the Romans saved Perseus, and the groundless fears of the latter saved the former. Had the Macedonians acted withdecision, the invading army must either have perished from hunger,or have fallen an easy prey to their enemies; and had the consul proceeded with firmness, the panic of the king would have resigned intohis hands the capital and the best provinces of his dominions, and haveconferred on Marcius Philippus the laurels which were afterwardssecured by the less questionable merit of Æmilius Paulus.Another year was thus added to the war, without furthering theobject which the senate had contemplated. The consular armies hadbeen baffled in the attempt to subdue Macedon, and to confirm theascendency of Rome among the Grecian states; and the hopes of theRoman people were already turned into the bitterest invective, and themost gloomy forebodings. The appointment of Lucius Æmilius to the Appointcommand of the army employed against Perseus gave, indeed, new ment ofvigour to the war, and revived the expectation, that the legions would Paulus.finally triumph over the Macedonian phalanx. But so sarcastic andÆmilius398 PERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON.B.C. 169. virulent were the remarks of the military critics at home, that the consul immediately upon his election , addressed the assembled people;assuring them, that if any individuals in their number thought themselves qualified to give such counsel as would enable him to bring toa fortunate issue the ensuing campaign, he would defray the expenseof their journey into Macedon, and retain them near his person as hisguides and advisers. If, however, they did not think it expedient toaccept his invitation, he hoped they would reserve their strictures onthe proceedings of the army till the expiration of his command.Battle of Pydna.Perseus taken, and carried to Rome.Settlement of Macedon as a Roman province.The exertions of Perseus, kept pace with the danger to which hiskingdom was exposed from the renewed preparations of the Romans,and particularly from the character of the new consul. He repeatedhis efforts to rouse the jealousy of the Greek princes in Asia, whoseterritories, he assured them, would be the next object of cupidity tohis rapacious invaders; and he urged Eumenes, the Cappadocians,Syrians, and Egyptians, to join his standard, in order to repel the ambitious republicans of the west from the shores of the Ægaan. But his efforts to obtain allies were attended with little success. His sinceritywas doubted, and his selfishness precluded all hearty co-operation; andhe was accordingly left to combat, single- handed, with an enemy whohad never yet concluded a war but as conquerors.Æmilius employed some time in restoring the discipline, as well asin increasing the numbers of his army. His vigilance prevented thosecasual encounters, in which the natives of a hilly country are sure togain the advantage; and he even repressed the ardour of his troops,by declining battles on terms apparently equal, intending thereby toincrease the confidence of Perseus, who had already begun to deridehis cautious policy. But the king of Macedon soon discovered thatthe delays of the consul did not proceed from fear. A successfulmovement of the legions compelled the presumptuous monarch to fallback upon Pydna, whither Æmilius instantly followed him, and in onedecisive conflict stripped him of his kingdom, put an end to hisdynasty, and blotted Macedonia from the list of nations. A rapidflight conveyed Perseus from the immediate pursuit of the conquerors;but he was soon afterwards taken, with his family and treasures, andcompelled in the following year, accompanied by his two sons, to grace the triumph of the victorious consul.The last of Macedonian sovereigns survived this melancholy changeof fortune about the space of four years, which he spent in ungenerousrestraint at Alba. Only one of his sons outlived him; and the royalyouth it is said, was reduced to the necessity of earning his maintenance in the humble occupation of a carver and turner, from which hewas subsequently raised, by his proficiency in the art of writing, to theappointment of scribe or secretary in one of the public offices.Vanquished in war, and deprived of their leaders, the people ofMacedon waited, with patient humility, the decision of the conquerorswith regard to the future destiny of their country. The deputies fromPERSEUS, KING OF MACEDON. 399Æmilius.the principal cities and districts met at Amphipolis, where Æmilius, B. C. 167.now vested with the authority of proconsul, proceeded to unfold the Decrees ofwill of the senate. He informed them, that the kingdom was thenceforth to be divided into four separate states or provinces; that theprincipal city in each of these was to be considered as the capital, inwhich a local government would be exercised, laws administered, andthe revenue collected, under the superintendence of an authority ap- pointed by Rome. He farther instructed them, that it was the pleasure of the senate that no troops should be maintained in Macedon,beyond such a force as might be found necessary for the defence of thefrontier exposed to the barbarians; that no timber fit for ship-buildingshould be cut down without permission from the proconsul; and thatthe working of the gold and silver mines should be entirely discon- tinued.In this manner was the country of Alexander the Great reducedinto the form of a Roman province by a soldier of fortune;and asuccessor of that renowned prince was dragged at the chariot wheelsof a private citizen, sprung from a race of barbarians, of whose existence the Greek historians had but recently discovered the traces, andwhose exploits had but lately reached the ears of Grecian warriors.The ascendency of Rome was now complete, from the remotest pointofPeloponnesus to the northern boundaries of Illyricum and Macedonia;and henceforward for a while, the history of the world is comprised inthat of the Roman republic.Tope of Manikyala.MCOULDview of Hellenic and Roman resources.CHAPTER XV.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Preliminary BETWEEN the struggles of Rome with the conqueror of Cannæ, andthe acquisition of her choicest European and Asiatic conquests, aperiod singularly brief elapsed. Previous to this conflict, century aftercentury had passed, and her political existence had not extendedbeyond the Italian peninsula. Her fiercest opponents, however, theSamnites, had been, after a long series of warfare, effectually subdued,and the consolidation of her power among the Latin states was soopportunely effected as to oppose the most formidable resistance tothe Carthaginian invasion. The issue of that great contest gave a newtendency to her political career. It had already compelled her toform a powerful navy, and she was now prepared to become theinheritor of much of the Carthaginian commerce, and of all thosecolonial possessions, in the establishment of which, the ambitiousAfrican republic had spent successive years of conquest or of laborious navigation. On the west, Spain-to the north, Gallia-had beenrapidly falling before her victorious arms; the undying animosity of Hannibal, her greatest enemy, now brought her in collision with thesuccessors of those military chiefs who had divided among themselves the Asiatic dominions of the Macedonian conqueror.The magnitude of Alexander's conquests will be at once apparent,by a reference to the Roman scale of victories through centuries ofTHE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 401value ofwarfare. The two centres of military power, Italy and Macedonia, Magnitudedisplay results widely different when viewed in connection with the and truetime required to produce their respective acquisitions, and an attentive Alexander'sstudy of the political and warlike elements wielded by both countries conquests.will still further enhance our admiration of the genius of the Macedonianhero. Yet, all that commerce had effected for Carthage, all that conquest had achieved for Macedon, but too surely laid a broad and asmooth path for the advance of Roman aggrandisem*nt. Under theimperial government the widest triumphs of Rome were attained.And yet to her victorious legions the eastern kingdom of Alexander'ssuccessors remained a land almost unknown. While she had subduedthe provinces of his Syrian, and held in subjection, more frequentlynominal than real, much of his Persian empire, her strength neverenabled her to reach the banks of the Indus, there to cope with theprincipalities founded by the sagacious policy of the Macedonian autocrat.discoveriesThese important settlements, indeed, remained almost unrecordedby either Greek or Roman historian, and it is principally to the ingenuity and learning of our countrymen in the east that we are indebtedfor precise and authentic accounts of this singular and interestingempire. The existence of numerous láts or columns, with inscriptionsin an ancient character, the interpretation of which had long been lostto native Brahminical learning, and had repeatedly foiled the sagacityof European scholarship , at length gave way to the genius of anEnglishman, whose sagacity was as penetrating as his acquirements Anglo- Indianwere accurate and multifarious. ' The connection, religious and poli- by Prinseptical, which, at an æra coeval with the antiquity of these ancient and others.columns, had subsisted between India and the Greek dynasties, nowbecame apparent; and records which possibly had perished in theordinary process of transmission, were thus indelibly preserved for the pages of history. But it was not to recording columns alone thatthese important facts had been transferred. Not only policy, but religion, was to be the guardian of the treasury of time. TheBuddhistic faith established in Magadha, the ancient Bahar, B.C. 588,by Gotomo Buddho, found a powerful patron in Asoko, the supremesovereign, B.C. 309. His connection with " Antyoko Raja Yona "(Antiochus the Greek king ) is recorded on one of the Indian láts;and the pages of the Mahavanso³ notice the third convocation of theBuddhistic hierarchy, B. C. 307 , when the missionaries of that bodywere sent into foreign countries for the propagation of the faith. Ithad been customary to bury in the mausolea, styled " Thupo, " or Tope, not only some corporeal relic of the successive saints whichheaded the Buddhistic body ecclesiastic, but coins and other objects ofinterest in connection with the era during which these monumentsJ. Prinsep, Esq. , late Secretary to the Asiatic Society.2 Then in the eighteenth year of his reign, vide Mahavanso, Introd. p. xxix.3 In the twelfth chapter.[H. G.]2 D402 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Discovery of the tope of Manikyala.were raised. It is from these and various other sources, and chieflythe numismatic antiquities scattered over Afghanistan, Balkh, and thePunjab, that a mass of valuable historical information has been evolved.It was, however, the investigation of the tope of Manikyala that gavethe chief impulse to these inquiries.In 1808, the embassy to Cabul, conducted by Mr. Elphinstone,when upon their return to India, arrived at a part of the countrybetween the Indus and the Jhelum, in which, according to the notionsof Colonel Wilford, the capital of Taxiles, the ally of Alexander, wassituated. A party left the camp to explore the neighbourhood forrelics of antiquity, in confirmation of this opinion; and they met withthis edifice, the tope of Manikyala, a solid, circular building of masonry,surrounded by a dome, and resting upon a low artificial mound. Itwas built of brick, cased with stone, but the casing was in some partsapparently unfinished. Some broad steps led up to the base, whichwas encircled by a moulding about eight feet high. Above this, rosea perpendicular wall for about six feet, and thence the buildingascended in a spherical form.Manikyala is situated on the high road from Attock to Lahore, andit appears to be built upon the ruins of an ancient city whose origin isunknown. The topical importance, however, of the site, and thequantity of coins discovered in its immediate vicinity, mark this relicof early civilization as the capital of the region lying between theHydaspes and the Indus.2The massive cupola of Manikyala, rising to a height of eighty feet,and taking in a circumference of three hundred and twenty feet, isconspicuous at a great distance. The architecture is, as the readerwill observe, simple; nor is there any other ornament than a range ofcolumns near the base, whose capitals are now with difficulty to bedistinguished . The interior of the masonry is granite and a porouslimestone; while the exterior surface, once so smooth as to defy anyascent to the central part of the dome, is now so worn by time as topresent no material obstacle to gaining the summit. Such is the tope,the discovery of the contents of which, in connection with the inscriptions on the ancient láts of western India, gave an impulse to IndoHellenic archæology as vigorous as it was successful. It is from theseand similar sources that much light has been thrown upon the otherwise forgotten dynasties founded by Alexander and his warlike viceroysin the distant regions of Ariana, the Parapomisus, and the Jaxartes.The scope and tendency of these settlements it will now be well to examine.He who should take so contracted a view of the ultimate objects of1 Vide Professor Wilson's Ariana, p. 31 . 2 See the engraving at page 400.3 This tope was opened by General Ventura, a French soldier of fortune in the service of Runjeet Singh. Monuments of a similar nature are to be seen in the Hazara country, Rawul Pindi, Jellalabad, Cabul, Bamean, and the Khyber. Not a few of these have been opened by Mr. Masson. See Wilson's Ariana.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 403Alexander insettlements.the Macedonian conqueror as to imagine that the lust of empire and The realthe gratification of imperial pride formed with him the dominant rule views ofof action, may soon arrive at a more just and a more comprehensive founding theinsight into political motive, by a consideration of the localities selected Punjabeeby Alexander at once for the seats of empire and of mercantile enterprise.War had severed, commerce was to unite, the scattered races of mankind. Had the enlightened pupil of Aristotle deigned to rest satisfiedwith the vulgar resources of the conqueror, he might easily have sparedhimself much obloquy and avoided no inconsiderable peril from thewarlike Macedonians. The policy of conciliation, by the amalgamationof national customs-the peaceful union of the conquerors and theconquered the blending of hostile races by intermarriage, by nobleschemes of education and of mercantile advantage, however in accordance with the enlightened views of the philosophic politician, excitedthe scorn and the hostility of the Macedonians, a race whose only trade had hitherto been war. Macedon, Egypt, Babylon, and Indiawere destined to form so many centres of civilization , whence theonward progress of the human race was to receive an importantacceleration. Nor must we rashly conclude that because from thethree former proceeded for a long series of years a succession ofdesolating warfare, the comprehensive views with which these imperial viceroyalties were established were the less the characteristicof the true statesman and legislator. This progressive development ofthe history of our species-this accelerated intercourse of the racesof the Nile, of south-western Asia, and the Pentopotamic highlands ofthe Himalaya, even while the hostile forces of the two former were inconstant collision-must have been attended with no mean results.Nothing less than an organic vitality of existence was contemplated Favourableby the new cities so frequently founded by Alexander; and the length positionof time that elapsed between the battle of the Granicus and the Scythic of theirruption into the Indo- Greek empire bears ample witness to the cities.interesting as well as the durable nature of Grecian civilization, transplanted from the Hellenic world to the regions of the Punjab. Howrapid was the movement, and how energetic the mind, that effectedthese great results! " In the short interval of twelve years therefollowed successively the expeditions into western Asia and Syria,with the battles of the Granicus and of the passes of the Issus; thesiege and taking ofTyre; the easy possession of Egypt; the Babylonianand Persian campaign, in which at Arbela (in the plain of Gaugamela)the world-wide dominion of the Achæmenides was annihilated; theexpedition to Bactria and Sogdiana, between the Hindoo Coosh andthe Jaxartes (Syr); and, lastly, the daring advance into the countryof the five rivers (Pentopotamia) of western India. Alexander plantedGreek settlements almost everywhere, and diffused Grecian mannersover the immense region extending from the temple of Ammon, in theLibyan Oasis, from Alexandria, on the western delta of the Nile, tothe northern Alexandria, on the Jaxartes, to the present Kodjend, incommercialAlexandrian2 D2404 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Striking observationof Cosmos.1Fergana." The admirable author whom we have just quoted hasof the author truly observed that the Macedonian expedition, which opened so largeand so fair a portion of the earth's surface to a single nation of suchhigh intellect and cultivation, may be regarded, in the strictest senseof the term, as a scientific expedition; and, indeed, as the first inwhich a conqueror surrounded himself with learned men of all departments of knowledge-naturalists, historians, philosophers, and artists.That a Greek dynasty should subsist for a period of above onehundred and fifty years in the heart of strange nations, swaying withthe commanding vigour of the Hellenic genius, not only the wildtribes of the Punjab, but making itself respected by the nomadeTartars of the vast plateau of central Asia, is indeed a subject ofgratification to the philosophic mind which would contemplate thevictory of civilization over the forces of brute matter. We can scarcelyconceive a more instructive or interesting position than that of a peoplecut off from community of race occupying the vanguard of Europeancivilization, at a distance from its native resources-a distance farsurpassing the utmost point reached by the march of their indomitableancestors the " Ten Thousand." Those eruptive elements, however,which broke loose in the days of Camillus, of Marius, of Attila,and still later of Genghis Khan, sweeping over the fair surface ofEuropean civilization, and leaving in its track the impress of savagedesolation, at length overwhelmed this eastern frontier of Hellenicvalour. The vast Scythic tribes, whose nomadic constitution renderedthem alternately scattered shepherds or concentrated hosts of war,often, in proportion to the absence or the presence of the Arianelement of ambitious leadership, at length burst in upon the GreekBactrian kingdom, displacing the Hellenic sway by Turushca dynasties,whose relative barbarism is at once evidenced by those numismaticdiscoveries, which in the most forcible manner demonstrate, by therugged coinage of the Scythic princes, the decay of art and the fall of Hellenic influence and taste.Intimations ofof the the decay Greek dynasty.It has been too often the case that the educated man, from the cultivation of views too exclusively specific, is apt to entertain a falseestimate of, or rather totally to neglect, those processes of the humanmind which have not failed to draw in their train results invariablyuniform. The student of history broadly marks down the Romantype as embodied War; with him, the Greek is the psychologicrepresentative of Grace and Art. And yet the grasping negotiator ofItalian quæstorship, and the hardy Greek trader of the Euxine andMongolia, were the wheels respectively of two vast machines, withoutthe aid of which the physical conquests of the first and the intellectualsuperiority of the latter people could hardly have been achieved. Withthe first, often virtually lay the supply of armies, while the second procured the more costly materials for the works of a Phidias, and, in1 Humboldt, Cosmos, p. 152.2 Khouli Khan and Genghis Khan were of Arian parentage by the mother's side.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 405conjunction with the marine of Athens, helped to form the basis ofthat wealth which in Greece, as in all countries, constituted either thenational or the private award to distinguished artistic merit.1influences of the GreekThe versatile talent of the Greek made him the successful denizen ofInsinuatingevery clime. His adventurous spirit enabled the Hellenic trader, fromhis advanced post on the Euxine, to penetrate to the sterile regions of trader.the Calmuck; and, though no linguist himself, he had the consummate art to derive all the practical advantages to be gained bysevenfold polyglot accomplishments.3 The golden riches of theUralian chain, which have been recorded by Herodotus long beforethe mining operations of Philip in Macedonia, and the wealth of theAttic Laureium, had formed the keen stimulant which first incitedGreek enterprise and subsequently rewarded Greek genius.4From the mountain barriers of the northern sea-board of the Euxineto the lofty uplands of Bactria and Marcanda, the Greek opened andmaintained a mercantile connection by tribes that formed one continuous concatenation of busy and gainful barter.-5 66 centres ofThus, in effect, the Hellenic spirit of commerce had attempted, andin part solved, the mercantile problem which, centuries later, theMacedonian hero successfully investigated . Commerce and conquesthad now passed over the same tracks; and yet there was an exclusiveness in the mental organization of the Greek that turned his view toomuch inward for him to devise any comprehensive scheme of commercial progress. An enlightened autocrat to originate and to enforcejuster views was yet requisite. He at length arose in the person ofAlexander. The profound views of the great author of Cosmos are somuch to the point on this subject, that I shall avail myself of his valuable remarks:- "After the dissolution of the great Macedonian View of theempire," observes our author,5 comprising territories in the three Greekcontinents, the germs which the uniting and combining system of the civilization.government of Alexander had deposited in a fruitful soil beganto develop themselves everywhere, although with much diversity of form . In proportion as the national exclusiveness of the Helleniccharacter of thought vanished, and its creative inspiring power wasless strikingly characterized by depth and intensity, increasing progresswas made in the knowledge of the connection of phenomena, by amore animated and more extensive intercourse between nations, as wellas by a generalization of the views of nature, based on argumentativeconsiderations. In the Syrian kingdom, by the Attalidæ of Pergamos,and under the Seleucida and the Ptolemies, this progress was favouredand promoted everywhere, and almost at the same time, by distinguished sovereigns. Grecian Egypt enjoyed the advantage of politicalunity, as well as that of geographical position; the influx of the RedSea through the Strait of Bab-el -Mandeb to Suez and Akaba (occupying one of the S.S.E. N.N.W. fissures, of which I have elsewhere2 Vide Col. Mure, Hist. Gr. Lit. vol. i . p . 50.4 Samarcand. Humboldt, Cosmos, p. 166.1 Herod. iv. 24.8 Herod. ut ante.406 THE INDO- MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Overland traffic of the Seleucidæ .spoken), bringing the traffic and intercourse of the Indian Oceanwithin a few miles of the coasts of the Mediterranean.6" The kingdom of the Seleucidæ did not enjoy the advantages ofsea traffic which the distribution of land and water, and the configuration of the coast line, offered to that of the Lagidæ; and its stabilitywas endangered by the divisions produced by the diversity of thenations of which the different satrapies were composed. The intercourse and traffic enjoyed by the kingdom of the Seleucida was mostlyan inland one, confined either to the course of rivers or to caravantracks which braved every natural obstacle- snowy mountain chains,lofty plateaus, and deserts. The great caravan conveying merchandise,of which silk was the most valuable article, travelled from the interiorof Asia, from the high plain of the Seres, north of Uttara-Kuru, by the stone tower' (probably a fortified caravanserai) , south of thesources of the Jaxartes, to the valley of the Oxus, and to the Caspianand Black Seas. In the kingdom of the Lagidæ, on the other hand,animated as was the river navigation of the Nile, and the communication between its banks and the artificial roads along the shores of theRed Sea, the principal traffic was, nevertheless, in the strictest senseof the word, a sea traffic . In the grand views formed by Alexander,the newly-founded Egyptian Alexandria in the west, and the veryancient city of Babylon in the east, were designed to be the twometropolitan cities of the Macedonian Universal Empire. Babylon,however, never in later times fulfilled these expectations; and theflourishing prosperity of Seleucia, founded by Seleucus Nicator on thelower Tigris, and united with the Euphrates by means of canals, contributed to its complete decline."Three great rulers, the three first Ptolemies, whose reigns occupieda whole century, by their love of the sciences, by their brilliant institutions for the promotion of intellectual cultivation, and by theiruninterrupted endeavours to promote and extend commerce, causedthe knowledge of nature and of distant countries to receive a greaterand more rapid increase than had yet been achieved by any single nation. This treasure of true scientific cultivation passed from theGreeks settled in Egypt to the Romans. Even under Ptolemy Philadelphus, hardly half a century after the death of Alexander, before thefirst Punic war had shaken the aristocratic republic of Carthage,Alexandria was the post of greatest commerce in the world. The position of Alexandria. nearest and most commodious route from the basin of the Mediterranean to south-eastern Africa, Arabia, and India, was by Alex- andria. The Lagidæ availed themselves with unexampled successof the road which Nature had, as it were, marked out for the commerce of the world by the direction of the Red Sea or ArabianGulf, a route which will never be fully appreciated until the wildnessof eastern life and the jealousies of the western powers shall bothdiminish. Even when Egypt became a Roman province, it continuedto be the seat of almost boundless riches: the increasing luxury of RomeFelicitousTHE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 407under the Cæsars reacted on the land of the Nile, and sought meansfor its satisfaction principally in the universal commerce of Alexandria.ledge."The important extension of the knowledge of nature and of dif- Egyptianferent countries under the Lagidæ was derived from the caravan traffic sources of physical and in the interior of Africa by Cyrene and the Oases; from the conquests topographiin Ethiopia and Arabia Felix, under Ptolemy Euergetes; and from calkowcommerce by sea with the whole western peninsula of India, from the Gulf of Barygaza (Guzerat and Cambay), along the coasts ofCanara and Malabar ( Malaya- vara, territory of Malaya) , to the Brahminical sanctuaries of Cape Comorin ( Kumari) , and to the great islandof Ceylon ( Lanka in the Ramayuna, and called by Alexander's cotem- poraries Taprobane, by the mutilation of a native name). An important advance in nautical knowledge had previously been obtained,by the laborious five months' voyage of Nearchus along the coasts of Gedrosia and Caramania, between Pattala, at the mouth of the Indus,and the mouths of the Euphrates. Alexander's companions were notignorant of the existence of the periodical winds, or monsoons, whichfavour so materially the navigation between the eastern coast of Africa and the northern and western coasts of India. At the end of tenmonths, spent by the Macedonians in navigating and examining the Indus, between Nicea on the Hydaspes, and Pattala, with the view ofopening that river to the commerce of the world, Nearchus hastened ,at the beginning of October, B. c. 326, to sail away from the mouth Nautical skillof the Indus at Stura, because he knew that his voyage to the PersianGulf along the coast, running on a parallel of latitude, would be favoured by the north- east and east monsoon. The farther knowledgeacquired by experience of this remarkable local law of the direction ofthe wind subsequently emboldened navigators sailing from Ocelis, in the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeh, to hold a direct course across the opensea to Muziris, the great mart on the Malabar coast (south of Mangalore), to which, internal traffic brought articles of commerce from theeastern coast of the Indian peninsula, and even gold from the remoteChrysa (Borneo?) . The honour of being the first to apply this new Voyage of system of Indian navigation is ascribed to an otherwise unknown Hippalus.mariner, Hippalus; and even the precise period at which he lived is doubtful."Whatever brings nations together, and, by rendering large portionsof the earth more accessible, enlarges the sphere of man's knowledge,belongs to the history of the contemplation of the universe. Theopening of a water communication between the Red Sea and theMediterranean, by means of the Nile, holds an important place in thisrespect. At the part where a slender line of junction barely unitesthe two continents, and which offers the deepest maritime inlets, theexcavation of a canal had been commenced, not indeed by the greatSesostris (Ramses Miamoun) , to whom Aristotle and Strabo ascribeit, but by Nechos (Neku), who, however, was deterred by oraclesgiven by the priests from prosecuting the undertaking. Herodotusof Nearchus.408 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.canal of Nechos,Magnificent saw and described a finished canal which entered the Nile somewhereabove Bubastis, and which was the work of the Achæmenian DariusHystaspes. Ptolemy Philadelphus restored this canal, which hadfallen into decay, in so complete a manner, that although, notwithstanding a skilful arrangement of locks and sluices, it was not navigableat all seasons of the year, it long aided and greatly promoted trafficwith Ethiopia, Arabia, and India, continuing to do so under the Romansway as late as the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and perhaps even as lateas that of Septimus Severus, a period of four centuries and a half.With a similar purpose of encouraging intercourse by means of theRed Sea, harbour works were sedulously carried on at Myos Hormosand Berenice, and were connected with Coptos by the formation of anexcellent artificial road. All these different enterprises of the Lagidæ,commercial as well as scientific, were based on the idea of connectior.and union, on a tendency to embrace a wider whole, remoter distances,larger masses, more extensive and varied relations, and greater andmore numerous objects of contemplation. This direction of theHellenic mind, so fruitful in results, had been long preparing insilence, and became manifested on a great scale in the expeditionsof Alexander, in his endeavours to blend the eastern and westernworlds. In its continued extension under the Lagidæ it characterizedthe epoch which I here desire to portray, and must be regarded ashaving effected an important advance in the progressive recognition.and knowledge of the universe as a whole."influences ofThese profound yet comprehensive observations have so direct abearing upon the whole scheme of civilization in every æra, that theycannot fail to commend themselves to the enlightened judgment;whilst, viewed as a compendium of the specific objects and results ofGreek intellect and enterprise, as the pioneers of science and of commerce, they offer a masterly exposition of political causes and effects,which lie beyond the ken of ordinary sagacity. While the ethnicaffinities of our race have suffered innumerable shocks, and whileEurope itself often felt, and finally succumbed to, perturbations comRegenerative municated by the wild hosts of eastern Asia, influences of a regene- the Hellenic rating nature have been ever the characteristics of the Hellenic andItalic peninsulas. Institutes of political organization and jurisprudencehave emanated from their shores, which have given a powerful impulseto that freedom and commercial enterprise which exist at the presentday among the enlightened communities of Europe; and not only so,they have innervated with the same healthy vigour the younger familiesof nations, who, in another hemisphere and in more distant lands,have borne aloft the high name of the great Arian family. Of this distinguished stock, the Hellenic tribe was a remarkable scion. Thatit* original habitat, long before the name of Hellas was heard inGreece, was the vicinity of the Hindoo Coosh and the highlands ofLadakh and Cashmire, as a section of the noble race of the Arii, whoand Italic races.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 409gave a name to the province of Ariana, is clear both from topical andethnic demonstrations. It will thus be evident that the descendantsof an uncultivated but nobly intellectual people, which had in distantages colonized Greece from these lofty regions, returned, after centuriesof national and mental progression, to the cradle of their race, toenlighten and to sway their parent land with the arts of peace and ofwar.But the evidences of Grecian civilization and its decay have notonly been found scattered over the Punjab and the highlands of Balkhin a fortuitous manner, nor is the tope of Manikyala the only repositoryof forgotten historical facts; other structures of a somewhat similarcharacter have also given forth important revelations, either in connection with dynasties purely Greek or of Indo-Scythic origin. Of sucha nature is the tope of Bimaran, of which the reader is here presented with a view. It is situated to the west of Jellalabad. ' It is in referDJpn.Tope of Bimaran.ence to these and other similar sources of information, that Professor Value of Wilson has justly observed that " few inquiries of an archæological Indo-Greekpurport have been attended with so abundant a harvest of discovery1 This tope is of the second class, and has a circumference of one hundred and twenty-six feet. Its embellishments comprise a succession of arches supported onpilasters, enclosed with double lines of mouldings. The relics consist of a good- sized globular vase of alg or steatite, with a carved cover or lid, both of which were encircled with lines of inscriptions scratched with a stylet or other sharppointed instrument. The characters were Bactro-Pali. In the centre was standing a casket of pure gold. Within the casket and steatite vase were contained a small metallic plate. Without were deposited four copper coins, in excellent preservation,having been inserted new. They were the most useful part of the discovery, asenabling us with some certainty to assign the monument and its æra; they were of the horseman type, and bearing Greek legends on the obverse, corrupt indeed,but allowing the titles ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ to be distinguished on them.Wilson's Ariana, p. 70.Archæology.410 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.The sources of our knowledge of Bactria,as those of which India has been recently the field . The results donot extend to so remote a period as is necessary for the illustration ofantiquities purely national, or for the determination of the origin andæra of the religious or political institutions of the Hindus; but theyfill up in the most satisfactory manner an extensive blank in the historyof an important part of India at an interesting period, and dissipatethe clouds that have hung over the invasion of Alexander and that ofMahomed Ghori, in regard to the provinces which were the seatof their respective aggressions. They give us for fifteen centuriesa variety of important circ*mstances relating to the political andreligious condition of the kingdom of Bactria and the conterminousregions of Persia and Hindustan, of which we have hitherto had butfew and imperfect intimations, and which were heretofore altogetherunknown." Our knowledge of Bactrian India was, until a very recentperiod, extremely contracted; and although it was known that independent sovereignties, under Greek dynasties, existed in that countryafter the death of Alexander, yet it was only by dint of singularlearning and industry that these disjecta membra of forgotten historywere extracted from fragmentary classical notices and a few rare coins.In union with these authorities, Chinese writers of great historicalweight had been adduced by the oriental scholarship of France, whonarrated the fall of the Greek power before the attacks of Scythianprinces, whose dominion stretched from the Parapomisus to the mouthsof the Indus. These accounts were still farther corroborated by thewritings of the historians of Persia and Rajpootana, who recorded theoverthrow or dethronement of the Hindu chieftains, who were theexisting rulers of Afghanistan and Sindh, at the æra of the Mahomedaninvasion; whence it is obvious that both Greek and barbarian dynastieshad been already displaced by Hindu princes. But though we havethus seen that the legitimate boundary of Bactrian history was enlargedfrom classical, Chinese, and Mahomedan sources, it was still rather ofan inferential than of a direct nature-more hypothetical than positive.But this is now happily changed: details of an authentic and interestingnature, form in no insignificant degree a concatenation of events connected with those prime æras of Bactrian rule, the Macedonian,Scythian, Hindu, and Mahomedan dynasties. Such are the deficienciessupplied within a comparatively recent period, that the " barrenness ofevents has been changed to abundance." Skilful research has nottendencies. only corroborated all that was imperfectly known, but has filled upthe meagre outline with circ*mstances and persons of historical truthand importance. The hitherto unnamed or unknown members of successive or synchronous dynasties, now pass before our eyes as welldefined individuals and in connected order; and revolutions of areligious as well as a political origin may be discovered, if not with allthe minuteness we could wish, yet with a distinctness that demandsunquestioning reliance. The means by which these additions to our1¹ Ariana, p. 2. 2 Ibid. p. 3.and their importantTHE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 411knowledge of the past have been effected are the numerous monuments and coins which have been found within the period abovespecified, in Turkestan, Afghanistan, and the Punjab."ووRace.BactrianThe Arians, or the " Noble Race, ' as they emphatically termed The Ariansthemselves, were known as Medes. Of the same distinguished stem or Noblewas the family of Darius, who in the inscriptions so wonderfullydeciphered by Major Rawlinson called himself " an Arian of the raceof the Arians." In ancient Indian chronicles, the " Aryā Varta,” orNoble Land, is the country extending from the eastern to the westernsea, and bounded on the north and south by the Himalaya andVindhya mountains. In the classical acceptation of the term, itembraces the countries lying within the Parapomisus on the north,the Indus on the east, Parthia and Carmania on the west, and theIndicum Pelagus on the south. The exact boundary and ultimateextent of the Bactrian kingdom, either before or immediately subsequent to its conquest by Alexander, does not appear to have been clearly defined. " The extent of the kingdom founded by the suc- Extent ofcessors of the Greek governors of the province of Bactria," observes the GreekProfessor Wilson, " considerably exceeded the limits assigned to the kingdom.province by classical geographers. Its precise boundaries cannot besatisfactorily determined, but the numismatic illustrations which thehistory of the Bactrian kings has received render it likely that, atdifferent periods and under different dynasties, the Bactrian monarchy comprised not only Transoxiana, but the country to the south andsouth-west, to the confines of Persia on the one hand, and of India onthe other. It is not likely, indeed, that the whole of this tract was atany one time under any one sovereign; and the coins to be hereafterdescribed, show that there must have been several distinct dynasties ofmore or less contemporary existence. The country was therefore, nodoubt, partitioned amongst different branches from the original stem;but, in its undivided form, it was, in all likelihood , coextensive withthe modern kingdom of Caubul, and with the Ariana of the ancients,in the widest acceptation of the term. It is therefore advisable, beforedescribing the coins of the several dynasties which held domination inthis quarter of the globe, to attempt to determine what that designationimported, and what was the ancient condition of the countries overwhich the sway of the Bactrian Greeks was for a short season extended .... Ariana is not mentioned by Herodotus, though he speaks of theArii: he seems, however, to have had some imperfect intimation thatthis appellation, or something similar to it, was susceptible of a morecomprehensive application than to the people of a single district, as hementions that the Persians formerly called themselves Artæi, and thatthe Medes were originally denominated Arii. At a later date, the distinction was better understood; and although Ptolemy takes no noticeof Ariana, it is fully described by Strabo, and is mentioned asincluding the Arii, with other people, by Pliny. It may therefore be Ariana and inferred that it was known to their chief authorities, the contemporary the Arii.412 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.of the Bactrians.narrators of Alexander's expedition , and that they derived it from thenatives of the country, amongst whom it was always familiar, being,in fact, the same as IRAN, the proper appellation of ancient Persia. "That the same linguistic and ethnic peculiarities distinguished inhigh antiquity the people of the Bactrian provinces that marked themin the time of Alexander and in the present day, may be considered ascapable of satisfactory proof. Even up to the Oxus and the chiefTurcomanian regions, the language of the Taujiks, a species of aboriginal Persian, is not only well understood, but is a principal agent inthe commercial transactions of these regions.The early and intimate connection of Bactria with Persia has beenso ably and distinctly traced by the learned author to whom thehistory of the Indo-Greek empire is so much indebted, that his remarks upon this subject will be found peculiarly instructive andEarly notices weighty:-" The first occasion on which the Bactrians make a figure inGrecian history is not irreconcileable with the oriental traditions, whichrepresent them as little, if at all, different from the Persians. Theywere invaded, it is said, by Ninus, king of Assyria, with an armywhich bespoke the arduousness of the enterprise against their independence. According to Ctesias, as quoted by Diodorus Siculus, hisforces amounted to two millions. Oxyartes made head against thishost with indomitable courage, but was compelled to retreat into hiscapital, and was there besieged. This city was strong and vigorouslydefended; and Ninus despaired of its capture, when Semiramis, whohad joined her husband Menon, an officer in the Assyrian army, pro- posed a plan of attack by which the city was taken. Her share in theexploit introduced her to Ninus, and she became his queen and suc- cessor. Bactria continued to be a dependency of the Assyro-Persicempire, and there, it is said, Semiramis fitted out her expeditionagainst India, which, notwithstanding the enormous extent of her pre- parations, terminated in her discomfiture."Bactria,a Persian province.Briefmilitary notices of Arrian.OfAnd again:-" The inclusion of Bactria amongst the provinces ofPersia is confirmed by the statements of Herodotus, to whom we maynow have recourse, not only for such particulars as were known by theBactrians in his day, but also for all that can be ascertained of theirneighbours, the people comprehended within the limits of Ariana,taken in its widest extent, or those upon its immediate confines.the tribes so situated, the geographical position cannot always besatisfactorily determined, but in some instances it can be verified fromincidental notices in the same writer, on which conjecture may bebased, or from the recurrence of the names in other authors, accompanied by indications, more or less positive, of the site of the peoplewhom they designated. "We have, unfortunately, no distinct notice of the exact position ofthe Greek military colonies planted by the Bactrian viceroys in theTrans-Oxianic regions, which must have been indispensable as the1 Wilson's Ariana, pp. 119, 120. 2 Ibid. p. 126.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 413vanguards of the new Hellenic dynasties. A flash of light seems tospread for a moment over the track of the Macedonian conqueror innorthern India, succeeded by darkness profound and long continued.The pages of Arrian, forming more of a hasty military sketch-bookthan a detailed history, present us with tracts, cities, tribes , andrivers, whose local interest too often fades away as soon as the stepsof the royal warrior of Macedon have quitted the Asiatic highlands.We are left to fortuitous or analogous conjectures relative to theexternal defences or the internal organization of the royal dynastieswhich, on the north-east, had to repel the Tartarian hordes andTurcoman tribes; on the west and south-west, to conciliate thewarlike Bactrians, and to mould them into powerful allies. Theposition occupied by the princely captains of the Macedonian kingdomwas one which, but for the intellectual rank to which they had beenelevated by Hellenic civilization, could never have been maintained insuch a country as Bactria. The brief season allotted both to conquestand consolidation of power, in consequence of the early death ofAlexander, left no means of devising a scheme which should makethe distant viceroys amenable to a great central and controlling power.Hence, after the death of Alexander, there is but too much reason toapprehend that the same struggles for power which distracted thekingdoms of the Lagidæ and the Seleucidæ, must have been the characteristic of not a few of the Indo-Bactrian sovereignties.in the histories ofIt has been truly observed by Prinsep, ' that " there is nothing like Deficienciesa philosophical history, or even a true account in detail , of Alexander'sexploits and proceedings, in all the literature of Greece and Rome; Alexander.for assuredly the works of Arrian and of Quintus Curtius do notdeserve that character. " In tracing, therefore, the history of thecolonies which Alexander planted in the east, the first difficultyexperienced arises from the very imperfect notices handed down to usof the means by which he established those colonies, of their numberand position, of the arrangements made for their internal government,and, what is even of more importance, of their relation with the nativesof the regions in which they were placed. It is well remarked byProfessor Lassen, that Bactria and Aria, that is, the countries lyingon either side of the Hindoo Koosh, between the Oxus and Indusrivers, are on the high-road of Asiatic conquest, and have been thebattle-field of every tribe or nation that has risen to dominion in the east. " The history of this tract, therefore," observes the samehigh authority, " if we had it complete and continuous, would tellmore of the history of the world, and of the great revolutions inlanguage, religion, civilization, and government, which have beenbrought about by conquest, and by the admixture of races resultingfrom conquest, than that of any other country on the face ofthe earth.For the want of this history, even for the period when Greek dominionand the Greek language gave means and facilities for preserving it, the 1¹ Prinsep's Historical Results.414 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Bayer's history of the Greek colonies.Inferential historical results.Sources of Indian topography and ethnologymodern learned are driven to speculation and conjecture, groping theirway in dark uncertainty, and putting together facts gathered here andthere, at wide intervals, or drawing inferences from vague analogies oflanguage, of features, and of customs, whereon they build theorieswhich are overturned as fast as they are constructed. It is now alittle more than a century ( 1738 ) since Bayer wrote his treatise inLatin on the Greek colonies of Bactria, and proved to conviction, asthe same Professor observes, the neglect these regions had experiencedfrom writers of antiquity, by the meagreness of the details which hisindustry and learning could discover in their works. He gave thenames of not more than six kings of Greek origin whom he foundincidentally mentioned as having reigned in these countries, but the dates of their accessions and deaths-even the localities of the dominionof several were left, and still remain, in uncertainty. It is onlythrough coins since discovered, or by means of relics and inscriptionsobtained in topes or tumuli, that we have made, or can hope to make,any advance in the knowledge of the past history of these regionsbeyond the point reached by Bayer; and the advance yet made is confined to a lengthened list of names, derived from coins of kings beforeunheard of and unknown. But the coins, either by their execution, orby their type and emblems, or by the titles and superscriptions, afford circ*mstances from which to draw conclusions as to the connection ofthe kings with one another, or with known dynasties of the west.Moreover, the number and localities in which the coins are found arecirc*mstances from which to deduce arguments as to the length ofreigns and seats of government. Next to inscriptions, therefore, coinsare the best evidence we can obtain to support or supply the want ofhistory. We have a few inscriptions, likewise, but they are in thenew Arian language, and the deciphering of them remains to beaccomplished.""When the Greeks first indulged in the favourite idea of carryingback into the heart of Persia those invasions and indignities whichGreece had endured at the hands of the Achæmenidæ, they could scarcely have anticipated the realization of the fact that lands stillmore distant would fall beneath the resistless phalanx of Macedon.Though Macedon led, it was Greece that gave the impulse.royal pupil of the Stagirite was the supreme chieftain of Helleniccivilization, his father was equally the scholar of the great Epameinondas. How few are the royal families that have enjoyed the advantages of a continued training, at once profoundly political and warlike!If theSpeculation might busy itself in the attempt to solve the amount oftopical information at the disposal of the captain-general of Greecebefore he entered upon his arduous eastern campaign. But from two accessible to quarters only could the difficulties of his onward progress in, and ultimate conquest of, India be ascertained . The first lay before him in1 Prinsep's Historical Results, p. 5.Alexander.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 415the shape of such reports as could be obtained from the hardy Greektraders of the Euxine, whose ancestors, for centuries before the reignof Philip, had been accustomed to brave the perilous hardships of the north-east Bactrian trade in peltry and in the Permian and SouthUralian products. As to the southern section of the Punjab, information of a trustworthy nature might very probably be obtained from the Persian satrapies in its more immediate vicinity. Alexander's line ofconquest on the northern Indus had probably been planned by means of intelligence gained from the Indo- Scythic chiefs who had served inthe army of Darius. Even as early as the time of Herodotus, theIndian satrapy was the richest province under the sway of the invaderof Hellas, yielding, as Herodotus informs us, six hundred talents ofgold. Like Napoleon, none exhibited, when it pleased him, greatertact in conciliating and selecting hostile talent of a high order thanAlexander. Hence it is not improbable that detailed topical, ethnic,or political knowledge of the last importance to the success of theinvading force, may have been communicated to Alexander previousto his grand eastern expedition. That tract of country lying betweenthe Hindoo Koosh and the Jaxartes, or modern Syr, was the scene ofthe northern campaign of the Macedonian king. Through the rich Importance and important possessions once thickly dotted over this region lay his ofthe line of march. Justin is our authority for the fact of its containing a campaign.thousand populous cities; and whether we look upon this amounteither as a round number or as a rhetorical flourish, the plain fact will not be the less evident, that it was undoubtedly a country of busy,stirring traffic, of great wealth, and the grand point where not a few of the varied ethnological types of our race met in the vast congress ofthe barbaric and civilized world.Fifteen thousand disciplined troops held this important line of pos- sessions, in the midst of tribes as wild as they were various. Whilstthis force was left under the command of Amyntas, to keep in checkany symptoms of insurrection, and to maintain his communications,Alexander did not hesitate boldly to advance on India. It was soonafter the rapid pursuit and the subsequent assassination of Darius thatthe conqueror returned to the Caspian. Here, in June and July,B.C. 330, he subdued the Mardi and the rugged province of Hyrcania;nor, eighty years afterwards, had the first of the Arsacidæ any strongersupport for the Parthian sovereignty than the colonies planted at this time and place by the Macedonian prince. Immediately after theconquest of the Mardi, Alexander marched (August and September)into Ariana. Susia, its then capital, received a garrison under thecommand of a Persian satrap. The winters of B. c. 330-329 foundthe cantonment of the invading army of India on the champaign land of Beghram, nearly forty miles to the north of Cabul, not farfrom Charikar, a spot where the coins of the Greek Bactrian kings have been found in such abundance as to leave little doubt of itshaving been the capital of the district of Cabul Proper.northern416 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Storm of Drapsacus and march along the Oxus.Settlement of colonies in Sogdiana.Return of Alexander.In the spring of B. C. 329, after traversing the Parapomisus with hisusual rapidity, and storming Drapsacus, he pushed forward along thecourse of the Oxus, establishing garrisons between the Hindoo Kooshand that river. Here it was that, as he fled across the Oxus, Bessuswas seized by Ptolemy. In the winter of 329 B. C. Alexander haltedat Ariaspe, the modern Hazarasp. No sooner was the season suitablefor action, than early in B. C. 328 the indefatigable soldier marched outof his cantonments, prepared by one well- organized plan to act uponsuch a base, as should enable him not only to subdue, but to hold,the extensive highlands of the Oxus and Jaxartes, which embraced thedirect lines of northern Asiatic and European commerce. His executionof this project was as complete as his plan was comprehensive. " In " Inthe spring of B. c. 328," observes Prinsep, '‚¹ " Alexander took the field,in five divisions, to reduce the entire country between the Oxus andJaxartes. Spitamenes was defeated and slain at the beginning of thecampaign, after a vain attempt to surprise Ariaspe, which confirms itsidentity with Hazarasp, a place well in advance, and therefore subject to such attack. The rest of the season was devoted to the reductionof the numerous strongholds in the upper part of Sogdiana andMâwar-oon-nuhur, and to the establishment of colonies and garrisonsto hold the country subdued. The winter 328-27 B.C. was passed atNantaka or Karshi, and in the spring of the year 327 B. C. Alexanderrecrossed the Hindoo Koosh, and from Alexandria apud Caucasiumcommenced operations to reduce the country between that range andthe Sofed- Koh, that is, in the Kohistan and Cabul valley to the Indus. Alexander himself commanded to the north of the Kophen orCabool river, and Hephæstion, with Taxiles the Indian king, took theroute to the south. The latter, arriving first at Attock, built therethe bridge of boats by which Alexander's army passed into thePunjab. Professors Lassen and Wilson follow these operations inconsiderable detail, adopting Arrian's report of them, which is confirmed by what we now know of the geography of the entire tract.For our present purpose, it is sufficient to state briefly that this entirecountry was subdued and colonized like Bactria, in the months ofApril and May, 327 B. C. In July, 327 B. C., Porus was defeated onthe banks of the Jhelum, and the months following were spent incolonizing and reducing the Punjab, and in building a fleet for the defence of the Indus.The greater part of 326 B. C. was passed in the passage down thatriver, and in operations to reduce the different races which occupiedits banks. At the close of the rainy season, that is, about Septemberor October, 326 B.C. , Alexander commenced his return march in threedivisions. The first, with the heavy baggage, he sent by Kandaharand Seestan, under Craterus. The second he led himself, by the seacoast, through Baloochistan and Makran, to Karmania (Karman) . Athird he sent by the then unexplored sea route to the Persian Gulf,1 Historical Results, p. 17.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 417under Nearchus. All met at Susa, towards the close of 325 B. C. , thegreatest hardships having been encountered by Alexander himself, inpassing the arid deserts of southern Persia. The result of theseoperations was not merely that the conquering army swept over Asia,leaving, like Timour, Chungeez Khan, and Attila, marks of ravage anddesolation only in the regions traversed, but that the whole of the widetract of country from the Mediterranean to the Indus, from the Jaxartesand Caspian to the sea, was subdued, garrisoned, and colonized -made,in short, part of the Grecian empire, thus completely established in the east. We do not hear that anywhere the native populationrebelled and threw off the Grecian yoke, or overpowered the garrisonsleft to maintain possession of the country, excepting only in thePunjab, nearly twenty years afterwards, during the troubles whichfollowed the decease of Alexander. Everywhere else the governmentand the armies were Greek; Hellenism was the system upon whichthe administration was organized and conducted, and society andreligion yielded to the ascendency of this dominant principle.Mesopotamia." Alexander died in the spring of the year 323 B.C., that is, in the Death ofsecond year after his return to the ancient capitals of the Persian and Alexander inAssyrian kings, leaving only a posthumous son. He caught a fever inthe marshes of Mesopotamia, while planning a fresh capital for hisvast empire in that central region. Consequently, we can only conjecture what might have been the result if his life had been spared tothe ordinary average of human existence, or if an able successor hadbeen left to perfect the arrangements he had so auspiciously commenced, and to consolidate, secure, and completely Hellenize this widedominion. But Alexander's empire, though only of ten years' growth,was by no means transient. His colonies, and their institutions,manners, and language, had struck deep root even in this short period,and we shall find that the impulse towards Hellenism had a lastingaction in central Asia, the effects of which were felt for at least fivehundred years after the decease of the conqueror."We have presented the reader with this rapid but masterly survey ofHellenic action and prolonged influence, because it points out, in the mostforcible manner, the necessity of viewing these extreme eastern settlements as the offshoot of the grand, vigorous, and comprehensive viewsof a master-spirit, centuries in advance of the commercial and politicalideas of his time. In casting a glance over the successors of Alexander's kingdom on the lines of the Indus and Jaxartes-for our limits will notpermit us to enter into detail—the complicated nature of the dynastiesin connection with these regions will be found an obstacle to so clear acomprehension of the subject as the historian could desire. Thus, nosooner had Bactria revolted from the Syrian kings, than we findAriana involved in the same insurrectionary movements; and, henceforward, the specific allotment of sovereigns to those countries separately, or the eras of supreme autocracy over the confederated whole,becomes exceedingly difficult to determine. Thus the historical inquiry[H. G.]2 E418 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Obscurity of Indo- Bactrianinto " Ariana " draws in its train the history, more or less , of Parthia,Bactria, and the rise and fall of the Arsacidæ. Hence it has beenjustly remarked, that not only was the establishment of that dynasty terminology. contemporaneous with the revolt of Ariana and Bactria, and therelations between the three countries always intimate, but many ofthe Parthian kings and " kings of kings " amongst those whose coinsand relics are the materials upon which we have to build the new fabric of history, which is the result of recent discoveries. Theseobscurities, moreover, have been not a little increased by the conflictingterminology ofGreek geographers and historians; and the extraordinarydevelopment of power over the Transoxianic nations exhibited bythese warlike plantations of Alexander gave a fabulous appearance tofacts whose difficulties have been found to have arisen from an entiremisapplication of geographical terms; and so much so was this thecase, that this predominant influence ofthe Greek-Bactrian and Arianicpower, has been, by several writers, extended throughout the vast rangeof territory lying between the Jaxartes and the Chinese empire. Withthis fact full before us, it is not impossible to account very satisfactorily for those cases in high antiquity where a mistaken ethnologicaltitle laid the foundation for an absurd mythology. The learned author of Ariana has observed, ' that " the extension of the sovereignty of theGreek-Bactrian kings over people termed by Strabo Phryni and Seres,has much perplexed the most eminent scholars, some of whom havecarried the Bactrian supremacy to the Chinese, on the one hand, andthe Phoenicians, on the other. By the Seres, however, ProfessorLassen observes, may be understood the people of the Serica ofPtolemy, which may be identified with Kashgar and Yarkand, andthen there would be nothing improbable in their having felt the Bactrian power; and the position is confirmed by the passage he citesfrom the Periegesis of Dionysius, in which the Phryni and Seres are associated with the Tokhari, or people of Tokharestan. This leaveslittle doubt that some of the Bactrian princes attempted to establishtheir authority over the nations to the north-east of Transoxiana,although the precise extent of their conquests in that direction was not very distinctly defined. Whatever accessions to their territorythey may have thus acquired were not long enough in their possession to become familiar to their historians.The Seres and Serica." In the first century of the Christian era the Greeks had been dispossessed of the countries along the Indus by the Scythians; and,accordingly, by the geographers and travellers of that period, we findthe Indo-Scythi located in this direction, and the denomination Scythiaapplied to the province of Sindh. It would seem, however, that, bythe time of the author of the Periplus, some other political revolutionshad been effected, as he describes the government of the country asbeing in the hands of a tribe of Parthians, divided into two parties:each party, as it prevailed, chose a king out of its own body, and1 Page 212.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 419drove out the king of the opposite faction. The account may, perhaps,admit of correction upon the evidence afforded by the coins of thisperiod; and, instead of two factions of Parthians, we may rathersuspect that the contest alluded to was a struggle between Parthianand Scythian princes for the possession of Sindh. "We have considered it necessary to make these prefatory remarks,supported by the highest authority, which we have here given at considerable length, because the materials for forming a full, regular, andconsecutive history of the external or internal history of the IndoGreek kingdom, do not yet exist, notwithstanding the wonderful lightrecently thrown upon portions of that dynasty, which, till recently,were in a state of total obscurity. Bearing in mind these observations,we would now enter on a survey of the chiefGRÆCO-BACTRIAN DYNASTIES,SUBSEQUENT TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER.governor of The officer appointed to the command of the important province of Artabazus,Bactria, on its subjugation by Alexander, was Artabazus. As early as Bactria.B.C. 356, we find this Persian the powerful satrap of western Asia;so powerful, indeed, as to refuse obedience to Artaxerxes the Third.After a continued course of vigorous warfare, in which he contrived togain the aid of Athenian and Boeotian allies, by whose assistance hesucceeded in defeating the royal lieutenants in two great battles, hewas at length obliged, by the secession of his allies, to take refuge withPhilip of Macedon. In B. c. 349, we find Artabazus again restored tofavour at the Persian court, at the earnest entreaties of Mentor. Notwithstanding his disgrace in the reign of Artaxerxes the Third, Artabazus proved himself a devoted partizan of his successor, DariusCodomannus, distinguishing himself at the battle of Arbela, B.C. 331 ,and accompanying Darius in his flight. It was after the death of thatunfortunate monarch, B. c. 330, that Alexander committed to his chargethe satrapy of Bactria, his daughter becoming, by the Macedonianprince, the mother of Heracles. The Persian satrap, however, did notlong enjoy his new dignity, which, in consequence of his advanced age,he resigned B. C. 328. Arrian informs us that his viceroyalty wasgiven to Cleitus; by others we are told that he was succeeded byAmyntas, the son of Nicolaus. Though authorities are not agreed asto the name of the governor of Bactria after the death of Alexander(June, B. C. 323), we are informed by Arrian that Stasanor, a native ofSoli, in Cyprus, received that appointment from Antipater, togetherwith that of governor of Sogdiana.¹Subsequent to the general peace between Alexander's successors,1 Diodorus calls him Philip , (the governor of Parthia, according to Arrian); and he assigns Aria and Drangiana to Stasanor, in which Dexippus concurs. Justinand Orosius term the governor of the Bactrians, Amyntas. Whoever it might be that was intrusted with the charge, he was, during the contests among Alexander'sgenerals, but little interfered with, and enjoyed real if not nominal sovereignty.2 E 2420 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Alliance of Seleucus and Chandra- gupta.Theodotus,governor Bactria.ofB. C. 311 , Seleucus, being left in peaceable possession of his dominions,began to make preparations for the recovery of the Indian conquests ofAlexander. This expedition, however, does not appear to have setforward till somewhere near the year B. c. 302-in fact, only a shortperiod previous to the contest with Antigonus.How far Seleucus penetrated into India is not known, though theexpedition itself is acknowledged to have been a total failure. Seleucusceded to Chandragupta ( the Sandracoptus of classical authors) his conquests in the Punjab and in the Parapomisus, receiving in return fivehundred war elephants. A matrimonial alliance between the Indianand Syrian princes cemented the peace."When Seleucus engaged in his Indian expedition," observes theauthor of Ariana, " which ended in his alliance with Chandragupta,he took that opportunity of recalling the governor of Bactria to a senseof subordination, and very probably recruited his army with the martialinhabitants of the country. The victory over his competitors, whichsoon followed his return to Babylon, gave him the undisputed masteryof Asia; and Bactria continued for about fifty years to be, as it hadbefore been, a province of Persia. In confirmation of this dependence,the coins of Seleucus and Antiochus have been found in some numbersat Balkh and Bokhara. "In the reign of Antiochus Theos, the third prince of the Seleucidandynasty, B. C. 261 , he became engaged in war with Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, which lasted for a considerable time, greatlyweakening the Syrian power. Hence, taking advantage of this political feebleness, we find Arsaces establishing the formidable Parthianempire, B.C. 250. Another remote province soon added to the distraction of the Seleucidan councils, by throwing off its allegiance tothe Syrian kingdom. It was the basis oftheINDO- GREEK DYNASTY.THEODOTUS, B. c. 256-250.Theodotus, or, as he is called by Strabo, Diodotus, the governor ofBactria, was the founder of a Greek dynasty that continued to existfor a period of more than one hundred and fifty years. The peculiarposition, both political and geographical, in which Theodotus wasplaced, gave unusual facilities for the acquisition and consolidation of his power. " The death of Antiochus," observes Professor Wilson '(of whose perspicuous and learned account of this dynasty we availourselves to the period of Eukratides), " and the hostilities in whichhis successor, Seleucus Callinicus, was at first engaged with PtolemyEuergetes, and then with his own brother Antiochus Hierax, affordedto Theodotus an opportunity of gathering strength; and he was possibly in some sort confirmed by Seleucus, as an inducement to him tocombine in operations against the second Arsacidan king, Tiridates.Page 215.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 421Whether he assisted Seleucus in that invasion of Parthia by whichTiridates was compelled to become a fugitive, is nowhere stated; butit seems not unlikely; and his death may have been one of the causeswhich facilitated the recovery of Parthia by Tiridates , as is intimatedby Justin. These transactions enable us to form a plausible conjecture as to the termination of his reign, which has been placedB. C. 243. This may be a very few years too soon, for as SeleucusCallinicus ascended the throne only B. C. 246, it may be doubted if inthree years subsequent he was at leisure to prosecute schemes of con- quest on his eastern frontier. The difference, however, cannot beconsiderable; perhaps B.C. 240 may be taken as an approximation.THEODOTUS II. , b. c. 240.II.Syria." That the accession of the second Theodotus took place in the Theodotusinterval between the first and second expedition of Seleucus intoParthia cannot be doubted, from the change that has been recorded ofBactrian policy in the commencement of his reign. Seleucus having Seleucusbeen recalled to Syria by new commotions, afforded Tiridates the recalled tomeans of recovering his dominions. In this he was aided by thesecond Theodotus, who made common cause with the Parthian, andprobably enabled him to defeat and take prisoner the Seleucidanmonarch. It has been conjectured that the captivity of Seleucus tookplace in the middle of his reign , or B.C. 236, and continued to the endof it, or B. c. 226. There is no sufficient authority for these dates, butit seems not unlikely that the capture of Seleucus took place after the earlier of the two." That Tiridates availed himself of his triumph over Seleucus toextend and consolidate the Parthian monarchy was no more than wasto have been expected from his vigorous character and long reign;and there is no improbability in the assertion that his alliance withTheodotus II. did not long continue uninterrupted, and that hedeprived his former ally of a portion of his possessions. It was chiefly,however, to the west and south, in Hyrcania and Media, that Parthiaspread at this season; and Bactria was not seriously endangered. Thehostile disposition of Tiridates may, however, have favoured, and hispolicy may have fomented, discontents in Bactria which cut short thereign of its king, and led to an interval of domestic anarchy whichended in the accession of a stranger to the throne.EUTHYDEMUS, B. c . 220-190." It has been affirmed in a passage from Strabo, that Euthydemus Euthydemuswas the founder of the Bactrian kingdom, but this is irreconcileablewith the positive assertions of other authorities; and the passageprobably refers only to his having founded a new dynasty, by wrestingthe sovereignty either from Theodotus II, or some of his descendants,a transaction which, when hard pressed by Antiochus the Great, hepleaded in deprecation of that prince's resentment.422 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Antiochus advances against Bactria.66 Although not in possession of any connected account of the reign ofEuthydemus, various interesting circ*mstances relating to it have beenpreserved by Polybius; and as he flourishedbut a few years subsequent to the events herecords, he may be regarded as sufficientauthority, as far as the imperfect remainswe have of his writings extend. Accordingto him, Euthydemus was a Magnesian who,upon being defeated by Antiochus, sent tohim to represent that the king acted unjustlytowards him in seeking to dispossess him ofhis dominions, for he was not the author ofthe revolt in Bactria, but had acquired thatkingdom by overcoming the descendants ofthose who had first rebelled. This serves as a satisfactory commentupon the text of Strabo.Euthydemus." After the partial subjugation of Artabanus, the third Arsacidanprince, Antiochus, moved eastward against Bactria. Euthydemusstationed a body of horse to guard the banks of the Arius, andencamped with his main army at the city of Tapanria. In thiswe have, no doubt, some trace of the modern name ofthe province ofTaberistan, whilst the Arius is the river of Herat, showing that thekingdom of Bactria extended in this direction to the Alburz mountainsat least, and in all probability it had been, prior to the invasion ofAntiochus, carried into Drangiana and Arachosia. Antiochus marchedto the river, and in an action with the Bactrian cavalry was woundedin the mouth: but he defeated them, and Euthydemus, alarmed, fellback upon Zariaspa, the capital of Bactria. Hence he sent the remonstrance above cited, and a solicitation to be permitted to retain thename and authority of king; urging that his independence was ofpolitical importance to Antiochus, as well as to himself; as, if hisprincipality was enfeebled, it would no longer be able to act as abarrier against the nomadic Scythians on the frontier, and the provincesof Persia would speedily be overrun by them, thus indicating theperilous position of the Bactrian princes, and the proximity, even atthis early period, of the enemies by whom they were subsequentlyoverpowered. Antiochus admitted the reasonableness of the plea,and, having demanded from Euthydemus all his elephants, crossed theCaucasus, on his expedition to India, where he formed an alliance withSophagasenus, a name undeniably of Indian origin, although notidentifiable with any in the usual list of kings. The accession ofEuthydemus, as calculated by Bayer and adopted by Visconti, isB. C. 220. M. R. Rochette would carry it a few years further back,but he proposes no fixed limit, and offers no positive objection.Professor Lassen, on the other hand, reduces it as low as B. C. 209;but this is scarcely reconcileable with the invasion of Antiochus, whichmust have been prior to this date, and which found, apparently,THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 423Euthydemus fully in possession of the sovereignty of Bactria. Thereis nothing improbable in his having been king for some years at thatperiod. That he reigned also for a like term subsequently is alsoprobable, as the return of Antiochus to western Asia in B. C. 205, andhis engaging in schemes for the extension of his dominions towardsEgypt, must have first favoured, or indeed permitted, the attempts ofthe Bactrian king to extend his authority in the direction of the Paropamisus, either in person or by the instrumentality of his son.DEMETRIUS, B. c. 190." After the negotiations between Euthydemus and Antiochus hadbeen carried on for some time, the former sent to the camp of thelatter his son Demetrius to bring them to a conclusion. Antiochus,according to Polybius, was much pleased with the youth, and pronounced him, from his appearance and manners, worthy of royalty; healso promised to give him one of his daughters in marriage. Wehave, therefore, full evidence of the relation borne by Demetrius toEuthydemus, and that about the year B. C. 210 he was very young,probably little more than a boy, and not of marriageable years." The place filled by Demetrius in the history of Bactria is a subjectof some difficulty. The notices of him by classical writers are few andscanty, and connect him less with Bactria than India. Bayer, therefore, concludes that he never reigned in the former country; in whichhe has been followed by Visconti and other eminent scholars. Nowthese conclusions are proved to be wholly erroneous, for all the coinsof Demetrius designate him asking,' and represent him with thefillet of royalty; and hitherto they have been almost wholly found inBactria Proper. He was, therefore, undoubtedly king,' and was ascertainly king of Bactria, after his father.6in classical" But there is positive testimony that he effected conquests and Notices of held sovereignty in India, that is, on the south of the Hindu Kush . EuthydemusStrabo, speaking of the extension of the territories of the Bactrian writers.kings towards India, says, some of them were acquired by Menander,some by Demetrius, the son of the king of Bactria, Euthydemus; andJustin terms Demetrius king of the Indians, who besieged Eukratidesfor five months in vain, and in the end was deprived by that prince of his Indian possessions." It has been concluded from the first passage that Menander wascontemporary with Demetrius, and that he usurped from him the succession to the Bactrian kingdom; but this by no means follows fromStrabo's text, which simply states that the two princes specified wereconquerors in India, without regard to their chronological order. Itmay, indeed, be inferred that the conquests of Demetrius were made,not whilst he was king, but in his father's lifetime, since Strabo designates him as the son of the king; ' and this will explain why none ofhis coins have been found even at Begram, where those of his father are comparatively not uncommon. That the Indian victories of6424 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.the Indian Allusions to Demetrius are alluded to upon his coins, by the peculiarity of his conquests of helmet, which is found in imitation of the head and trunk of anDemetrius. elephant, is not improbable; but the use of the elephant in warPaucity of direct historicalwas not unknown to the Bactrian kings, as Euthydemus is said tohave been compelled to relinquish all his elephants to Antiochus. Nogreat weight, therefore, can be attached to this peculiarity. If anyextension of territory in India was effected by Demetrius during thelifetime of Euthydemus, it must have been towards the close of thatking's reign, as the prince would have been too young to have beensent upon such an expedition at an earlier period . There was also, atthis time, additional inducement to an invasion, not of India Proper,but of the countries on the west of the Indus, south of the Paropa- misus. Antiochus, on his return to India, had ceded these provincesto his ally Sophagasenus, and the Greek princes of Bactria must havelooked on this cession with uneasy feelings, as it was a mutilation,not only of their own dominions, but of the general body of the Greekeastern empire, and it was to be expected that they would endeavourto effect their recovery. It is likely, therefore, that the Paropamisus,Arachosia, and Drangiana would have been the direction to which thearms of Euthydemus and Demetrius were chiefly carried; and the persevering attempts of the latter to recover their southern provinces mayhave afforded an opportunity to Eukratides to dispossess him of Bactriaitself. After a short reign, therefore, in his patrimonial possessions,he was driven to fix himself to the south of the mountains, as Bayersuggests, and where it is said stood the city of Demetrias, of whichhe was possibly the founder. In this position he remained for therest of his life, persisting in fruitless attempts to harass Eukratides,especially when the latter also crossed the mountains, and establishedhis authority in the Kohistan of Kabul.”It is obvious, although a great and increasing light has been thrownupon Indo-Greek history, by the profound learning of the eminent information. scholar to whose writings we have been so deeply indebted , that theinduction of facts from a numismatic basis, aided even by the scatterednotices contained in classical authors, must increase rather than assuagethe thirst that is felt for that information, that is alone to be suppliedby the detailed accounts of the historian. The loss of this kind ofinvaluable authority is, perhaps, nowhere to be more regretted inthe Indo-Greek dynasties, than in that of Eukratides. We learnquite sufficient, through the media of coins and of slight historicalnotices, to feel satisfied that Eukratides must have been a prince of noordinary political and military power. Though authorities differ considerably as to the termination of his reign,' that fixed upon for its1 For the commencement of the reign of Eukratides there is no reason to dissent from the date conjectured for it by Bayer, or B. C. 181. The close of it is less satisfactorily appreciable: if the conquests of Mithridates occurred in his reign, it must have extended to some period between B. C. 160 and 135; the former is pre-THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 425commencement by Bayer, and adopted by Professor Wilson, whosesystem we here follow, is as follows:-EUKRATIDES, B. c . 181.¹This prince, though totally unconnected with Euthydemus, is uniformly acknowledged to be the successor of Demetrius. The originalseat of his government, in which he firstappears more in the capacity of a partizanchief than a powerful monarch, seems tohave been Bactria. The title of " Maharajasa," or " Great King," which is foundupon his coins, must have been assumedsubsequent to his conquests to the south of the Hindoo Coosh. Eukratides wasthe first sovereign who, if we are to beguided by the numismatic discoveriesh*therto made, issued a coinage of bilingual character. Justin notices the successive conflicts-nearly all of them favourable-in which Eukratides was Eukratides the Great.possessions of engaged. On his final victory over Agathocles, his rival, his con- Extensive quests assumed a truly formidable character. He became the Eukratides.undisputed autocrat of the vast countries embraced by the Punjab,Sind, Parthia, and the Indus, at which time, also, he seems to have annexed to his Arian territories additional Indian districts. It was onthe homeward march of Eukratides that he met his death from thehand of his son; but neither is the name of the parricide recorded, norhave we any means of arriving at the exact date of the tragical event.If we may credit Justin, however, the traitorous prince appears to have been associated in the imperial throne, which, in fact, seems toconvey the idea that the assassination was perpetrated with the objectof gaining a more early possession of the entire sovereign dignity than would, by the course of nature, have fallen to his lot." That the reign of Eukratides was a long one is evidenced by the abundance of his coins. They are found plentifully in Bactria Proper,and in immense numbers at Beghram, affording evidence both of hisBactrian and his Indian sovereignty. According to Strabo, his authority extended beyond the Indus, where he was lord of a thousandcities. This has not been confirmed by the discovery of his coins inthe Punjab, but undoubtedly he was sovereign of the country west ofthe Indus, and may have held possession on the east of the river.ferred by Lassen. M. R. Rochette suggests 155, and Bayer 147. If, as is mostlikely, the Indian victories of the Parthian occurred in the reign of his successor,and after the captivity of Demetrius Nicator, the latter will be the least excep- tionable date.1 Contemporary with Arsaces VI. (Mithridates I.), the Parthian king.426 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Heliocles assumes the title of Dikæus.According to classical authority, his Indian conquests were amongstthe last acts of his life, as upon his return from them he was put todeath by his son. It is not likely, however, that he would haveengaged in such enterprises, if Mithridates had not been pressing uponhim in a different direction; and still less is it possible that he andthe Parthian at the very same time subjugated the very same country.The Indian victories of Eukratides must have been effected beforeMithridates advanced so far to the east; and if he died on hisreturn from them, he died some years earlier than his Parthian contemporary. "HELIOCLES, B. C. 147 or 155.Heliocles, the successor of Eukratides, who now succeeded to athrone stained by a parent's blood, is said not only to have perpetratedbut to have gloried in the perpetration of his base and inhuman act.Possibly, the ruling motives which induced the commission of thiscrime may have been, not only the early possession of the crown, buta vehement desire to rescue from the grasp of Parthia some of thewestern satrapies which had been given up to Mithridates. It wassubsequent to this parricide that Heliocles assumed the title of" Dikæus. " Heliocles, however, if we may infer from events, wasnot possessed of either the warlike or political abilities of his father;for it is ascertained that the Parthians increased in their invasive progress from the west, while the great Scythic tribes began to pressupon the resources of the Bactrian kingdom from the north; so muchso, that it is extremely improbable that the Greeks held any possessions to the north of the Parapomisus for any considerable timeafter the death of Heliocles. Nor is there any doubt but that theGreek Bactrian rule was as violently shaken by intestine commotions from within as from barbarian incursions. The existence of numerousGreek princes of this era, preserved in not a few coins, form an ample testimony to this fact."We have," says Professor Wilson, " for the period of probablyabout a century, at least twelve princes of genuine Greek nomenclature,of some of whom it may be inferred that they governed for manyyears extensive territories. They cannot, then, have reigned in succession; some of them must have been contemporary from the time ofEukratides, and even earlier. They were, no doubt, often hostile,setting up and pulling down dynasties: which of them were connected, which distinct, it is no easy matter to conjecture; and allconjectures hazarded on the imperfect data in our possession mustbe liable to so many sources of error, that they cannot be offered with courage or confidence. "¹We are now entering upon a period barren of any strictly historicalinformation. Meanwhile, however, the chronological position of successive Greek princes is closely marked by the valuable numismatic1¹ Wilson, Ariana, p. 266.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 427discoveries which oriental enterprise and sagacious research haveplaced within our reach. By this means we hold a record of—Lysias, B. C. 147.Agathoclea (her date not known).Antimachus, B. C. 140.Philoxenes, B. C. 130 .Antalkides, B. C. 135.Archelaus, B. C. 125–120.MENANDER, B. c. 126.Menander on Here history steps in to the aid of numismatic science. Menander Victories ofappears to have been distinguished among those Bactrian princes by the southern whose valour the eastern limits of the Indo- Greek settlements were Indus.considerably extended . He not only pushed forward his conquests tothe Jumna and the Sutlej, but he seems to have been equally successful in his victories on the southern Indus, since his coins werecurrent on the coast of Guzerat during the first century of our era.The numismatic discoveries, however, in connection with this prince,though not strictly authorizing us to style Menander a king of Bactria(though he is spoken of both by Arrian and Plutarch under that designation), yet lead us to infer his rule over an extensive region, varying from the Hindoo Coosh to the sea-board of Scinde. " That Alexander," observes Professor Wilson, " was never king of Bactria, is tobe inferred from the total absence of any tetrachdrams, or any othercoins, silver or copper, with a monolingual inscription.'991Plutarch is our authority for an anecdote, in connection withMenander, which would be still more entitled to credit, did not thewhole scope of the narrative merge so completely into the counterpartof Buddhistic practice. So much was this prince beloved, we aretold, that, on the occurrence of his death in camp, not a few citiescontended for the possession of his remains. This dispute, whichappears to be the mere reflex of the history of Sakya Sinha, was atlength accommodated by a mutual agreement to divide among theeight cities, which disputed the charge of the princely relics, the ashesof Menander. Each of these cities raised magnificent topes, in whichthe remains of their prince were respectively enshrined.Menander was the first king of the oriental Greek dynasties thatassumed the title of Soter, a name not improbably prompted by thatof Demetrius, the Syrian Soter. The coinage of Menander is decidedlyof a warlike cast, and coincides with the inferences to be drawn fromvarious intimations of extensive conquests in India.APOLLODOTUS, B. C. 110,always stands connected inferentially, from the same authorities, in the same order of time with Menander. " Soter" is a title also borne byApollodotus as well as by Menander. The Scythian costume, how- 1 Ariana.428 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.ever, and the style and title of " king of kings," demonstrate the rapidtendency to a barbaric period.'Numismatic As we are now rapidly approaching that period when the contractedchronology. domains of the Greek Bactrian empire fade from the historical horizon,it is simply necessary for us to maintain the same connection of numismatic chronology which we have already observed, which will thenbring us in contact with the barbaric period . The incidents standingin connection with these relics of the Greek name and power are sofew and indistinctly recorded, that the bare notice of the name alonewill be more satisfactory than any inferential process of restoration,which might possibly lead to error. The two following princes, therefore, may be thus tabulated in succession to Apollodotus:-Followed byDiomedes, B. C. 100.Hermæus, B. C. 98.THE BARBARIC KINGS, B. C. 90.-The same vast impulsive shocks which, from the extreme east, werecommunicated to southern Europe in the days of Attila, had, at irreCoin of the Kanerkos Dynasty.gular intervals, over- thrown Arian civilization, centuries previousto that era of Italiandevastation; and thisruin was, by the sameperturbation, extendedto distant lands. Thoughthe superiority of the intellectual race neveromitted to vindicate itsjust position as theruling political element,still the temporary possession of power by thenomadic tribes of Eastern Asia rarely failed toproduce a retrograde civilization. The convulsions of central Asia,by which barbarous hordes were impelled upon the nomadic raceswho had for a succession of ages occupied the regions of the Jaxartes,at length affected in their turn the Greek Bactrian kingdom. Chineseauthorities, taken in combination with classical and Indian sources ofinformation, give us almost a synchronistic view of these Scythic warlike progressions.1 The copper coins of Apollodotus present a figure of Apollo, and on the obverse is the tripod.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 429races.About B. C. 200, the Yu-chi, a people of the upper Hohang-ho, and Influences ofthe territory to the west of Chen-si , were expelled from these their the nomadicancient possessions by the Hioung-nou, or Huns. Pressed by therapid pursuit of their savage foe, the Yu-chi fled in two divisions:while the majority of the race took a westerly direction, the remainderturned to the south, seeking refuge in Thibet. The great westernband now encountered, near the river Ili, a people whom the Chinesehistorians have called the Szu, or Sai, supposed to be the Sake ofEuropean historians. The Sake were driven across the Jaxartes, andthe Yu-chi, following them, divided with them the regions lying to the south of that river. The U-siun, another nomadic race, after pressingon the Yu-chi, seized on the regions lying between the Caspian and the Oxus. In the Hindu records there are notices of a great Turushka,or Turkish dynasty, ruling in Cashmire at an era of great antiquity;nor is it improbable that the victorious settlements of the Scythicraces in Bactria and Parthia, may have been mainly indebted for theirsuccess to the fact of some ethnical affinity between the old and newpossessors of the trans-Himalayan regions. A union of these peoplewould necessarily have made them resistless. The great westernmovement gave off a section of the race that nearly about the Christianera laid the foundation of a sovereignty that corresponded with theterritories of the kingdom of Cabul.1 66 " This extension, " observes Professor Wilson,' was facilitated bythe essential identity of the different immigrant tribes, who, although distinguished by various denominations, and often at variance witheach other, were branches of that great Turkish race which, according Turushkato Persian tradition, occupied Turan, or central Asia, from the Caspian dynasty.to China. It seems most consistent with the historical facts which arederivable from the Byzantine writers and Indian traditions, to believe that, in the series of irruptions from the north- east which commencedabout a century before our era, the Sakas took the lead; that they were repelled from the frontiers of India, and fell back towardsPersia, with which kingdom they are found connected as late as the third and fourth centuries."After them came the Yu-chi, who established themselves along The Yu- chi.the course of the Indus, between the Sakas and India, where theywere in power for several centuries, constituting the Indo- Scythi ofthe classical geographers, and not improbably leaving traces of their designation as Getæ, in the Jits, Jats, or Juts, who are found inwestern Hindustan, and particularly on the Indus. ”2The conquests of the Scythians would undoubtedly have taken place at an earlier period, had they not encountered a formidable foe in theParthians. The contest with Phraates continued for a period of twoyears, at which time (B. C. 128) this monarch was slain. Artabanus,his successor, shared the same fate, B. C. 125. In Menander theScythians found a formidable enemy.¹ Ariana, ut ante. 2 Ibid. p. 305.430 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.Advance of the Sakæ towards the Hindoo Koosh.Historical advantages of numis- matic studies.A succession of warfare ensued, of which we have very indistinctaccounts. At length, about the year B. C. 90, the Saka began theirgrand and final movement towards the Hindoo Koosh, and towardsthe close of the reign of Hermæus they had effected settlements in theneighbourhood of Cabul and Ghuzni. The vicinity of the mouth ofthe Indus, as we learn from Ptolemy, was likewise held by the IndoScythian princes: this conquest was effected towards the commencement of the Christian era. Synchronous with the termination of theArio- Parthian dynasty in Cabul and the Punjab, at the close ofthe first century of our era, a new race of Scythian kings is found tohave issued a gold and copper coinage of a style and device totallydifferent from that previously current. These have the title of" KANERKOS-KING OF KINGS." Of these, no coin has as yet beenfound bilingual; the only characters are Greek. Indications, however, of the Hindoo religion are not wanting in the device of Sivaand the Bull on the reverse. " After the series of the Kanerkiprinces, the Greek characters yield to the Sanscrit. To these succeedthe Sassanian, Hindoo, and early Mahomedan coins of Afghanistan and upper India." As it is not our object to enter into the widefield of numismatic archæology, in connection with the Scythicdynasties, we shall conclude these observations by referring thecurious reader to authorities in which he will find an ample gratification of his most eager research. At the same time, we cannotplace in a clearer point of view the historical importance of the recentdiscoveries, through the medium of numismatics, than by presentingthe reader with the masterly outline of these results presented to us by the learned author of Ariana.³" The coins," he observes, " which have been described in the preceding pages afford a remarkable proof of the advantage of numismaticstudies. Extending through a period of more than fifteen centuries,from the middle of the third century before the Christian era, until thecommencement of the thirteenth century of that epoch, they furnish adistinct outline of the great political and religious vicissitudes of animportant division of India, respecting which written records are imperfect or deficient. To the scanty notices left us by classical writersof the Greek kings of Bactria, they have added the names of manydifferent princes, and enabled us to bring down the total subversion ofGreek authority on the confines of India to a period considerably laterthan that assigned, upon the evidence of Chinese writers, to thedownfal of the Bactrian kingdom. They show that the latest of theprinces of Greek origin must have ruled until within a brief intervalof the era of Christianity; and although it is manifest, from the degenerate style of the coins, that the arts and the religion of Greece hadyielded to the effects of time and expatriation, yet it is impossible to¹ Ariana, ut ante.2 Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde; Bayer; Prof. Wilson, Ariana; Prinsep's Historical Results. 3 Page 439.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 431imagine that the presence of Greek principalities upon the confines of India for more than two centuries should have failed to exercise someinfluence upon the arts and the knowledge of the Hindus. The amountmay not have been considerable, but it is not likely to have beentotally wanting; and, indeed, it is recognized by the Hindus themselves in the frequent allusions to the Yavannas which occur in theirmythological and heroic poems." That barbarians succeeded to Greeks in Bactria a little more thana century B. C. was made known to European literature by the Chinesescholars of Paris in the beginning of the last century. The detailswere meagre; and, although they have been amplified by more recentresearches, they derive still more abundant illustration from the coinsto which the designation of Indo- Scythic has been applied. In them Barbaricwe may trace several and successive dynasties of barbaric rulers, Sakas, the west ofGetæ, Parthians, Huns, and Turks, who from the beginning of the the Indus.Christian era, or a brief period before it, to the fifth or sixth centuryafter it, occupied, with fluctuating fortunes, the country on the west ofthe Indus from the Hindu Coosh to the Indian Ocean.dynasties on"At the date of their first establishment, some of them apparentlyretained the divinities of the Greeks; others adopted an eclectic formof faith, and endeavoured to combine the worship of fire with thepolytheism of the Hindus; whilst, at a subsequent period, differentdynasties attempted to introduce, seemingly with little success, the deities of a form of the Mithraic faith , with many of the objects ofwhich we are now for the first time made acquainted. With thisMithraic worship was combined a partial encouragement of the doctrines of Buddha; but both disappeared when the ascendency ofIndian princes was re-established, and Hindu sovereigns, after along interval, once more reigned in the country of the Parapomisus.Their domination, which appears to have been partially recoveredabout the third century, was not disturbed; and that other Scythianprinces from the north, and Sassanian princes from the west, en- croached from time to time upon the limits of Hindu sovereignty,is proved by the presence of coins probably or with certainty attri- butable to such sources. That Hindu rule was not totally extinguished,however, is confirmed by the same testimony; and the different coinsof a purely Indian character which are found in the Punjab, upon the Indus, and in Afghanistan, confirm the account given by Mahomedanhistorians of the presence of Hindu rajas of the eighth century in Sindh, at Cabul, and its vicinity. That the coins are trustworthy Coins trustrecords is still more fully demonstrated when we come to later periods, worthyand find those of Hindu rajas gradually merging into those of Mahomedan sultans, agreeably to the assertions of authentic history. Theysupply, however, even here, some very important facts, for they provethat the extension of the Mahomedan conquest in India was gradualand slow, and that it was the policy of the first conquerors, the princesof Ghor, to conciliate the prejudices of their Indian subjects, when inrecords.432 THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.contradiction to the precepts of Islam, and still more to its spirit, theypreserved the symbols of the Hindu religion upon their coins. Eventhe Mahomedan kings of Delhi were shown to abandon this practice,and it was not until the accession of the dynasty of Ghilja that it wastotally relinquished. From this time forward, the principal currencyof India became entirely Mahomedan; until, in our own days, thecoinage of the East Indian Company, with European blazonry andwith English inscriptions, has supplanted the texts of the Koran andthe pompous titles of the Mogul; the numismatic records of Indianhistory thus faithfully following the destinies of the country for morethan two thousand years."RetrospecGreek history.RETROSPECT.We have now taken an extensive Survey ofthe most purely intellec- tive view of tual nation with which history has made us acquainted . That portionof the inner life of the Hellenic race, whose record, seen throughthe dim haze of antiquity, has been denominated " Mythology" and" Heroic Legend," has been the subject of keen scrutiny in theearlier part of this work. There is a vitality and a substantiality in not a few of these agencies that forbid the reflecting mind to classthem with the results of inventive psychology. It may not, however,be unimportant to the sound comprehension of inductive truth,to state briefly, and in a simple form, a canon which may enable the inquisitive student of truth to discriminate between a pure mythusand history ill recorded.Historial canon.Guided by the plain axiom that " like produces like," the historicalstudent will at once see that physical and political substantialities,wherever they have existed, must have proceeded from substantialagencies. Hence, whenever the names of towns, tribes, and mountains, are found to have had an existence alike in the mythologic,legendary, and historical eras, whenever architectural relics are foundassociated in the same triple form, it matters not what fantasies ofimagination may have overlaid the temple of Time with exuberantornament, the names, the races, and the buildings are historical truths,not to be shaken by brilliant though harmless coruscations of fancy.It matters little whether, following genealogy, we be called mythologists for believing that there ever existed a King Hellen, Ion, or Italus,that with which we are concerned is purely historical, viz. , thereality of Hellenes , Ionians, and Italians. Even if Taygete be calleda favourite of Zeus and the mother of Lacedæmon, and is thus theeponymus of Mount Taygetus, this physical feature of southern Greeceis a fact too historical and too geographical to be affected by theTHE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 433poetic form in which it appears before us. It remains an irrefutabletruth. So the terms Asia and Europe are perfectly historical in theirapex, and their bases must be equally so, and the tribes which firstgave these names were as real as the title of these their settlementswas historical. Argos, Orchomenus, and the treasure-house of theMinyæ, may be classed in the same category.Many of the heroic agencies are placed in an historical position bythe foundation of colonies, by new political systems, and by the substantialities of architectural relics. Historical details indeed may bewanting to fill up these broad outlines, around which imagination orgarbled tradition may have thrown a dim mist; but still these outlinesare as essentially facts as the people standing in connection with them."When history," observes the great author of Cosmos, " so far as it is Opinions offounded on certain and distinctly-expressed testimony is silent, there on imperfectremain only different degrees of probability; but an absolute denial of evidence.every fact in the world's history, of which the evidence is not perfectlydistinct, appears to be no happy application of philologic and historiccriticism."1He who reflects that the only nations who have ever possessed consecutive chronicles of vast relative antiquity, have been those whosegovernment was based upon theurgic or mytho-theurgic principles, suchas the Hebrews and Egyptians, will easily perceive that the absenceof all collegiate dogma in the ruling power, necessarily implies action rather than record.³ Hence the deficiency of minute detail in earlyGreek and Roman nationality. There is however, in the life of nationsas of individuals, an involuntary record. On this the pen of the historian has never busied itself; -it lies it is true, somewhat below thesurface, but it is not the less valuable that we are obliged to dig for thetreasure.The races of men who formed the populations of Southern Europeantecedent to the Hellenic and Roman stocks, may from topical andtribal designations be as distinctly referred to the Caucaso-Turanianfamily, as the Greek and Latin may be to the pure Arian: nor is ita fact of trifling import that many of the genealogic titles of Greek and Roman divinities have a closer connexion with the Tibetan than theCaucasian dialects; and what is still more singular, these divinitiesnearly always represent vanquished and detested agencies. Here, then,the student will remark a more ancient historical terminology, whichin its turn formed the basis of a less ancient mythus. Agency therefore preceded invention . In other words, historical identity wasantecedent to deification.The inquisitive mind, may not unprofitably be employed, by thecontemplation of a process taking place upon the shores of the Medi-' Humboldt's Cosmos, p. xxxvi, notes.To these may be added the Chaldæans, Etruscans, and Brahmins, whose recordshave either been swept away by conquest or obscured by invasion.3 Quia negotisissimus quisque agere quam dicere malebat. —Sallust.Humboldt[ H. G. ] 2 F434 THE INDO- MACEDONIAN KINGDOM.teranean at a very ancient period, similar to that which, thirteen centuries before our era, marked the advent and political progress ofthe Eastern branches of the Hellenic family, on the great northernbarriers of the Himalaya. An analogy of no trivial weight wouldpoint to a similar conquest and headship of the Western Arians inGreece and the conquest and expulsion of the aboriginal Turanianstock. Such an analogy would rationally explain the non-Hellenic vocables belonging to the mythological and geographical system of Greece.The historical period of Greece ranges from the chronological stadium of the Olympiads. But the most distinct chronological data didnot prevent, nearly a century after the Olympiads, the singular recordof events connected with the Messenian wars, and its hero Aristomenes-records as completely romantic as many of the details of the Trojan war, the Argonautic expedition, or the siege of Thebes. The samerigid canon then, that would exclude from the page of history theTrojan war, because it possessed ultra-romantic incidents, must equallyexclude from the same page the long conflict of Messenia for her independence. The other great landmarks of Hellenic existence havebeen successively noticed in these volumes under the heads of thePersian invasion of Greece, the Peloponnesian war, the expeditionof the ten thousand, the autocracy of Alexander, the empire of hisThe history successors, the Roman supremacy, and the Indo-Greek kingdom. Itis impossible for the contemplative mind to survey the varied fortunes of the Greek branch of the Arian family, without emotionsof the most lively sympathy and without instruction of the most valuable nature. The statesman, the warrior, the historian and thepoet, the lover of the fine arts and the admirer of physical perfection,will find in this noble people the psychological representative of the richest endowments of nature. The first will, however, at the sametime, have contemplated a noble race, who though individually possessing the most admirable qualifications, physical and mental, yet fella political victim to isolated jealousies, and to a government as decen- tralized and ruinous, as that which, on the other hand, swallows allindependence, by centralizing in a single city the entire power andpatronage of a whole country. Ancient Greece and modern Franceexemplify, on totally opposite principles, the perils of a political régimeproductive on the one hand of extreme weakness and on the otherof extreme despotism.of Greece, apolitical text-book.-upNor is it the least interesting subject of reflection , to have remarkedthe unambitious inner life of Hellas, as contrasted with the vastexternal power wielded by Alexander-to have observed the smallwar-cloud that rose on the north-eastern shores of the Mediterranean,expanding in breadth and deepening in intensity, till it finally burstwith destructive power over the ancient kingdom of the Achemenidæ,spending its last strength on the banks of the Indus, -sweeping awaythe traces of barbaric power, and leaving a tract propitious for the cultivation of Hellenic art and science.THE INDO-MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. 435To the Briton these reflections are doubly interesting. To him hasfallen the distinguished lot of ruling from shores more distant than theMacedonian, the political destinies of the eastern empire of Alexander.And ere the proud emotion created by this thought has subsided, thepage of the ethnologist unfolds a fact not less interesting in thenational unity of the Greek, the Hindu, and the Briton; a truth notless calculated to make him humane than just, towards " the subjectnations of his mighty sway."Tumulus of Koti-Khail.2 F 2

CHRONOLOGY OF GREECE.B.C. 403 Thrasybulus overturns the government of the Ten" at Athens.Euclides, archon at Athens. Return of Thucydides, Andocides, and Lysias.Aristophon has the law of Pericles, for limit- ing the number of citizens in Athens,re- enacted (444. )New Greek ( Ionian ) Alphabet settled at Athens, by its adoption in public acts.402 Andocides, Archinus, and Cephalus, orators.Prize in comedy to Cephisodorus.401 War between Lacedæmon and Elis.Lysias, the orator, of Athens, flourishes.Death of Chærilus, of Samos, at the court of Archelaus, king of Macedon.Ctesias, the historian , flourishes.400 Return of the 10,000; the Cyreans enter the service of the Seuthes, of Thrace (424. )War between Sparta and Persia.Lysias, the orator, restored to the privileges of an Athenian citizen ( 405, 403. )Laws of Lycurgus modified; the Spartans consent to form a public treasury.399 Wars of Thimbron and Dercyllidas.The Cyreans join Thimbron (400. )Melitus, the tragedian, with Lycon, a poet,and Anytus, the orator, impeach Socrates.Death of Socrates (by poison) , aged 70.[ His most eminent disciples were schines,Cebes, and Xenophon. ]Plato withdraws to Megara.Assassination of Archelaus, and accession of Orestes and Eropus at Macedon.398 Agesilaus II. succeeds Agis II. in Sparta.Zeuxis, the painter, flourishes.Astydamus, the comedian, first exhibits.The poet Philoxenus, of Cythera, fl .Cotis succeeds Seuthes in Thrace ( 424. )War between Thrace and Macedon.396 Agesilaus supersedes Dercyllidas in Asia.The sect of Cynics founded by Antisthenes.Sophocles, the tragedian, exhibits.Birth of Xenocrates.395 The Corinthian war: the Spartans opposed to the confederated states of Corinth,Thebes, Argos, Athens, and Thessaly.Boeotia invaded by the Spartans.Lysander slain at Haliartus.Mission of Timocrates into Greece.Plato returns to Athens (age, 34. )Aëropus reigns alone in Macedon (399.)394 Battle of Coronea; Agesilaus victor.Eclipse of the sun.Sea- fight off Cnidus; Peisander defeated and slain by Conon, the Athenian.Xenophon retires to Scyllus.Agesipolis I. king of Sparta.Pausanias rules in Macedon.The seventeen years of Greek history by Theopompus ends with this year.Philyllius, the comic poet, flourishes.B.C. 393 Conon is enabled to rebuild the walls of Athens with the booty obtained at Cnidus.Pharnabazus and Conon make descents on the Peloponnesian coasts.Sedition at Corinth.Battle of Lecheum; the allies defeated.Murder of Pausanias, and accession of Amyntas II. , king of Macedon (394. )Illyrians compel Amyntas to quit Macedon,Leucon, king of Bosphorus (438. )392 Agesilaus attacks Corinth.Iphicrates victorious over the Spartans.Origin of the Cyrenaic sect of philosophers.391 Ecdicus, sent with eight ships to Rhodes, is obliged to remain inactive.390Plato, comic poet, exhibits.Andocides' oration in favour of peace; for which he is banished Athens.Acarnania invaded by Agesilaus.Submission of the Acarnanians.Agesipolis invades Argolis.Athenian reverses in Asia Minor.389 Agyrrhius succeeds Thrasybulus in Asia.Iphicrates commands in the Hellespont.Plato, the philosopher, visits Sicily.Æschines, the orator, born.388 Return of Plato, the phil. , to Athens.He founds the Academic school.Antiphanes, of middle comedy, flourishes.Contest of Nicophon and Nichochares,comic poets, with Aristophanes.387 Peace of Antalcidas; Evagoras excepted from the treaty.386 Platea restored; and the independence of Boeotia declared.385 Alcæus, the comic poet, flourishes.Siege of Mantinea; Agesipolis imposes severe conditions upon the inhabitants.The orator Androtion begins to flourish.Eubulus, Anaxandrides, Alexis, Araros,and Philippus, of middle comedy, fl.Sea- fight btwn. Evagoras and the Persians.384 Birth of Aristotle at Stageira.Alcetas II. king of Epirus.383 Amyntas II.recoverstheMacedonian throne.Antiphanes, the poet, first exhibits.382 The Olynthian war: first campaign.Teleutias commands the Spartan forces.The Spartan Phoebidas seizes Cadmea.Epaminondas, the Theban statesman, fl.Birth of Philip, father of Alexander, the Great, of Macedon.Birth ofthe orator Demosthenes.381 The second campaign of the Olynthian war;Teleutias slain.Agesipolis succeeds Teleutias (382. )380 Olymp. 100; victor, Dionysidorus.Agesilaus lays siege to Phlius.Death of Philoxenus, of Cythera, dithyr- ambic poet, aged 55.Death of Agesipolis, of Sparta, of fever.437B.C. 380. CHRONOLOGY OF GREECE. B.C. 358.380 Polybiades succeeds to the command.Treatise on conic sections by Aristæus.Aristippus, founder of the Cyrenaic school ,and Antisthenes, founder of the Cynic school of philosophy, fl. (? 396, 392. )379 Close of the Olynthian war; surrender of the Olynthians to Polybiades.Surrender of Phlius to Agesilaus.Pelopidas and the Theban exiles regain Cad- mea; Cephalus, the orator, moves the Athenian decree for their assistance.378 Cleombrotus and Agesilaus in Boeotia.Descent of Sphodrias upon the Piraeus.Confederacy of the Athenians and Thebans against the Lacedæmonians.Death of Lysias, aged 80 years.377 Agesilaus again in Boeotia.376 Cleombrotus repulsed at Citharon.Naval defeat of the Spartans off Naxos by Chabrias; their fleet is totally destroyed by Timotheus.Demosthenes, seven years old, an orphan.Anaxandrides, the comedian , fl.375 Cleombrotis proceeds against the Thebans in Phocis, now invaded by them.Exhibition of Eubulus, and Araros (son of Aristophanes), poets of middle comedy.Age of Euclid , founder of the Megaric school, of Phaedo, founder of the school of Elis, and of Menedemus, founder of the Eretrian school.374 Peace between Athens and Sparta.Corcyra falls into the hands of Timotheus;who restores the Zacynthian exiles at Athens to their own country; this leads to another rupture.373 Timotheus prosecuted by Callistratus and Iphicrates; he is acquitted.Spartan expedition to Corcyra unsuccess- ful; Mnasippus the commander slain.Iphicrates, the Athenian commander, con- ducts the war in the Ionian seas.372 Earthquake in the Peloponnesus which swallows up Ellice and Bula.Timotheus sent into Asia.Astydamas, tragic victor.The orators, Aristophon, Diophantes, Lea- damus, and Thrasybulus, flourish.371 Congress at Sparta; Athens negociates apeace; Thebes excluded from the treaty.The orators, Callistratus and Melauspus,present at the Congress.Invasion of Boeotia by the Spartans.Battle of Leuctra; Epaminondas defeats the Spartans- Cleombrotus, their king, is slain, and Thebes becomes independent.Megalopolis founded.Alexander II., king of Macedon.370 Death of Jason, of Pheræ.Polypheron and Polydorus succeed.Polypheron murders Polydorus.Agesilaus in Arcadia.Death of Democritus, aged 90.Plato's first voyage to Sicily since he became a public teacher ( see 389, 388. )[Some authorities place this event in 368. ]369 War between Thebes and Sparta; Laconia invaded by the Thebans; 50,000 appear before Sparta.Philip, of Macedon, a hostage in Thebes.The Messenians restored to independence.Treaty between Athens and Sparta.369 Alexander II. , of Macedon, murdered by Ptolemy Alorites.368367Perdiccas III. succeeds-Macedon.Polypheron, of Pheræ, murdered by his nephew, Alexander (370. )Second invasion of the Peloponnessus, by the Thebans, under Epaminondas.The intrigues of Alexander, of Pheræ, cause them to retire.Pelopidas imprisoned by Alexander.Antisthenes, the Cynic, fl. at Athens ( 380. )Congress at Delphi; negociation of Philis- cus, ambassador from Persia, for peace;the Thebans refuse that Messina should be restored to Sparta.Eudoxus, the philosopher, flourishes.A celestial globe " first seen in Greece- having been brought from Egypt.Aphareus exhibits tragedy.Plato's first voyage to Sicily (see 370.)The " Tearless " battle; Archidamus, the Spartan, defeats the united armyof Argos,Arcadia, and Messenia.Mission of Pelopidas to Persia.Aristotle comes to Athens ( 18 years of age.)Dionysius, the Elder, tragic victor.366 Expedition of Epaminondas into Achaia.Treaty between Corinth and Phlius.365 War between Arcadia and Elis.364362361360•Return of Plato to Athens (? 367.)Invasion of Arcadia by Archadamus.Battle of Olympia.Pelopidas slain at Cynocephale.Perdiccas slays Ptolemy Alorites (369. )Demosthenes oration agnst. Aphobus (382.)Battle of Mantinea; the Thebans victorious;Epaminondas slain on the point of victory.Decline of the Theban supremacy.Xenophon's history extends to this date.A general peace mediated by Persia, in which the Messenians are included.Banishment of Callistratus , the orator.Dinarchus, the orator. born.Agesilaus is sent into Egypt, where he dies.Plato again visits Sicily; his mission-to re- concile Dionysius and his uncle Dion- proves abortive; he returns the next year.[Plato's disciples included, among others,Aristotle, Chabrias, Heracleides, Hes- tiæus, Hyperides, Iphicrates, Isocrates,Lycurgus, Philippus, Phocion , his nephew Speusippus, and Xenocrates ofChalcedon. ]The Athenians and Olynthians at war.Defeat of Timotheus at Amphipolis.Assassination of Cotys, king of Thrace.Isæus, the orator, flourishes (436. )Commencement of Theopompus' history.359 The Macedonians and Illyrians at war.Perdiccas III. k. of Macedon, slain in battle.Philip the II. succeeds ( see Macedon. )Death of Xenophon, aged 90.Battle of Methone; Argæus and the Athe- nians defeated by Philip of Macedon.The Athenians seize Pydna; against which outrage Philip vainly complains.358[ By this act they forfeited his co- operation. ]Murder of Alexander of Pheræ.Tisiphonies succeeds him.Amphipolis besieged and taken by Philip.Athenian expedition into Euboea.Siege of Amphipolis by Iphicrates and Timotheus; raised by the latter.438B.C. 358. CHRONOLOGY OF GREECE. B.C. 328.358 Charidemus induces the Amphipolitans to 345 Eschines treacherously furthers the views join the Athenian interest.357 Agathocles, archon at Athens.Revolt of Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium from the Athenian yoke.The Social War; Chios besieged by Chares and Chabrias; death of the latter and failure of the expedition.Delphi seized by the Phocians, and the temple plundered of 20,000 talents of gold and silver.The Thebans and the Locrians unite against the Phocians.Dion leaves Zacynthus for Sicily.Death of Democritus, aged 109; and of Hippocrates, aged 104.356 Second Sacred War-against the Phocians.Second campaign of the Social War.Philip, of Macedon, wins a horse- race at the Olympic games.Alexis, the comic poet, flourishes.Callistratus returns to Athens, and is put to death (see 361.)355 Third campaign ofthe Social War.Peace; end of the Social War; Athens acknowledges the independ. of her allies.Prosecution of Iphicrates and Menestheus by Aristophon and Chares.354 Trial, condemnation, exile , and subsequent death of Timotheus, aged 97.Demosthenes begins his public career.353 Death of Philomelus, of Phocea.Onomarchus, his brother, succeeds.Era of the celebrated Grecian courtesans.Spartocus II. king of Bosphorus ( 438. )352 Philip, of Macedon, occupies Methone.Onomarchus drives him out of Thessaly.He attempts to pass thro' Thermopyla into Greece, butis prevented bythe Athenians.Philip distresses the Athenian fleet.The first Philippic of Demosthenes.Warbetween Sparta and Megalopolis.Athenian colony sent to Samos.Defeat and death of Onomarchus.His brother Phayllus succeeds.The poetess Erinna flourishes; also,The painter and statuary, Echion.350 Phocion, the Athenian general, in Euboea;Battle and victory of Tamynæ.The celebrated courtesan Lais at Corinth.349 The Athenians aid the Olynthians in their war with Philip.The sculptor Scopas flourishes.348 Philip besieges Olynthus.The poets Heraclides and Alectryon fl .Parysades, king of Bosphorus ( 438. )347 Philip takes Olynthus, and expels the Athenians from Euboea.Death of Plato, the philosopher, aged 82.Aristotle retires to Atarnæ.Speusippus succeeds Plato in the Academy.Anaxandrides, the comic poet, exhibits.Era of Diogenes the Cynic.316 Athenian embassy to Philip at Pella.Peace between Athens and Macedon.The Phocians expelled the Amphictyonic council, at the instigation of Philip.All the Phocian cities destroyed by Philip except the city of Abæ.End of the Sacred or Phocian War.Orations of Isocrates and Demosthenes.315 Eschines prosecutes Timarchus.of Philip against the liberties of Greece.344 Sparta subdued by Philip.343Expedition of Timoleon to Sicily.Aristotle removes to Mitylene.Praxiteles, the painter, flourishes.[The courtesan Phryne sat as a model for his " naked Venus." His colossal Venus has been esteemed as the most perfect specimen of Greek art; it was found at Milo in A.D. 1820.]Athenian expedition into Acarnania, against Philip of Macedon.Orations of Demosthenes and schines.342 Thrace invaded by Philip, who entertains designs upon the Greek settlements on the Hellespont.341340339Diopeithes, the Athenian, opposes him.Menander, of new comedy, born.Aristotle invited to Macedon by Philip.Defence of Diopeithes (commander at the Chersonessus) by Demosthenes.Birth of Epicurus, the philos. , the founder of the Epicurean philosophy, according to which Pleasureis the " summum bonum."Byzantium, &c. besieged by Philip.Ephorus ends his history this year.The Second Sacred War-agt. the Locrians.The Athenians compel Philip to raise the siege of Byzantium, &c.Speusippus succeeded in the Academy by Xanthippus ( 347. )338 Philip obtains the appointment of General of the Amphictyons.Philip occupies Elatea.Athens and Thebes unite against Philip.Battle of Choronea; the confederated Greeks defeated; Grecian liberty lost .Congress at Corinth; war declared against Persia in the name of Greece.Death of Isocrates, orator, aged 98.337 Alexander of Epirus, brother-in-law of Alexander the Great, reigns.336 Philip is slain at gæ.Timocles, the comedian, flourishes.Calippus, the Athenian, first calculates the revolution of eclipses.Dinarchus begins to flourish.335 The Thebans revolt from Macedon; Alex- anderdefeats them and destroys their city.He demands certain Athenian orators to be delivered up; Demades pacifies him.Aristotle removes from Macedon to Athens.Philippides, the comic poet, flourishes.Caustic painting invented by Gausias, of Sicyon, about this time.332 Eacides, son of Arymbas, succeeds Alex- ander, king of Epirus.Stephanus, the comic poet, flourishes.331 Defeat and death of Agis in battle with Antipater.330 Antipater's pacification of Greece.Orations of schynes and Demosthenes.Eschynes withdraws to Athens.Menander, Philemon, and Diphilus, of new comedy, about this time.The Peripatetic school founded by Aristotle;he had been a disciple of Plato.328 Lysistratus invents moulds for the casting of wax figures.Crates, the Cynic philosopher, flourishes.Apelles, the painter, flourishes.439B.C. 324. CHRONOLOGY OF GREECE. B.C. 271.324 Olymp. 114; Micinas, victor.Proclamation at the Olympic games for the restoration of the exiles."Hegisias, archon at Athens.Harpalus is admitted into Athens.He bribes certain of the orators-Demades,Charicles, Demosthenes, &c.Demosthenes, accused of having accepted abribe, is fined 50 talents; he leaves Athens.Timocles, the comic poet, flourishes.Death ofLycurgus.Athens mistress of the sea.323 The Lamian war; Greece agnst. Macedon.Leosthenes defeats Antipater, and shuts him up in Lamia.Death of Leosthenes before the walls.Return of Demosthenes to Athens.Demades impeaches Demosthenes, Aris- totle, and Hyperides of corruption.Epicurus comes to Athens, aged 18.Death of Diogenes at Corinth.Epicurus removes to Colophon.322 Death of Leonatus (see 323, Asia Minor. )Battle of Cranon; the Greeks defeated.Submission of Athens; and End ofthe Lamian war.Flight of Aristotle from Athens to Euboea,where he soon after dies.Hyperides, oratr. , put to death byAntipater.Death of Demosthenes.321 Departure of Antipater and Craterus from Ætolia into Asia Minor.Dinarchus, the philosopher, flourishes.Menander, " prince of middle comedy," fl.319 Cassander puts Demades, the Athenian orator, to death ( 323.)Aristoxenus, a Greek writer of music, fl.318 Nicanor seizes the Piræus.Cassander marches towards Athens.317 Phocion is condemned unheard , and imme- diately put to death.Cassander conquers Athens.Demetrius Phalereus, governor of Athens.Census of Athens taken: citizens, 127,660;slaves, 400,000.316 Thebes rebuilt by Cassander.315 Xenocrates succeeded by Polemon at the Academy in Athens.314 Death of schines, aged 75.313 War between the Etolians and Cassander.312 Pyrrhus II. , king of Epirus.310 Ptolemy espouses the cause of Greece.Satyrus II. , king of Bosphorus ( 438. )Agathocles lands in Africa.309 Prytanis, king of Bosphorus (438. )308 Ptolemy's expedition into Greece.Pyrrho, the philosopher of Elis and founder of the Sceptic school, flourishes.Eumulus succeeds in Bosphorus.307 Athens freed by Demetrius Poliorcetes;Demetrius Phalereus expelled , and de- mocracy restored.Exile of Deinarchus, the orator.306 Demetrius departs for Asia.Epicurus comes to Athens a second time;he is now 35 years old.304 Spartocus III. , king of Bosphorus (438. )303 Return of Demetrius to oppose the progress of Cassander.Demetrius Polyorcetes, is appointed general ofthe Grecian states.302 Demetrius gains upon Cassander.302 Exile of Demochares.Archedicus, the poet, supports the Mace- donian party in Athens.301 Recall ofDemetrius into Asia.300 The Epicurean philosophy founded about this time, by Epicurus of Gargettus (341. )Berosus, the Babylonian historian, flourishes till about 280.299 Zeno, the founder of the Stoic school of philosophy, which teaches that Virtue is the summum bonum, is born at Citium in Cyprus about this time.297 Unsuccessful attempt of Demetrius upon Athens.296 Demetrius besieges Athens.295 Athens taken by Demetrius.294 Defeat of Pyrrhus at the walls of Sparta.293 Apollodorus and Posidippus, ofnewcomedy,flourish about this time.292 Deinarchus returns to Athens (307.)291 Death of Menander.290 Demetrius celebrates the Pythian games at Athens.289 Posidippus, the comic poet, flourishes.288 Death of the philosopher Pyrrho.287 Athens revolts from Demetrius.286 Demetrius, of Epirus, expelled his kingdom by Lysimachus.Theophrastus, the philosopher, flourishes.285 The kingdom of Bosphorus annexed to the Bithynian kingdom .284 The Etolian league against Macedon.283 Lysimachia destroyed by an earthquake.282 The Peloponnesus invaded by Etolians.280 Olymp. 125; the Achæan league; renewal279of the federation ofPatræ, Phare, Tritæa,and Dyme (joined by other cities in 276,256, 243, 204, and 191. See also 146.)Pyrrhus invades Italy.The orator Cineas accompanies Pyrrhus.Gorgias, archon at Athens.Aristarchus, of Samos, Duris, Lynceus,and Sotades, flourish.Statue of Demosthenes.Irruption of the Gauls under Brennus;they are defeated, and Brennus killed,at Delphi.Anaxicrates, archon at Athens.Timon, Phliasius, Colotes, Idomeneus, and Manetho, flourish.The Gauls pass over into Asia.278 Democles, archon at Athens.Homerus, Philiscus, and Sositheus, fl.Zeno, of Citium, being shipwrecked off the Piræus, settles in Athens ( 299. )Arcesilaus founds the Middle Academy.277 League betwn. Athens, Sparta, and Egypt.Death of Metrodorus, the Epicurean.276 Union of other cities in the Achæan league.The Four Schools of Philosophy:-The Peripatetic school is presided over by Strato, the Stoic by Zeno, the Epicurean by Epicurus, the Academic by Arce ilaus.274 Birth of Euphorion, the grammarian, at Chalcis in Euboea.--273 Death of Polemo, the Platonic philosopher.272 Siege of Sparta and Argos by Pyrrhus.Pyrrhus falls before Argos.Alexander II., king of Epirus.Aratus and Theocritus flourish.271 Pytharatus, archon of Athens.Aratus, of Sicyon, born.440B.C. 271. CHRONOLOGY OF GREECE.B.C. 204.271 Zenodotus, of Ephesus, flourishes.[ He was a celebrated grammarian, and the first superintendent of the great Library at Alexandria.]270 Death of Epicurus, the philosopher, aged 72.Theocritus, Antagoras, Bion, Moschus, fl.268 Athens falls before Antigonus Gonatus,king of Macedon.265 Dionysius and Timæus finish their writings.264 Diognetus, archon at Athens.Last date of the Parian marbles.66 The Preparation of Polybius " begins.263 Death of Zeno; Cleonthes succeeds him.Dionysius, of Heraclea, flourishes.262 Death of Philemon, comic actor, aged 97.259 Lycophron, the Alexandrian poet, fl .258 Erasistratus, the physician, flourishes.256 Aratus restores liberty to Athens.The Athenians join the Achæan league.Callimachus, the Alexandrian poet, fl .255 Marcus, the first Achæan prætor.The Spartans assist Carthage.The Armillary Sphere: invented by Eratosthenes (see also 250, 240. )252 Birth of Philopomen, " the last benefactor of Greece. "-Pausanius.251 Sicyon, liberated by Aratus, joins the Achæan league ( 256.)Sosibius flourishes.250 Eratosthenes makes the first attempt to as- certain the length of a degree.249 Heracl*tus, of Halicarnassus, and Philoste- phanus, of Cyrenë, flourish .246 Euphantes, of Olynthus, flourishes.244 Reformation of Sparta begun by Agis III.; the laws of Lycurgus having fallen into comparative disuse.He endeavours to introduce Agrarianism .243 Leonidas abdicates the Spartan throne.The citadel of Corinth (Acrocorinthus)seized by Aratus.Corinth, Epidaurus Megara, &c. join the Achæan league; Ptolemy also joins it.241 Lacydes, Euphorion, Lysimachus, Nean- thes, &c. flourish .240 Agis III. , while prosecuting his scheme for an Agrarian law and other reforms at Sparta, is destroyed and all his family by Leonidas.Magnitude of the earth calculated by Era- tosthenes.Nymphis, of Heraclea, flourishes.Cleanthus, the Stoic, starved to death.236 Cleomenes III. , king of Sparta.Ister, the disciple of Callimachus, flourishes.233 The MSS. of Eschylus, Euripides, and Sophocles pledged to Ptolemy for 15 talnts.230 Macho, comic poet, fl. at Alexandria.229 Athens joins the Achæan league.Euphantes, of Olynthus, still flourishes.228 First Roman embassy into Greece.The Achæan fortress of Athenæum built.227 Aratus, general of the Achæan league, de- feated by Cleomenes of Sparta.226 Revolution in Sparta; Cleomenes III. over- throws the Ephori, augments the number of the citizens, and restores the laws of Lycurgus.The Achæans are defeated by Cleomenes;Lyscades is killed.Death of Lyco.225 Antigonus, of Carystus, flourishes.225 Second Roman embassy; the ambassadors are made freemen of Athens, and per- mitted to share in the Isthmian games.Cleomenes still at war with the Achæans.Colossus of Rhodes destroyed .224223 At Thermopyla the Etolians dispute the passage of the Macedonians.Megalopolis taken by Cleomenes.222 Battle of Sellasia; Cleomenes defeated by the Achæans, aided by Antigonus Doson of Macedonia.Cleomenes escapes to Egypt.The Heracleidean line extinct at Sparta.Rhianus(cotemporary with Eratosthenes)fl.221 The Ephori murdered by the Spartans.Timoxenus, the Achæan prætor.Euphorion and Archimedes flourish .220 War between the Achæan and Etolian leagues; the former defeated.219218"Philip II. aids the Achæans.The Social war begun.History of Aratus ends and the history of Polybius begins.Cleomenes dies in Egypt.Agesipolis and Lycurgus, kings of Sparta.The Peloponnesus ravaged by Etolians.Aratus, the younger, Achæan prætor.Dorimachus, Etolian prætor.Death of Pyrrhus III.; succeeded by Queen Laudamia (no male issue. )Phylarchus (cotemporary with Aratus) fl.Philip victorious over the Etolians.Eperatus, the Achæan prætor.The Etolians cede Acarnania to Philip to purchase peace.Agetas, Etolian prætor.Samius, the poet, flourishes.Ætolia and Laconia invaded.217 Agesilaus, prætor ofthe Etolians.Aratus, Achæan prætor.Mnesiptolemus and Epinicus, poets, fl.215 The Athenians join the Etolians against Macedon; Roman aid solicited.Evander flourishes.214 Battle of Lamia; defeat of the Etolians under Pyrrhus by Philip.213 Aratus poisoned at Ægium at the instance of Philip (? 212.)He is succeeded by Philopomen.212 The Etolians seize Oreum, Tribon , &c.Democratic government in Epirus.211 Arrival of a Roman fleet in port of Athens.Alliance of Philip and Hannibal.Treaty between the Ætolians and Romans.210 Mechanidas, king of Sparta, abolishes the power ofthe Ephori.Scopas, Ætolian prætor.Ægina taken by the Romans.Polybius, the historian, ambassador, and general, till about 124.209 Pyrrhias, prætor of the Ætolians.Anarchy in the kingdom of Epirus.Elis invaded by Philip.208 Battle of Mantinea; Mechanidas, the Spar- tan, defeated and slain by Philopomen.Cycliadas, Achæan prætor.207 Usurpation of Nabis in Sparta who over- throws the Ephori.Nicias, prætor of the Achæans.Death of Chrysippus; Zeno succeeds.204 The Ætolian league re- organised by Dori- machus and Scopas.441B.C. 202. CHRONOLOGY OF GREECE. B.C. 145.202 Lysippus, Achæan prætor.Attempt of Nabis upon Messina.201 Butchery of the people of Therna, Xenia,and other cities, by the Etolians.200 The Etolians, Athenians, Athamenes, Dar- danians, and Pergamians, join Rome against Philip.The Achæans espouse the cause of Philip.Attalius comes to Athens.197 Sparta besieged by the Romans; the tyrant Nabis sues for peace.196 The Isthmian games; at which Flaminius, the Roman, declares Greece free from the Macedonian power.195 Invitation of the Etolians to the kings of Sparta, Macedon, and Syria, to form acoalition against Rome.194 Naval defeat of Philopomen by Nabis.192 Nabis defeated by Philopomen; the Eto- lians obtain Sparta.Nabis, odious for his cruelty, is assassinated.Antiochus comes to the aid of the Ætolians against Rome.191 Sparta joins the Achean league.Battle of Thermopyla; Antiochus and the Ætolians defeated by Acilius.190 The Etolians lose Lamia and Amphissa.Battle of Magnesia; Antiochus defeated by the Roman L. C. Scipio.Peace between the Ætolians and Romans.189 The Etolian league falls into desuetude by the treaty with Rome.188 Carneades, founder ofthe ThirdAcademy, fl.188 Philopomen conquers Sparta, and abro- gates the laws of Lycurgus.183 Revolt of the Messenians from the Achæan league.Philopomen poisoned by the Messenians.A comet visible eighty days.182 Messenia overrun by the Achæans.179 The Macedonians masters of Epirus.177 The Achæans attach themselves to Rome.172 The Boeotian confederacy dissolved through the influence and exertions of Rome.Epirus ravaged by the Romans; seventy towns destroyed.167Arrest of more than 1000 Achæans, who are sent to Rome, through the treachery of some ofthe Etolian league.Callicrates heads the Achean league.165 Achaia invaded by the Romans.155 Diogenes, Carniades, and Critolaus, sent to Rome, to solicit the remission of the fine of 500 talents.151 The Achæan exiles return ( 167. )150 Dissensions of the Achæans and Spartans.The Romans interfere for the purpose of dissolving the Achean league.War with Rome.147 Metellus invades Greece; Sparta subdued by the Roman arms.146 The Achæans defeated by Metellus.Corinth falls before Mummius.Dissolution of the Achæan league.Greece subject to Rome, is named The province of Achæa.145"Q. C. Metellus Macedonicus, prætor in B.C. 148, had humbled Greece by his victories; but his leniency deceived the Achæan chiefs, and they persuaded themselves that Rome was unable to complete its conquest. They had assembled an army in the isthmus shortly before the arrival of Mummius. He promptly dismissed his predecessor, Metellus, defeated the army ofthe league,and entered Corinth without opposition -since the garrison and principal inhabitants had aban- doned it. The city was burnt, razed, and given up to pillage; the native Corinthians were sold for slaves; and the rarest specimens of Grecian art, which the luxury and opulence of centuries had accumulated, were given up to the rapacity of an ignorant conqueror. Polybius, the his- torian, who had, on the fall of Corinth, come from Africa to mitigate, if possible, the calamities of his countrymen, saw Roman soldiers playing at draughts upon the far- famed picture of Dionysius by Aristides; and Mummius himself was so unconscious of the real value of his prize,that he sold the rarer works of painting, sculpture, and carving , to the king of Pergamus.Mummius, however, was one of the few Roman commanders in the republican era who did homage to the religion of the Hellenic race. He dedicated a brazen statue of Zeus at Olympia, and surrounded the shrine of the god with gilt bucklers of brass. The Corinthian bronze, so celebrated in the later art of the ancient world, was an accidental discovery, resulting from the burning of the city. The metallic ornaments of its sumptuous temples, basilicæ, and private dwellings, formed the rich and solid amalgam, which was employed afterwards in the fusile department of sculpture. Mummius triumphed in B.C. 145. His procession formed an epoch in the history of Roman art and cultivation . Trains of waggons, laden with the works of the purest ages, moved along the Via Sacra to the Capitoline Hill; yet the spectator of the triumph, who had seen them in their original sites and number, must have mourned many an irreparable loss. The fire had destroyed many, the sea had ingulfed many, and the royal con- noisseurs-the princes of Pergamus-had carried off many for their galleries and temples.Mummius, with a modesty uncommon in conquerors, refused to inscribe the spoils with his He viewed them as the property of the State, and he lent them liberally to adorn the triumphs, the buildings, and even the private houses of others, while in his own villa, he retained the severe simplicity of early Rome. Though he brought so much wealth into thename.State- coffers, Muminius died poor. "-Dr. Leonhard Schmitz.442CHRONOLOGY OF MACEDONIA.This kingdom, though founded by Caranus so far back as 814 B.C. , was so inconsiderable among the neighbouring States, as not to deserve the name of an independent country, being now under the protection of Athens, now of Sparta, now of Thebes. In the reign of Philip II . , however, it became a powerful kingdom, and in that of his son Alexander III. it gave its name to a vast and almost universal empire.B.C.(See Greek chronology for the previous events concerning this kingdom. )359 Philip II. , king of Macedon, aged 23.Philip, to conciliate the Athenians, declares Amphipolis free .He defeats his rival Argaes at Methone.Defeat and death of the veteran Bardyllis.Philip subdues Poonia and Illyria .358 Marriage of Philip with Olympias, daugh- ter of Neoptelemus of Epirus.Alliance of Philip and Olynthus, contrary to treaty with the Athenians.Philip lays siege to Amphipolis.357 Philip obtains possession of Pydna and Amphipolis by force and craft; but He treats his prisoners with the utmost humanity and kindness.356 Potidea besieged; Philip takes it.The Illyrians and Thracians defeated by Philip's general, Parmenion.Birth of Alexander the Great.353 Pagasae seized by Philip.Siege of Methone commenced.352 Fall of Methone; Philip loses an eye by an arrow, shot from Aster's bow.He advances into Thessaly; is repulsed by Onamarchus of Phero; who is afterwards defeated and slain.Philip drives the tyrants out of Phero .351 Heraem on the Propontis attkd. by Philip.The Macedonian gold mines in Thrace pro- duce about 1000 talents annually.350 Artabazus and Memnon, rebels against the Persian king, are received by Philip.349 Philip, in the Chalcidian territory, aug- ments his successes by bribery.317 Through the treachery of Lasthenes and Euthycrates, Olynthus is taken.346 Philip is master ofthe Phoceans; he assumes dictatorial authority over them.344 Successful expedition against Illyria.213 Philip's expedition into Acarnaria.312 Philip invades Thrace.Aristotle at the court of Philip, as instructor to the young prince Alexander.Stageira is rebuilt by Philip, at the request of Aristotle. Fromthis time flourishes the Famous school of Aristotle at Stageira.340 Alexander governs in Macedon in the ab- sence of his father.Philip besieges Byzantium, Selymbria, and Perinthus.339 Successful expedition against the Scythians under Atheas.338 The Macedonian phalanx.Victories at Elatea and Charonea.Philip master of Greece; he deals leniently with Athens, but onThebes his vengeance falls heavily.B.C. 337 Philip marries Cleopatra, daughter of Atta- lus, one of his generals; this causes Olympias and her son Alexander to quit the court of Philip in disgust (358, 319. )336 Marriage of Alexander, of Epirus, with Philip's daughter at Ægæ.Philip assassinated at the nuptials, by ayouth named Pausanius.THE MACEDONIAN EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.336 Alexander succeeds his father Philip, at the early age of twenty years.[" Nofeeling ofanimosity or deed of violence stained the commencement ofthe brilliant career which Alexander was about to run. His forgivenness and confidence were extended to all who had candour enough to acknowledge their misdoings,and generosity sufficient in their own hearts to rely on the exercise of it in that of their prince. " }Recall of Harpagus, Laomedon, Nearchus,Ptolemy, son of Lagos, and others who had incurred his father's anger.Alexander is elected generalissimo of the Grecian army destined to act against the Persians.335 Macedon threatened by the Thracians, Illy- rians, and Triballi.334333Alexander attacks and conquers them.Revolt of Thebes; it is captured and de- stroyed by Alexander; the house of Pin- dar alone left standing.[" Thebes expiated her revolt with the loss of six thousand of her people slain in the battle, thirty thousand sold into slavery,and, in a word, with the extinction of her existence as a separate and indepen- dent state. "]The Athenians send an embassy of congra- tulation to Alexander.Preparations for invading Persia.First campaign of Alexander; he crosses the Hellespont with an army of35,000 men.Battle of Granicus; the satraps of Darius defeated with great loss.Dascylium, Sardis, and other places in Asia Minor surrender to Alexander.Miletus and Halicarnassus taken.Second campaign of Alexander.Conspiracy of Alexander, the son of Aëro- pus, and prince Amyntas.The Marmarians plunder Alexander's bag- gage; he returns and disperses them.The Lacedæmonians intrigue with Memnon against Alexander.443B.C. 333.333 Death of Memnon.CHRONOLOGY OF MACEDONIA.At Gordium, Alexander unties or cuts the Gordian knot ( see Asia Minor, B.C. 1449. )Cilicia subdued by Alexander.Alexander is taken ill of fever in Tarsus.Battle of Issus; Darius defeated.Parmenio takes Damascus.332 Third campaign of Alexander.Siege and fall of Tyre; 8000 of its inhabi- tants slain, and 30,000 sold into slavery.Gazataken byassault; Syria and Phoenicia conquered by Alexander.Palestine and Egypt subdued.City of Alexandria founded, as the centre of commerce between the east and west.Alexander visits the temple of Jupiter Am- mon; fable of the serpents.331 Fourth campaign of Alexander; he crosses the Euphrates, and marches towards the river Tigris.Battle of Arbela; Darius defeated.Battle of Gaugamela; defeat and flight of Darius; Alexander pursues him.Surrender of Babylon; Persia also submits to the conqueror.Honourable conduct of Alexander towards the wife and family of Darius.Invasion of Persia Proper; brave resistance of Ariobarzanes.Alexander enters Persepolis.Banquet; infamous proposal of Thais;Alexander sets fire to the royal palace.War of Antipater agnst. the confederacy of Alexander's hereditary states-successful.Alexander winters in Persepolis.330 Fifth campaign; Alexander marches his army into Media.Flight of Darius from Ecbatana; rapid pursuit of Alexander.Conspiracy of Bessus and another satrap.Alexander pursues them for the rescue of their royal prisoner, Darius.Murder of Darius by his rebellious satraps;they escape further eastward.Alexander treats the remains of Darius with respect, and has them sent into Persia for honourable interment in the royal sepul. at Persepolis; age of Darius 50 yrs.Transfer ofthe seat of government from Ma- cedonia to Susa in Babylon.Assumption of the royal dignity by Bessus ,under the title of Artaxerxes.Execution ofthe generals Philotas and his father Parmenio for a treasonable consp.Pursuit after Bessus further eastward.Alexander crosses the Cabul mountains in the winter, and receives the submission of Hyrcania, Aria, and Aornos.The Mardians and Zarangians defeated.Alexander crosses Mount Paropamisus and enters Bactria in pursuit of Bessus.Bessus is betrayed by Spitames, cruelly mutilated, and then put to death.Alexander claims divine honours.329 Sixth campaign; the Bactrians subdued.Alexander crosses the Oxus.He founds Alexandria on the Jaxartes.Spitames revolts; he is defeated by Conus,and murdered by his own people.The stronghold of Oxyartes reduced.Marriage of Alexander and Roxana, a Bac- trian princess.B.C. 324.329 Alexander passes the Tanais, and engages in war with the Scythians.He builds Paropamisus and other towns.Alexander winters in Nautica.328 Seventh campaign; Sogdiana reduced.Alexander winters in Bactria.327326In a drunken revel he kills Cleitus.Conspiracy of the band of pages; Calis- thenes, the philosopher, put to death.Eighth campaign; the Paropamisus moun- tain-ridge is passed in the spring.Division of the army; Hephaistion sent for ward with troops to cross the Cophenes.Conflict of Alexander with the barbarous tribes inhabiting the country.Alexander winters between the rivers Co- phenes and the Indus.Ninth campaign; Alexander crosses the Indus at Taxila.Submission of Taxilus, king of the Punjab,and other Indian princes.Alexander advances to the Hydaspes; Po- rus, an Indian king, disputes his passage.Defeat of Porus; he is reinstated in his throne, and his kingdom is extended.Bucephalia and Nicæa founded.Alexander leaves a division , under Craterus,for building and fortifying the new cities,and then crosses the river Acesines.Another king Porus subdued. (?)Alexander passes the river Hydraotes.War with several confederate independent tribes of Indians; they are defeated .Siege of Sangala; 17,000 Indians killed , and 70,000 made prisoners by Alexander.Sangala razed to the ground.325 Tenth campaign; Alexander prepares to pass the Hyphasis, but his Macedonian troops refuse to proceed further.324Army divided; Hephæstion and Craterus lead two divisions down the banks of the Hyphasis; a third division , under Alex- ander, sails down the river.Conflicts with the Malli, and other native tribes inhabiting either shore.Narrow escape of Alexander at the storm- ing ofthe Mallian citadel.Alexander reaches the mouth of the Indus in the month ofAugust.Nearchus despatched with the fleet on avoyage of discovery along the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf.Alexander leads the army along the coast,through the Gedrosian desert.The army arrives at Pura in October, and proceeds through Carmania and Persis towards Babylon.Meeting of Alexander and Nearchus at Susiana in the spring.Proclamation for the return ofthe exiles.Alexander marries the eldest daughter of the deceased Darius ( see 329.)Hephæstion marries her younger sister.Nearchus marries the daughter of Mentor.Marriage of eighty commanders to wives provided for them by Alexander.Alexander sails down the Eulous, and ascends the Tigris, for the purpose of ex- amining their maritime capabilities, &c.The obstructions of those rivers removed,and their beds deepened.Mutiny among Alexander's troops at Opis.444B.C. 324. CHRONOLOGY OF MACEDONIA. B.C. 323.324 Alexander marches into Media; he visits Ecbatana, at which place his friend Hephæstion is carried off by fever.Celebrated colossal monument erected in pyramidal terraces, by Deinocrates, to the memory of Hephæstion, by order of the emperor Alexander.The Cossaan war.Plan of Alexander for a geographical sur- vey ofthe Caspian Sea.323 Alexander arrives in Babylon, and instantly proceeds to beautify it, &c.Maritime projects, &c. of Alexander.Arrival of embassies from various parts of Africa and Europe.Magnificent sacrifice, preparatory to Alex- ander's intended southern expedition.Alexander dies in Babylon of fever, in the 33d year of his age, after a reign of 12 years and 8 months; May or June.[According to Arrian, Alexander was very handsome, his figure stately, his body well- proportioned, his mind brisk and active, his courage wonderful. He possessed the rare tact of exciting the courage of his soldiers; his unwearied vigilance secured to him many advan- tages; he was never imposed upon either by craft or by perfidy, and never himself used these bad arts against any one. Asto his vices and infirmities-let it be con- sidered to what a pitch ofglory he arrived,that he governed indisputably as king of both continents, and that his name, even in his own lifetime, was spread through every part ofthe habitable world; let these things be kept in mind, and it will readily be granted, that in comparison of his great character and astonishing exploits,his vices and infirmities were trifling, and ought hardly to be regarded as casting ashade on the bright annals of his eventful reign. "]323 Dispute respecting the succession.[The children born to Alexander by Asiatic women were not held entitled to enjoythe sovereignty of his European states.]Rivalry of Meleager and Perdiccas, for the regency of the empire; the former at- tempts the life of the latter.The army divided; civil war averted by acompromise; both parties consenting to set up Arrhidæus, Alexander's brother.Arrhidaus proclaimed king by the army.Perdiccas is appointed regent of the empire;Meleager next in command.Perdiccas treacherously effects the murder of Meleager, and the slaughter of 300 of the infantry who had supported him in the contest for the regency.Dismemberment of the Macedonian Empire, and Divisionof its several Provinces among the principalGenerals of Alexander's army.["What Alexander achieved, " says Dr. Hales, " in the short compass of his reign is altogether astonishing. When asked once, by what means he had effected such wonderful things, he answered, By postponing nothing." His measures, indeed, were all planned with the soberest and most deliberate circ*mspection; and then executed without delay, and with all the rapidity of the double-winged leopard ' in prophecy. What he accomplished, however, fell infinitely short of what he intended. He meditated the conquest of Africa and the rest of Europe; and in his tablets were found memorandums for building new cities in Europe and Asia-peopling the former with Asiatics, the latter with Europeans. The vast and capacious mind of this mighty conqueror was likely indeed to have produced a grand revolution in the state and manners of the ancient world, by promoting general intercourse among the several branches of his mighty empire," had he not been so prematurely cut down by the hand of death. He seems,adds the same author, " to have had a strong presentiment of the ensuing dissensions and con- vulsions after his death, kindled by the ambition of his generals; and to have despaired of his children's succession. He told his friends, that he was more troubled on their account than on his own; for he was afraid that after his death fortune would throwthe empire into the hands of some obscure and weak man.' When they inquired to whom he left the kingdom , he an- swered, to the most worthy;' and he gave his ring, when speechless, to Perdiccas. "]·66 ""B.C.CHRONOLOGY OF MACEDON AND THRACE.323 Philip II.-Arrhidæus, an imbecile half- brother of Alexander, is proclaimed king of Macedon, under the name of Philip.Alexander, son of Roxana, is born, and united, nominally, in the government.Perdiccas appointed regent of Macedon.The Lamian war, Macedon against Greece.Lysimachus, governor of Thrace (287.)Antipater defeated by Leosthenes.322 Leonatus, with a large army, comes to the aid of Antipater; he is killed.Craterus marches an army to the assistance of Antipater.The Macedonians occupy Munychia.Warbetween Perdiccas andAriarathes, king of Cappadocia; the latter is defeated and crucified.Cappadocia taken by Perdiccas.Revolt of the Greek soldiery in the upper provinces of the empire.They surrender to Pithon, and are pardon- ed; but Perdiccas has them cruelly mur- dered bythe Macedonian army.Arrhidæus marries Eurydice, grand- daugh- ter of Perdiccas III. (Greece, 359. )Antigonus comes to Macedon, and reveals the ambitious designs of Perdiccas.321 Perdiccas at war with Ptolemy.He carries Arrhidæus and Ægus with him.Perdiccas is slain in Egypt.Eurydice demands a share in the governmt.Antipater succeeds to the regency, which effectually silences Eurydice.320 Antipater conveys the joint kings, with Roxana and Eurydice, to Macedon.Aristotle writes a work on mechanics.The diving-bell in use.Death of Antipater; he names 319 Polysperchon as his successor, thus exclud- ing his own son Cassander.Rebellion of Eurydice, in which she com- pels her husband to join ( 322, 317.)Warbetween Polysperchon and Cassander.318 Polysperchon, aided by acides of Epirus,marches against Eurydice; her army de- serts her; she is made prisoner.Olympias recalled by Polysperchon (337.)317 Murder of Eurydice and Arrhidæus by order of Olympias.Approach of Cassander; Olympias flies to the citadel of Pydna.Cassander besieges Olympias in Pydna.Commerce with India through Egypt.316 Cassander takes Pydna; he puts Olympias to death; and recovers the bodies of Ar- rhidæus and Eurydice, which he buries with regal pomp. Cassander reigns.Marriage of Cassander and Thessalonice.315 Cassander at war with Antigonus.314 Roxana and her son, Alexander IV. , kept in custody by Cassander ( 329, 323, 320.)313 Cassander at war with the Etolians.3.1 Murder of Roxana and Alexander IV 310 Heracles claims the throne.B.C. 309 Polysperchon murders Heracles.301 The historian Hieronymus, of Cardia, fl.297 Philip succeeds his father, Cassander, for the short period of about four months.296 Philip dies; his brothers,Antipater and Alexander succeed.Demetrius Phalerius, the orator, withdraws into Egypt.294 Civil war between Alexanderand Antipater.Pyrrhus obtains a victory for Alexander.Demetrius Polyorcetes comes to the aid of Alexander; but he has him assassinated,and then seizes upon the throne.293 Demetrius reigns in Macedon.292 Revolt and subjugation of Thebes.291 Defeat of Lysimachus by the Getæ; he is made prisoner; but soon after he regains his liberty.Thebes again revolts-nowagnst. Demetrius.Demetrius drives Pyrrhus out of Thessaly.290 Subjugation of Thebes by Demetrius.289 Demetrius and Pyrrhus at war.Marriage of Demetrius and Lanassa, dau.of Agathocles, and wife of Pyrrhus.288 Theimmense armaments ofDemetriusexcite thesuspicion of Ptolemy and Lysimachus.Expulsion of Demetrius from Macedonia;the kingdom is divided between Lysim- achus and Pyrrhus.287286Pyrrhus reigns for about seven months.War between Pyrrhus and Lysimachus;Pyrrhus expelled.Lysimachus commences his reign over Ma- cedonia, in the thirty-seventh year of his rule in Thrace (323.)Ptolemy Ceraunus, elder brother of Pto- lemy Philadelphus, quits Egypt and comes to reside with Agathocles.284 Arsinoe, the wife of Lysimachus, impels her husband to murder his son Agathocles.Lysandra, and her brother Ceraunus, and other royal relatives escape to Seleucus.Lysimachia destroyed by an earthquake.Philelærus and other governors unite with Seleucus against Lysimachus.283 282281 War with Seleucus; defeat and death of Lysimachus at Cyropedium.Murder of Seleucus, by280Ptolemy Ceraunus, who now succeeds to the vacant throne of Macedon.He murders the sons of Lysimachus.Ceraunus at war with Antigonus.Invasion of the Gauls; they commit the most frightful ravages.279 War with the Gauls; defeat and death o'Ptolemy Ceraunus.Meleager succeeds Ptolemy.Antipater, king of Macedonia for 46 days.Irruption of the Gauls under Brennus.Sosthenes, the successor of Antipater, obtains a victory over them.The Gauls are a second time repulsed by Sosthenes, who falls himself in the battle.Interregnum for two years.446B.C. 277. CHRONOLOGY OF MACEDON AND THRACE.277 Antigonus Gonatus, son of Demetrius, now | 201 Philip in Asia Minor.becomes king of Macedon.He marries Philla, sister of Nicomedes,ruler of Bithynia (see Asia Minor. )274 War with Pyrrhus and the Gauls.Antigonus Gonatus expelled by Pyrrhus.Pyrrhus ( usurper) king of Macedonia.The royal sepulchres of Ægæ plundered.273 Cleonymus, the Spartan, solicits the aid of Pyrrhus against his countrymen; he as- sembles a large army at Megalopolis.272 Pyrrhus invades Sparta.He is killed at Argos.Restoration of Antigonus Gonatus (274.)[" This happy turn of affairs replaced An- tigonus at the head of his government;over which, from this period, he reigned 27 years, with little molestation at home,and without embroiling himself in the contending claims of Egypt and Syria. " ]251 Antigonus withdraws from his conflict with Aratus and retires to Macedonia.239 Death of Antigonus, aged 80 years.Demetrius II. (son) succeeds.[ The united power of the Achæans con- tinued, during the whole of this reign, to oppose the ascendency of Macedon.]229 Death of Demetrius; he bequeaths the king- dom to his infant son Philip.Antigonus Doson succeeds Demetrius II.; first as guardian to the young prince,Philip, and afterwards (by marrying the queen) in his own right, as sovereign of Macedon, till the boy should be qualified by age to succeed him.The kingdom prospers under his sway.224 Doson aids the Achæans against Sparta.222 Victory of Antigonus at Sellasia.221 The Illyrians invade Macedonia.220 Antigonus defeats the Illyrians, but soon after dies from fatigue.Philip V. succeeds his uncle , aged 17.He tries to promote peace between the Etolians and Achæans; failing in which,He assists the Achæans.219 Philip's arms successful in Greece; he re- duces Elis and other places.The Etolians sack Dium.Philip retaliates by plundering Thermæ.218 Philip celebrates the Nemæan games.215 Peace with Hannibal.213 Philip is suspected of having caused the death of Aratus, by having him poisoned.[ Of this suspicion, however, there does not seem sufficient ground for believing it to be well- founded. ]210 Philip captures Egina; and the next year 209 He again invades Elis.208 Philip in the Peloponnesus.205 Peace between Philip and the Etolians.Treaty with the Romans.202 War of Philip with Rhodes, &c.B.C. 147.200 War of Philip with Rome.197 Defeat of Philip at Cynocephalæ.He is compelled to accept peace on terms proposed by the Romans-to surrender Thessaly, Achæa, Phthiotis, &c.; to sa- tisfy the demands of Attalus and the other allies; to surrender his navy, and to pay Rome one thousand talents.196 The Thracian Chersonesus seized by Han- nibal for Antiochus.191192 Chalcis and other cities tkn. by Antiochus.Philip resolves on aiding the Romans.Conference between Philip and M. Acilius Glabrio, in Epirus, for concerting mea- sures against Antiochus.187186178Philip facilitates the march of the Romans.Demands of Eumenes, the Thessalians, and Perrhæbians, for cities and territories possessed by Philip.Philip appeals to Rome.The Senate decides against Philip.Philip sends his son, Demetrius to Rome,to appeal against the Senate's decision.The former judgment confirmed; Philip is therefore compelled to withdraw his garrisons from the towns in dispute.Jealousy between Demetrius and his elder brother, Perseus, heir to the throne.Demetrius poisoned by order of Philip.Death of Philip; his elder son,Perseus, suceeeds; he is obnoxious to the Roman Senate ( 186. )Foreseeingthat war with Rome is inevitable,Perseus conciliates the affections of his subjects by acts ofjustice and generosity.172 Eumenes visits Rome, to stir up war be- tween the Romans and Perseus.171 Perseus at war with the Romans.170He is accused of attempting the life of his rival, Eumenes.Licinius Crassus invades Macedon, but gains no advantages.Hostilius defeated in Thessaly.Perseus successfully resists the invasion of Marcius Philippus.169 Lucius Æmilius enters Macedonia.Perseus fails in his efforts to obtain allies.Cautious war- policy of Æmilius.168 Battle of Pydna; defeat and flight of Per- seus, who is made prisoner by the Ro- mans, and sent captive to Alba.[Thus byone decisive battle, Emilius strip- ped Perseus of his kingdom, put an end to his dynasty, and blotted Macedonia from the list of nations. ]Partition of Macedonia into four separate states or provinces.149 Andriscus the pretender.148 Metellus defeats Andriscus.147 Macedonia a Roman province.447CHRONOLOGY OF SYRIA.66 According to the new distribution of the Macedonian empire by the aged Protector, ' Antipater, the splendid government of Babylonia was granted to Seleucus, who had performed an important service in quashing the late sedition in the army. Thus was gratified the most eager desire of a young and ambitious chief, who, of all Alexander's officers, best understood the views and appreciated the magnificent designs of his master."B.C. Seleucus Nicator receives the government 299 Seleucus, jealous of the power of Lysima- ofthe province of Babylon.20 He opposes the views of the viceroy Poly- sperchon and his general Eumenes.Python, satrap of Media, takes refuge in the court of Seleucus.316 Antigonus (aided by Python and Seleucus)is defeated by Eumenes, near the river Coprates.Second battle, indecisive; Antigonus retires to Gamorga in Media.Defeat, betrayal, and death of Eumenes- the result of treachery.315 Antigonus breaks up the battalion of the Argyraspidæ.He puts Python to death, on suspicion of participating in a treasonable conspiracy.Antigonus visits Babylon.Seleucus, dreading his intention, quits Ba- bylon, and escapes to Egypt.Python, son of Agenor, placed over the pro- vinces of Syria by Antigonus.314 Confederation of princes agnst. Antigonus.Antigonus rejects the demands of the con- federates, and prepares for war.War of Antigonus with the confederates, in Lesser Asia, Greece, &c.313 The confederates desire peace, but Anti- gonus declines negociation.chus, marries the daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes, with whom he forms a league.Antioch, in Syria, and other cities, built.Commercial intercourse with India.294 Upper Asia ceded to Antiochus, son of Se- leucus.286 Surrender of Demetrius to Seleucus.284 Death of the captive Demetrius.281 Battle of Cyropedium; Lysimachus de- feated and slain,280278276Seleucus assassinated by Ptolemy Cerau- nus; he is succeeded by Antiochus I. ( Soter) son of Seleucus.Ptolemy Ceraunus seizes Pella, and is de- clared king.Antiochus invades Bithynia, but is repulsed by Nicomedes and the Gauls.Macedonia ceded to Antigonus.264 Antiochus aids the revolt of Magas against Ptolemy Philadelphus.War with Ptolemy, disadvantageous to Antiochus, by sea and land.263 Antiochus defeated by Eumenes.262 Invasion ofthe Gauls.261 Battle with the Gauls at Ephesus; Antio- chus defeated and killed.Antiochus II. (Theus) ascends the throne.War against the Gauls unsuccessful.Ptolemy determines to oppose the ambitious projects of Antigonus.256 Ptolemy defeated and Caria subdued by the arms of Antiochus.312 Battle of Gaza; Ptolemy and Seleucus are victorious. 250 One of the results of this battle was the Return of Seleucus to Babylon, at the head of 1000 infantry and 300 horse, confided to him by Ptolemy, after having defeated 249 Evagoras and Nicanor, who had opposed his progress.312 Foundation of the kingdom and dynasty of the Seleucidæ.Akingdom consisting of seventy- two satra- pies, and bounded by the Euphrates,Indus, and Oxus.[The commencement of the dynasty of the Seleucidæ took place in the first year of 117th Olympiad. ]Seleucus (Nicator) ascends the throne.305 War with Sandracottus of India; Seleucus crosses the Indus.Peace; league with Sandracottus.302 Confederacy against Antigonus renewed.301 Battle of Ipsus, which results in adding to the dominions of Seleucus, Syria, Cappa- docia, Mesopotamia, and Armenia.246Berosus, the historian, flourishes.Revolt of Theodotus; he founds The kingdom of Bactria.Arsaces founds The kingdom ofParthia.Antiochus finding he cannot retain his pos- sessions while at war with Ptolemy,speedily concludes a peace with him.He also puts away Laodice, and marries Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy.The succession settled uponthe issue ofthis latter marriage.Antiochus puts Berenice away after the death of her father; Laodice restored.Laodice poisons Antiochus, in order to secure her present position. Her son,Seleucus II., (Callinicus) succeeds.Berenice and her infant son assassinated by order of Laodice. Great indignation War with Egypt is the result.245 Antiochus Hierax, the brother of Seleucus,forms an alliance with the Gauls.244He goes to war with his brother for his dominions in Asia Minor.Defeat of Seleucus; he shuts himself up in Antioch. A change of policy succeeds.448B.C. 243. B.C. 190.CHRONOLOGY OF SYRIA.243 Seleucus, now assisted by Hierax, compels | 207 Euthydemus successfully negociates for Ptolemy to consent to aTen years' truce; Ptolemy, therefore, with- draws his army from Syria.242 War renewed between Antiochus and his brother Hierax.Loss of territory occasioned by the successes of Eumenes, king of Pergamus.240 Hierax leads 100,000 Gauls into the province of Babylonia.Seleucus defeats them; and Hierax escapes to Egypt, where he is detained a prisoner for thirteen years.End ofthe war with Hierax.238 First war against Arsaces of Parthia.236 Second war against Arsaces; Seleucus made prisoner and detained until his death.227 Hierax being liberated in Egypt, sets off for Syria, but is killed in the Arabian desert.226 Seleucus Callinicus ( in captivity) falls from his horse and is killed .Seleucus III. (Ceraunus) succeeds.War with Attalus.223 Aparturius and Nicanor treacherously pro- cure the murder of Seleucus; he is suc- ceeded by his brother,Antiochus III. (the Great) under the guar- dianship of the general Achæus.222 Treasonable conduct of Hermeias.Rebellion of Molon and Alexander, satraps of Media and Persis.Xenon and Theodotus are sent against the rebels, but suffer defeat.Antiochus suffers defeat in Cole- Syria.Xenætas and his army cut to pieces by Molon, who then seizes Babylon.Marriage of Antiochus ( see Asia Minor. )220 Antiochus marches against the rebels.Defection of the rebels; they desert to their sovereign, Antiochus.Molon, Alexander, and Niolans commit suicide; the rebellion quelled.Revolt of Achæus, occasioned bythe craft and malice of Hermeias.Hermeias put to death.219 War with Ptolemy for Cole- Syria.Antiochus reduces most of the strongholds206205203201199198peace with Antiochus.Peace with Parthia and Bactria.Expedition into India for elephants.Antiochus returns, having obtained 150 of those animals and immense booty.War with Egypt after the death of Ptolemy Philopater.[" The circ*mstance of Ptolemy Epiphanes being a mere child, appears to have sug- gested to the king of Syria and to Philip,of Macedon, the ungenerous project of seizing upon his dominions. The former at the head of a victorious army, and the latter, having under his command the finest fleet at that time on the sea, pro- ceeded without delay to accomplish their scheme of partition ."]Antiochus invades and reduces Cole. Syria and Palestine.Alliance of Attalus, of Pergamus, with the Rhodians, Romans, and Egyptians, for resisting both Antiochus and Philip.Scopas, an Etolian chief, prepares to attack Cole- Syria, &c.Embassy from Rome to Antiochus.The Syrian army is withdrawn from Asia Minor, and sent against Scopas.Antiochus defeats Scopas at Panium; who first takes refuge in Sardis, and then sur- renders with his army.Antiochus conqrs. Palestine and Phoenicia.197 War for the lost provinces in Asia Minor and the lost cities of Greece.196of Cole- Syria; he also gets possession of Seleucia Pieria. 195 218 Negociations for peace broken off by the Egyptians. 193 217 Battle of Raphia; Antiochus defeated;Cole- Syria, Palestine, and Phoenicia re- stored to Egypt.Peace with Egypt.Antiochus at war with Achæus, who is now in alliance with Mithridates, k. of Pontus.216 Antiochus is joined by Attalus.Defeat of Achæus; he shuts himself up in the citadel of Sardis.215 Siege of Sardis; it is captured bystratagem in the night.214 Achæus, in the citadel, is betrayed by Ba- lis into Antiochus's hands.Achæus put to death.Laodice encourages the garrison in the citadel to hold out.Surrender of the garrison.213 War against the Parthians and Bactrians.211 Antiochus defeats Arsaces, and compels him to join against Euthydemus.207 Victory of Antiochus on the Arius.449192Ardyes and Mithridates besiege Sardis.Antiochus proceeds with a fleet of 100 galleys to Ephesus.Alliance with Egypt; treaty of marriage between Antiochus's daughter, Cleopatra,and Epiphanes.Antiochus, assisted bythe military skill of Hannibal, seizes the Thracian Cheronese.The hostility of Rome provoked by the conquests of Antiochus.Rebuilding of Lysimachia commenced.Conference between the Roman ambassador and Antiochus at Lysimachia; the latter rejects the interference of the former.Antiochus continues to pursue his war policy in Asia Minor.Conference at Rome, between ambassadors from Antiochus and the Senate.The Etolians solicit the aid of Antiochus against the encroachments of Rome.Hannibal counsels Antiochus to carry war into Italy; but his courtiers urge a differ- ent course.Antiochus, following the advice of his flat- terers, invades Greece.Antiochus reduces Chalcis and obtains pos- session of several other cities.Rome declares war against Antiochus.Antiochus winters in Chalcis.He marries the daughter of Cleoptolemus.191 War with Rome commenced.Antiochus is opposed in Greece by the consul M. Acilio Glabrio.Defeat of Antiochus in Greece; he returns to Asia Minor.190 Naval defeat off Corycus.Antiochus invades Pergamus.Naval defeat off Pamphylia.2 GB.C. 190. CHRONOLOGY OF SYRIA. B.C. 126.190 Antiochus negociates for peace; but the Romans reject the proposal.Battle of Magnesia; total defeat of Antio- chus by the consul L. C. Scipio.Peace with Rome; conditions:-Antiochus to resign all pretensions to Europe, to pay to Rome 15,000 talents within twelve yrs. ,to pay Eumenes 400 talents and a large quantity of corn; to deliver up Hannibal and others, and to give twenty hostages.189 Armenia revolts.188 Distressed condition of Syria.187 Death ofAntiochus. Thetreasury ofAntio- chus being exhausted, he attacks by night the temple of Elymais, the great empo- rium of the merchants, and is killed in the fray (see 165.)Seleucus IV. (Philopater) succeeds.Antiochus, the king's younger brother, ahostage at Rome (190.)Syria a dependency of Rome.186 City of Artaxata, in Armenia, built.180 Seleucus desirous of relieving the irksome confinement ofhis bro. , a hostageat Rome,sends his son, Demetrius, as his substitute .176 Heliodorus sent by Antiochus to plunder the temple of Jerusalem.175 Philopater poisoned by Heliodorus, who aims at usurping the throne.He is expelled the kingdom by Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes ) who ascends the throne, with the concurrence of Eumenes and Attalus, to the prejudice of his nephew, Demetrius.Antiochus adopts a trifling behaviour, and is despised for meanness and frivolity.171 Epiphanes, renewing the Syrian claim for Coele- Syria and Palestine, invades Egypt.Battle of Pelusium; Antiochus victorious.170 Antiochus again victorious; Philometer defeated and made prisoner.Egypt, as far as Alexandria, subdued by the arms of Antiochus.169 Siege of Alexandria.Antiochus liberates Philometer in order to thwart the views of Evergetes.168 Roman interference; Epiphanes surrenders Cyprus and Pelusium.167 Epiphanes provokes a revolt of the Jews (see Palestine. )165 Expedition into Upper Asia.Antiochus makes a sacrilegious attack upon the temple of Elymais ( 187. )He is defeated and escapes to Ecbatana.News of his losses in Palestine reach Antio- chus at Ecbatana.164 Death of Epiphanes at an obscure village on his wayto Babylon. His successor is Antiochus V. (Eupator) nine years old.[ Eupator, on ascending the throne, found that the kingdom of Syria had been re- duced within narrow limits; Babylonia,Persia, and all the countries between the Euphratesand the Indushaving been lost. ]Lysias, guardian of the young king.162 Revolution in Antioch in favour of Deme trius, who had escaped from Rome.Demetrius I. (Soter) succeeds.162 Eupator and Lysias are put to death by the Syrian army,161 War with the Jews of Palestine.153 Rise of Alexander Balas; a Rhodian youth named Balas, personates the character of a son of Epiphanes, now dead some years.The Romans give ear to Balas' pretensions,and render him military aid.152 Balas takes possession of Ptolemais.151 The Jews assist Alexander Balas.150 Battle between Balas and Demetrius; the latter defeated and killed.148147146143142141139Alexander Balas, the Rhodian swindler,ascends the throne of the Seleucidæ, by the aid ofhis father- in- law, Ptolemy.[ Philopater had given his daughter, Cleo- patra, as wife to Balas, see 147. ]Balas disgusts his subjects by his vanity,voluptuousness, and profligacy.Arrival of Demetrius Nicator from Crete.Ptolemy so disgusted with Balas, that he de- priveshimofCleopatra, and turns agst.him.Ptolemy espouses the cause of the rightful heir to the throne-Demetrius; to whom he gives his daughter, Cleopatra, as wife.Ptolemy and the young Demetrius defeat Balas near Antioch.Balas murdered in the Arabian desert.Demetrius II. ( Nicator) succeeds.Ptolemy dies of his wounds.Feeble and versatile conduct of Demetrius.He also disbands his mercenary troops;which causes much dissatisfaction.Rebellion of Diodotus Tryphon, who sets upthe son of Alexander Balas.Defeat of Demetrius near Antioch.Antiochus VI. ( Balas' son) proclaimed.Demetrius escapes for refuge to a fortress of Seleucia Pieria.Tryphon murders the youngking Antiochus,and usurps the entire government.Demetrius's grant to the Jews (? 142. )140 Demetrius quits his retreat to assist the Parthian insurgents in Upper Asia.Antiochus Sidetes marries Cleopatra, the wife of his brother Demetrius, by virtue of which union he claims the throne.War between Antiochus and Tryphon; the latter is defeated and pursued into Pho- nicia, and thence into Apamea.Death ofTryphon, the usurper.138 Demetrius defeated and made prisoner by Mithridates; sent captive into Hyrcania.He marries the daughter of Mithridates.137 Antiochus VII. ( Sidetes) succeeds.134 Expedition of Sidetes against Judea.133 Peace granted to Judea.129 Expedition into Parthia; Antiochus obtains many advantages.128[" The nation at large conceiving that De- 126 metrius could not have left Rome without the concurrence of the Senate, hailed his accession with joy."]Antiochus and his army cut off in Parthia.Demetrius II. ( Nicator) having returned from exile, either by accident or inten- tion, resumes his troubled reign.[" Demetrius's marriage with the Parthian princess, Rhodogyne, not only alienated his wife Cleopatra ( 138 ) , but brought upon him the indignation of the friends of Egypt in Syria. " ]Demetrius imprudently involves himself in a war with Egypt, in support of the pre- tensions of the queen regent.Intrigues against Demetrius in Egypt.450B.C. 125. CHRONOLOGY OF SYRIA. B.C. 62.eignty in opposition to Seleucus.Seleucus defeated; flies into Cilicia, where he soon after perishes.Antiochus XI. , the2nd son of Grypus, contends unsuccessfully with his cousin Eusebes.Philippus, another son of Grypus, at war with his cousin Eusebes.The Parthians support Eusebes.125 Alexander Zabina, the son ofan Alexandrian | 94 Antiochus X. (Eusebes) assumes the sover- broker, is stirred up by the Egyptian king to claim the throne of Syria, as son of Alexander Balas; hence-Civil war.Demetrius being defeated escapes to Tyre.Demetrius murdered at the instigation of his profligate wife, Cleopatra ( 121.)Alexander II. usurps the throne.Seleucus, the eldest son of Demetrius, dis- putes Alexander's claim for afewmonths.He falls a victim to his mother's rage and his brother's jealousy ( 121.)Antiochus VIII. (Grypus) succeeds.He marries the daughter of Physcon; and receives powerful support from Egypt.124 Cleopatra assumes a share ofthe governmt.Civil war between Antiochus and the pre- tender, Alexander II.123 Cleopatra puts forward the claims of her son, Cyzicenus, by Sidetes ( 140, 114. )War against Alexander continued.Defeat and flight of Alexander.He attempts to rob a temple of its treasures and is killed (? 122.)121 Grypus, fearing the intrigues of his mother,Cleopatra, effects her murder.116 Antiochus Cyzicenus, instigated by his in- triguing Egyptian wife, raises an army to dislodge his half-brother from the throne.114 Civil war, between Antiochus Grypus and Antiochus Cyzicenus; he withdraws to Aspendus.Grypus defeated and dethroned.Antiochus IX. (Cyzicenus) succeeds.His vices and folly insult his people.112 Return of Grypus; he defeats Cyzicenus,who retreats into Cole- Syria.82758370111 Accommodation between the brothers; the 69 kingdom partitioned; Grypus_reigns in Antioch over Upper Syria; Cyzicenus rules at Damascus over Cole- Syria.The Euphrates now forms the boundary of 65 the Syrian kingdom .Loss of Upper Asia (see Parthia.)Revolt of Judea.96 Civil war renewed between the brothers.Grypus murdered by an ambitious retainer who aspires to the crown.95 Seleucus, the eldest son of Grypus, defeats his uncle, Cyzicenus, who is slain.Civil war, between Seleucus and Eusebes,the son of Cyzicenus.Philippus is defeated and expelled his kgdm.Demetrius Eucaerus, the fourth son of Gry- pus, asserts his claim.Advancing from Cnidas with an army, he is seized bythe Parthians, and sent into cap- tivity, and soon after dies.Antiochus XII. ( Minor) ascends the throne of Cœle-Syria.For two years he maintains his throne against Eusebes, against his brother Philippus,and against the predatory Arabs.Battle with the Arabs; Antiochus defeated and slain.The people of Antioch, disgusted with the descendants of Seleucus Nicator, invite Tigranes to accept the sovereign rule.Eusebes escapes into Cilicia; and Selené , his wife, retires, with her two infant sons, into a fortress of Commagne.Antiochus Asiaticus goes to Rome.Tigranes, king of Armenia and Syria.["Tigranes governed Syria with more vigour than mildness for the space of fourteen years, after which period the country of the Selucidæ ceased to be a kingdom . "]Tigranes receives Mithridates at his court,and refuses to deliver him up to Lucullus on the demand of Appius Claudius.Lucullus drives Tigranes out of Syria.Antiochus XIII. ( Asiaticus) son of Eusebes and Selené (82), prefers his claim, which Lucullus receives favourably.Pompey thwarts the plans of Lucullus, with reference to the restoration of the Syrian kingdom to Antiochus Asiaticus.The youth, Antiochus Asiaticus, driven from the tent of Pompey, and expelled the king.dom of his ancestors, as unworthy to reign,and as unentitled to any compensation for the loss of his hereditary dominions.End ofthe reign ofthe Selucida.62 Syria reduced by Pompey into a Roman province.451 2G 2CHRONOLOGY OF ASIA MINOR.At the dissolution ofthe Macedonian empire several petty kingdoms sprung into existence in this portion of the dismembered territory: -in Cappadocia Eumenes is made king; Antigonus reigns over Phrygia, Lycia, and Pamphylia; the king of Pontus is Mithridates II. ( Ctistes ),descended from the Persian line of royalty; he also reigns over Paphlagonia; Zipates reigns in Bithynia, and Mysia falls to Leonatus.B.C.323 Leonatus quits Mysiaand passes into Europe,attracted bythe hope of obtaining Cleo- patra, and with her the kingdom of Ma- cedon (see Greece, B.C. 337. )Epicurus leaves Samos for Athens.322 Ariarathes, of Cappadocia, defeated by Per- diccas, made prisoner, and put to death.Eumenes invested with the government of Cappadocia by Perdiccas.321 Antipater and Craterus come into Asia Minor to fight with Perdiccas.Eumenes defeats Craterus; the latter falls in the battle.The provinces of Triparadisus divided.320 Antigonus, of Phrygia, defeats Eumenes of Cappadocia; he besieges him in Nora.318 Eumenes escapes from Nora.317 Polysperchon appoints Eumenes comman- der in the East.316 Battle of Gabiene; defeat of Eumenes by Antigonus.The Argyraspidæ betray Eumenes to Anti- gonus, who kills him."315 Zipates, of Bithynia, (who succeeded Bas in 326) is at war with Chalcedon (278. )Antigonus opposed by Cassander, Lysima- chus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy.Mithridates of Pontus an ally of Eumenes.314 Antigonus, of Phrygia, seizes Phoenicia.312 Ariarathes III. , king of Cappadocia (? 315. )Defeat of Demetrius, son of Antigonus, at Gaza, by Ptolemy and Seleucus.311 General peace.310 Outbreak between Ptolemy and Antigonus.Epicurus flourishes at Mytilene, &c.306 Demetrius, son of Antigonus, defeats Pto- lemy of Egypt in a sea- fight off Salamis.Antigonus assumes the regal title ( 320.)He unsuccessfully invades Egypt.304 Demetrius besieges Rhodes.303 Demetrius returns to Greece having con- cluded a peace with the Rhodians.302 Antigonus murders Ctistes of Pontus.Mithridates III. , of Pontus, succeeds Mith- ridates II. , who began to reign, 337 ( 266. )301 Demetrius joins his father Antigonus.Battle ofIpsus; Antigonus defeated and slain (aged 81) by Seleucus and Lysimachus.Demetrius Poliorcetes, king of Phrygia, &c.300 Demetrius master of Cilicia.Lycon, the Peripatetic, born at Troas.299 Stratonice married to Seleucus.290 Colossus of Rhodes begun by Chares of Lindus, a pupil of Lysippus (? 292. )Mithridates III. , of Pontus, seizes on Pa- phlagonia and Cappadocia ( 284.)288 Colossus of Rhodes finished (? 280. )[ Those who place the beginning of this magnificent work at B.C. 300 are correct in assigning this date for its completion.See, however, B.C. 290 and 280. ]Affinity between Ariamnes of Cappadocia and the Seleucidæ.B.C. 288 Ariarathes IV. , king of Cappadocia.286 Zipates of Bithynia at war with Lysima- chus of Thrace.Demetrius captured by Seleucus of Syria.284 Ariamnes II., king of Cappadocia.283 Philetarus, of Pergamus, asserts the inde- pendence of Mysia.He patronizes the arts-architecture, &c.281 Deft. and death of Lysimachus by Seleucus.280 Birth of Chrysippus, the Stoic.Colossus of Rhodes finished by Laches (290. )Rhodes the most beautiful city of all the Grecian cities at this period.Murder of Seleucus.278 Nicomedes I., king of Bithynia (246. )The Gauls, discomfited at Delphi, comeinto Galatia on the invitation of Nicomedes of Bithynia; they enter his service.266 Ariobarzasus III. , king of Pontus (240. )He is unsuccessful against Sinopë.263 Eumenes I. , king of Mysia ( Phrygia, &c. )He defeats Antiochus, king of Syria, and possesses himself of Eolis.262 Antiochus defeated at Sardis.252 The Gauls in Asia Minor (see 278.)They besiege Mithridates III. in Pontus.250 Hieronymus, of Rhodes, flourishes.248 Ariarathes III., king of Cappadocia.246 Zielas, king of Bithynia,? 250 (228.)241 Attalus I., king of Pergamus ( Mysia. )240 Mithridates IV., king of Pontus ( 242. )239 The Gauls, from Galatia, invade Mysia, but are repulsed by Attalus (278.)228 Prusias I. , king of Bithynia (180. )224 Earthquake; the celebrated Colossus of Rhodes thrown down (? 222.)222 Marriageof Antiochus with Laodicë, daugh- ter of Mithridates of Pontus (220.)220 Prusias at war with Byzantium .Mithridates at war with Sinopë.Ariarathes IV. (a child) kg. of Cappadocia.Marriage of Achæus with Laodice, another dau. of Mithridates, of same name (222. )Victory of Ariarathes over the Parthians.Prusias of Bithynia defeats the Gauls.Attalus of Mysia forms an alliance with Antiochus of Syria.217 216| 208 214 Achæus falls into the power of Antiochus.Attalus, as an ally of Rome, joins the Eto- lians against Philip, &c.207 Prusias of Bithynia invades Mysia.Apollonius, of Pergamus, mathematician.206 Zeno, of Tarsus, philosopher, fl.205 General treaty and peace.200 Attalus, of Mysia, visits Athens.198 Attalus introduces books with vellum leaves;now adopted instead of rolls (? 175. )197 Eumenes II . , king of Pergamus, Mysia.He joins Rome against Syria.Prusias of Bithynia goes against Heraclea.192 Marriage of Ariarathes IV. , of Cappadocia,with Antiochis, daughter of Antiochus.Hejoins Antiochus against Rome.452B.C. 191 . CHRONOLOGY OF ASIA MINOR. B.C. 36.191 Eumenes and the Romans victorious in a | 108 Mithridates (Eupator) , having formed an sea-fight with the Syrians.190 Pharnaces I. , king of Pontus ( 157. )188 Largeaccessions to the territory of Eumenes at the close of the war with Syria.184 Prusias, of Bithynia, at war with Eumenes,the war being instigated by Hannibal.183 Pharnaces of Pontus reduces Sinopë.Ariarathes IV. , of Cappadocia, an ally of Eumenes against Pharnaces of Pontus.Death of Hannibal at the court of Prusias ofBithynia (? 182.)182 Pharnaces at war with Eumenes II. of Per- gamus, till 179.180 Prusias II. , king of Bithynia (149.)179 Morzes, king of Paphlagonia.Peace between Pharnaces and Eumenes.175 Eumenes II. establishes a library and mu- seum at Pergamus.Parchment introduced as a new discovery (? in 198, or in 137, which see.)169 Secret correspondence of Eumenes with Perseus of Macedonia.[ He thus loses the friendship of Rome. ]166 Prusias III. , king of Bithynia.164 Irruption of the Trocmi into Cappadocia.Discoveries at Pergamus.162 Ariarathes V. (Mithridates Philopator) king of Cappadocia (158, 155.)160 Embassy from Ariarathes to Rome.159 Attalus II. , king of Pergamus ( Mysia. )158 Holophernes having driven Ariarathes from his kingdom, reigns in his stead (162. )Ariarathes takes refuge at Rome.157 Mithridates V.(Evergetes) k. ofPontus(120. )156 Mithridates of Pontus becomes an ally of Rome against Aristonichus.155 Attalus assists Philopator (Ariarathes V.)against Holophernes, who is dethroned.Philopator re-ascends the throne (162, 158. )154 Warbetween Attalus and Prusias.153 Peace; the result of Roman mediation.Attalus of Pergamus patronizes literature.149 Prusias of Bithynia murdered by his son,Nicomedes II. (Epiphanes) Bithynia ( 91. )Alliance betw. Nicomedes and Mithridates.138 Attalus III., king of Pergamus (Mysia. )137 Books having leaves of vellum invented by Attalus of Pergamus (? 198 or 175.)135 Birth of Mithridates (the Great. )Two Comets for 72 consecutive days.134 Attalus of Pergamus bequeaths his kingdom to the Romans (129.)133 Aristonicus claims the sovereignty of Perga- mus (Mysia) ( 129.)131 Pilamenes I., king of Paphlagonia.He is an ally of the Romans.Crassus at war with Aristonicus.Mithridates of Pontus an ally of Rome.130 Phrygia Magna bestowed on Evergetes of Pontus by the Romans.Crassus defeated and killed by Aristonicus.Ariarathes VI. (a minor) k. of Cappadocia.129 Aristonicus of Mysia taken prisoner and put to death by the Romans (133. )Pergamus annexed to the Roman empire.120 Evergetes of Pontus is slain at Sinopë.Mithridates VI. ( Eupator) , -Pontus (63.)114 Ariarathes VI. marries Laodice, sister of Mithridates Eupator.112 Mithridates drives the Scythians fromthe Tauric Chersonese.96alliance with the Germans and others,seizes upon Paphlagonia.Mithridates of Pontus puts his brother-in- law, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, to death.Laodice marries the aged Nicomedes (149. )The Armenian kingdom is founded by Tigranes I.94 Mithridates destroys the son and successor of Ariarathes and Laodice of Cappadocia, and places his own son upon the throne.Ariobarzanes I. appointed king of Cappado- cia by the Romans (63.)93He is expelled by Mithridates (92, 90, 88, 84. )92 Galatia conquered by Mithridates.Sylla restores Ariobarzanes to his kgdm. (93. )91 Socrates murders his father, Nicomedes II . ,king of Bithynia (see 149. )Nicomedes III. ( son) succeeds (88. )90 Second expulsion of Ariobarzanes.89 M. Aquillius has him restored (93. )88 Nicomedes expelled by Mithridates,who sup- ports the claims of Socrates the parricide.Third expulsion of Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, by Mithridates.Mithridates' first war with Rome, begun by Massacre of 80,000 Roman citizens in one day in Asia Minor, by his order.87 Reverses of Mithridates; Sylla is victorious.86 BattleofChæronea; Archelaus( Mithridates's lieut.) defeated, with a loss of 110,000 men.84 Peace between Mithridates and the Romans;Mithridates restores Bithynia to Nico- medes III., Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes,and Paphlagonia to Pilæmenes.Nicomedes bequeaths his kingdom(Bithynia)to the Romans (see Rome, 74.)7574 Bithynia added to the Roman empire.Mithridates's second war with Rome.72 He is compelled to retire into Armenia.64 Dejotarius, king of Galatia.He extends his dominion by taking possession of Armenia Minor.63 Pharnaces II. , king of Pontus, having trea- cherously procured the death of Mithri- dates, is rewarded bythe Romans with the kingdom of Bosporus.53 Ariobarzanes II. , king of Cappadocia.48 Ariobarzanes espouses the cause of Pompey against Cæsar (42. )47 Cæsar pardons Ariobarzanes, and gives him an additional extent of territory.Cæsar defeats Pharnaces II. , king of Pon- tus; he escapes to Bosporus, where he is slain by Asander.Pontus added to the Roman empire.42 Cassius puts Ariobarzanes to death (53.)Ariarathes VII. , king of Cappadocia.39 Antony makes a son of Pharnaces- Darius, king of Pontus.3836Prosperous condition of Ephesus.[About this time it rises to importance nearly equal with that of Antioch, as a trading and commercial city. ]Antony deposes Ariarathes VII. of Cappa- docia, and puts him to death; he appoints Archelaus king of Cappadocia.[Archelaus reigned 50 years. ]Heremoves Darius of Bosporus, and appoints Polemo to succeed him.Asia Minor annexed to the Roman empire.453CHRONOLOGY OF PARTHIA AND BACTRIA.These kingdoms sprang into existence at the same time, both being the offspring of revolt against the dominion of Syria. The history of Bactria is but little known, for the records respecting it have nearly all been lost; but we are better supplied with the details of the history of Parthia. The chronology of the two kingdoms may, with no great impropriety, be included in one category."The Parthians, a rude tribe of mountaineers from the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea,wearing large loose caps upon their heads, and armed with short javelins and bows, marched in company with the neighbouring tribes of the Chorasmians and Sogdians, amidst that countless multitude of nations whom Xerxes led against Greece. " Such is the earliest notice of the Parthian name to be found in history."Arsaces," says Mr. Fynes Clinton, " first acquired Parthia and then Hyrcania. His successors gradually extended their dominion over the adjacent provinces, until it included almost all the countries east of the Euphrates, which had belonged to the old Persian monarchy. "B.C.250 Arsaces kills Agathocles, and expels the Macedonians from Parthia.[Parthia consisted of eighteen satrapies. ]Arsaces, first king of Parthia.Theodotus, first king of Bactria.248 Arsaces II. ( Tiridates I. ) king of Parthia.He extends his kingdom by conquest.[ Eachofthe Parthiankgs. assumedthename ofthe founder of the kingdom-Arsaces . ]244 Seizure of Hyrcania by Arsaces II.243 Theodotus II. , king of Bactria.He forms a league with Arsaces II.238 War of Arsaces with Seleucus Callinicus;great victory of the Parthians.236 Arsaces takes Seleucus prisoner.221 Euthydemus deposes Theodotus II. king of Bactria; and ascends the throne.He opens commercial relations with India.217 War of Arsaces with Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, in which Arsaces is slain.B.C. 174 Arsaces VI. (Mithridates)-Parthia ( Blair,164. )-a wise and virtuous prince.Prosperous condition ofthe Parthian king- dom in this reign.168 Eucratidas defeats Demetrius of India, and annexes his dominions to Bactria proper.[So confused are the brief notices which exist of the kings of Bactria, that it is doubtful whether Menander (206) lived before Eucratidas or not. ]165143216 Arsaces III. ( Artabanus I. )-Parthia.212 Invasion of Parthiaby Antiochus the Great,and expulsion of Artabanus.140211 Artabanus, after much vicissitude of war,regains his throne; next year 138210 All claims on Parthia and Hyrcania are renounced by Antiochus.League with Antiochus the Great. 137 [From this time much uncertainty prevails for about 100 years, respecting the kings of Parthia-their number, names, and periods being much confused. ]207 Euthydemus defeated by Antiochus.206 Menander reigns over the Indian and other eastern provinces of Bactria.He carries on successful wars against Media and other countries.Renewed invasion of Parthia by Antiochus.Arsaces resists him with an army of 20,000 horse and 100,000 foot.Treaty of Arsaces with Antiochus.196 Arsaces IV. ( Priapatius)-Parthia.His sons are Phraates (181 ) , Mithridates (174) , and Artabanus (129.)188 Armenia formed into a kingdom under the patronage of Antiochus the Great.Artaxias I., first king of Armenia.Demetrius (son of Euthydemus, 221 ) king of India, i.e. the Bactrian provinces of India.181 Arsaces V. ( Phraates) ( by revolt) -Parthia (Howlett, 175. )Eucratidas, king of Bactria-during whose reign Bactria flourished.178 Arsaces gains a victory over the Mardians.At his death his brother obtains the kgdm.136Defeat of the Bactrians by Arsaces.Victories of Arsaces over the Elymæans and other barbarous tribes.Artaxias, of Armenia, defeated by Antio- chus IV. (Epiphanes) , and made prisoner.Eucratides, of Bactria, assassinated by Eucratides II. ( son) who succeeds.Alliance with Demetrius II . king of Syria.Arsaces' dominions extend to the Euphra- tes, west, and to the Hydaspes, east.Eucratides and Demetrius invade Parthia.Revolt ofthe Parthian provinces; aided by Demetrius of Syria.Defeat of the confederated kings by Arsa- ces; loss to Bactria of several provinces;Demetrius taken prisoner; he remains ten years in captivity in Hyrcania.Marriage of Demetrius and Rhodogyne,daughter of Mithridates.Arsaces becomes master of Babylonia and Mesopotamia, &c.134 Arsaces VII. (Phraates II.)-Parthia.130 Bactria overrun by the nomade hordes of Central Asia. -Fall of Bactria (? 120. )War of Parthia with the eastern nomade tribes-Scythians, &c.Great battle with the Scythians; defeat and death of Phraates II.129 Arsaces VIII. (Artabanus II. ) Parthia.War with the Scythians continued.Syrian invasion under Antiochus Sidetes- at first disastrous to Parthia.128 Total destruction of Antiochus' army; An- tiochus slain.126125124108Artabanus defeated and killed in battle with the Scythians (Thogarii. )Arsaces IX. (Mithridates II. ) also known as Pacorus I.- Parthia.Mithridates is victorious, in successive years,over the Scythians, with whom several sanguinary battles are fought.Tranquillity is restored by Mithridates.97 The kingdoms of Armenia, Major and Minor, rise into notice at this time, under the celebrated Tigranes.454INDEX.ACHEA in alliance with Lacedæmon, 108Achæan League, 314 its constitution and extent, 315measures of Aratus for its support, 324 in alliance with Antigonus, 325makes war against Sparta, 325 defeated by Cleomenes, 326 defeated by the Etolians, 330 naval defeat of the, 358 Achæus, fidelity of, 298 revolt of, 299 increased power of, 302is betrayed and put to death, 303 Acropolis of Corinth, surprise of, 321 Eras of Greece, the most important, 2Eschines, in the deputation to Philip, 145 and Demosthenes, from the PhocæanCongress, 152 Etolians obtain a peace from Antipater, 244 their incursions on the territories of theAchæan League, 329 Agesilaus, his success in Asia Minor, 65 return of, 66 marches into Boeotia, 80 (see Epamei- nondas)Agiatis (widow of Agis the Spartan king), her influence, 336 death of, 341 Agis, murder of, 325 Alexander at the battle of Charonea, 163 his accession to the throne of Macedon,167his generosity and sagacity, 168at the Amphictyonic council, 169 is elected generalissimo of the Greeks,170his warlike preparations, 170 reduces Thrace, 171 advances against the Triballi, 172 conquers the Getæ, 172receives an embassy from the Celts, 172 returns to Macedon, 173 marches upon Thessaly, 174 takes Thebes by storm, 175, 176 his demands on Athens, 177prepares for the invasion of Persia, 178 passes the Granicus, 179Alexander is in imminent peril , 1819 his rapid successes, 182 captures Halicarnassus, 184 marches to Phrygia, 185-, conspiracy against his life, 185 conquers Phrygia, 185 subdues Cilicia, 190"his interview with his physician , 191 marches to the highland of Cilicia , 191humanity of, after the battle of Issus,197-198takes Tyre by assault, 200reduces Syria, Judæa, Samaria, and Phoenicia, 201 founds Alexandria, 202visits the temple of Ammon, 202, 203 receives reinforcements from Macedon,208, his rapid pursuit of Darius, 210 reduces Bactria and the Bactrian fort,212marries Roxana, 212 builds Alexandria and other towns inthe neighbourhood of Parapomisus, 213 his expedition to India, 215 founds Nicea and Bucephalia, 216 is wounded at a fort of the Malli, 217rescued by the Macedonians, 218marries the daughter of Darius, 218 his domestic politics, 219commercial and agricultural views, 219 -, meeting of his troops, 220 enters Babylon, 221 receives numerous embassies, 222, his death and character, 222, 223, 417 view of his policy, 225-8, 402-7 changes resulting from his death, 228 his family, 229 -, preparations for his funeral, 232 his conquests, true value of, 400objects of the Punjabee settlements, 402 deficiencies in the histories of, 413his access to topography and ethnology,414his northern campaign, 415 his return from India, 417Alexander, son of Roxana, birth of, 231456 INDEX.Alexander Zebina (Alexander II . ) , usurps the throne; his reign of six years; he is put to death, 387Alexandria, siege of, by Antiochus, 382 ( see also Alexander)its felicitous situation, 406 Alexandrian cities, favourable position of, 403 Amphictyonic Council, cruel demands of, 153Amphictyons, decree of, in the Phocian war,135Amphipolis, siege of, raised, 127 -, capture of, 131 Amphissa, people of, accused of sacrilege, 159 revolt of, 160 Ancyræ, battle of, 296Anglo-Indian discoveries, 401 Antalcidas, his mission to Sardis, 68 -, peace of, 69 Antigonus and Leonatus, their disobedience toPerdiccas, 234 —, jealousy of, 237 preparations of, 264 declines negotiation, 266Antiochus the Great, his victory, 304 defeats Scopas, 306,attacks Mysia and Caria, 307 his discussion with the Romans, 307, 366 his war in Pisidia; invades Greece; hisweak and unsteady conduct, 370 , his fleet defeated by the Romans, 374 by the Rhodians, 375 proposes a treaty with the Romans, 376 loses the battle of Magnesia, 378his flight into Syria, 378 his embassy to the Romans at Sardis, 378 death of, 379Antiochus Epiphanes succeeds Seleucus, 381 his trifling behaviour, 381declares war against Egypt, 381 his submissive conduct to the Romans,382his wars against the Jews, 383his expedition to Upper Asia; his death,383Antiochus Eupator, his accession, 383 put to death at Antioch, 383 his son defeated by Ptolemy and Se- Antiochus VI. , or " Antiochus Epiphanes " (the leucus, 266invades Egypt, 275 assumes the regal title, 275his retreat from Egypt, 275his ascendency in Greece, 277 confederacy against him; his campaign,278his death at the battle of Ipsus, 278 Antigonus Gonatas, son of Demetrius, recovers his throne, 286 retires to Peloponnesus, 286his death, 287Antigonus Doson in power, 287 his victories, 287 his death, 288 Antigonus III . , his advance against Cleomenes,and capture of Corinth, 327 is chosen general of the Achæan league,328his success, 328-342 character of, and death, 329 Antiochus Soter, origin of his title, 290 2 his misfortunes, 291is defeated and slain by the Gauls at Ephesus, 291 Antiochus Theos defeats the troops of Ptolemy,292is murdered, 293son of Balas) , slain by Diodotus, 386 Antiochus VII. (Sidetes) , accession of, 386 slain among the Parthians, 387Antiochus VIII . (Grypus) succeeds Zebina;marries a daughter of Physcon, 387 the throne disputed by his brother, 388 division of the kingdom, murder of Grypus, and death of Cyzenicus, 388 Antiochus IX. (Cyzenicus) dethrones Grypus (Antiochus VIII . ) , 388 agrees to a partition of the kingdom, 388 is defeated and slain, 388Antiochus X. (Eusebes) succeeds Cyzenicus,king of Damascus, 388Antiochus XI. and Philip vindicate their rights, 388 Antiochus XII (Dionysius) ascends the throne of Damascus, 389 falls in battle against the Arabs, 389 Antipater, viceroy of Alexander the Great,defeats the confederacy against Ma- cedon, 209defeated by the Athenians, 242 his final success, 242-, regency of, 245 takes measures against Eumenes, 246 " his death, 248 Apelles, intrigues of, against Aratus, 331Antiochus Hierax, defeat and captivity of, 296 Apollodotus one of the Indo-Macedonic dy- Antiochus the Great, 298,takes the field against Molon, 299 his views on Egypt, 300 defeated in the battle of Raphia, 302 marches against the Parthians, 304nasty, 428 Aratus, life of, 313 birth and childhood of, 316his conquest of Sicyon, 317 he retires into Egypt, 318INDEX.457Aratus, his misfortunes, 319returns to Sicyon, 319 surprises the Acropolis of Corinth, 321 invades Ætolia, 323 his attempts on Athens, 323 trial of, 330 death of, 332 Argyraspides, fate of the, 262 Ariana and the Arii, 411Ariæus, treachery of, 15 Ariarathes, revolt of, and defeat, 234, 235 Aristotle, Philip's letter to, 129 at the court of Philip, 156 Armenia reached by the retreating Greeks, 27 Arrhidæus, brother of Alexander the Great, 229 checks the divisions of his troops, 231 his marriage, 236 Arrian, his notices of Bactria, 412Arridæus, regency of, 244 Artabazus, governor of Bactra, 419Artaxerxes imprisons Cyrus, 5Carduchian Mountains, passage of, 26 Cassander murders Roxana and Alexander, 272Cerasus reached by the army, 30 Chæronea, battle of, 163 Chandragupta (Sandracoptus), his alliance with Seleucus, 420Cheirisophus, imprudence of, 28 Chronology in connection with Aratus, 328 no guarantee against the mixture ofmythology with history, 433 Cleander, the Spartan governor, his haughty conduct, 34 Clearchus commander-in-chief of the GræcoCyrean army, 6attempts to urge on the soldiers-they revolt, 9his troops quarrel with those of Menon,10his replies to Ariæus and Phalesius, 12,13assassination of, 18 demands the surrender of the Greeks, 13 Cleomenes, king of Sparta, 334Athenæus surprises the Nabathæans, 269 Athenians, war between the, and Philip, 128 their cruise against the coasts of Ma- cedon, 157 lay an embargo upon Macedonian ships,158their correspondence with Persia, 158 oppose the Amphictyonic Council, 161 Athens sends assistance to Thebes, 82-, congress at, 98" ambitious views of, in the time of Philip,127 makes overtures of peace to Philip, 143 Attalus I. in alliance with Antiochus theGreat, 303Babylon, surrender of, to Alexander, 207Bactria, sources of our knowledge of, 410a Persian province, 412 and Parthia, revolt of, 292Bactrian (Greek) kingdom, extent of, 411 terminology, obscurities of, 418Bactrians, early notices of the, 412Boeotia, conspiracy in, 112 (see Epameinondas)Balas, Alexander, the Usurper, 385his unworthy conduct and death, 385his son is proclaimed king, and defeats Demetrius, 386murdered by Diodotus, 386 Barbaric kings, 428Bayer, his history of the Bactrian Greek co- lonies, 414 Bessus, pursuit of, by Alexander; by Ptolemycaptured, 211 is put to death, 212 Byzantium seized by the Cyrean soldiers , 35"9marries the widow of Agis, 335 accession of, 336 makes war on the Achæans, 337 recalled by the Ephori, 337 his warlike successes, 340 defeats the Achæans and removes theEphori, 338 reforms the Spartans, 339his war with Antigonus of Macedon, 341 his alliance with Euergetes, 342flight of, 346 his treatment in Egypt, 347solicits permission to leave Egypt, 348 his imprisonment and death, 349 Cleopatra, sister of Alexander the Great, mur- dered, 273 cl*tus murdered by Alexander, 214 Colchians, attack on, 29Congress of Greek states, at Thebes, 107 Conon, his victory over the Lacedæmonians, 66 Corinthian deputation sent to Lacedæmon, 110 Coronea, battle of, 66 Corupedion, battle of, 283Cotys, assassination of, 134 Crassus (Licinius) invades Macedon, 396 Craterus, death of, 239Cratisiclea, his fortitude, 343 Cretias, his character, 42 his death, 52 Cunaxa, battle of, 12Cyprus, transactions in, 274 Cyrus imprisoned by Artaxerxes, 5invites Xenophon to the Persian Court, 6Greek generals in his service, 7commences warlike operations against his brother, 7458 INDEX.Cyrus is distressed for money to pay his | Demochares, insolent conduct of, 164 troops, 8is relieved by Queen Epyaxa, 8informs the army of his real enter- prise, 10 interposes between the armed divisions of Clearchus and Menon, 10disposition of the army of, 11 death of, 12 brief outline of his character, 20Darius prepares to meet Alexander, and marches towards the west, 188 , 189moves towards the Amanic gate, 192 flight of, at Issus, 195 -, at Gaugamela, 206 flies from Media, 200is assassinated, 210 Demetrius Poliorcetes, 265 success and gratitude of, 267his expedition against the Nabathæans,269his gratitude to Ptolemy, 268 his proceedings after the death of Antigonus, 279 his new alliances, 279 attacks Athens and Sparta, 279is declared king of Macedon, 280 his reverses and death, 281 Demetrius Phalareus, surrender of, 273 Demetrius succeeds his father AntigonusGonatas, 287 his death, 287Demetrius Soter escapes from Rome, 383 -, intrigues and death of, 384 Demetrius Nicator vanquishes Balas and suc- ceeds to the throne, 385 marries Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy,385defeated by the son of Alexander Balas,386makes war on Parthia, 386 is taken prisoner, 386 escapes; resumes the throne; is de- feated and murdered, 387Demetrius, allusions to the Indian conquests of, 424 Demosthenes, his confusion before Philip, 144 his address to the Athenians, 146pronounces his celebrated philippic, 155 flight and death of, 243 Dexippus, base conduct of, 34 Diodotus, usurpation of, 3869betrays Jonathan, 386 assumes the name of Tryphon, 386 death of, 387(see Theodotus. )Drapsacus, storm of, by Alexander, 416Democracy restored at Athens, 54Egypt (see Ptolemy and Alexander)Egyptian wealth, sources of, 407Epameinondas, life of, 71 at the congress of Lacedæmon, 87 heads the Thebans at the battle ofLeuctra, 91 his first invasion of Laconia, 100 his influence, 102 second expedition of, 105 invades Peloponnesus the fourth time,115returns to Mantinæa, 117Ephesus, surrendered to Alexander, 183 Eukratides the Great, 425his extensive possessions, 425-6 Eumenes, his victory over Craterus, 239 declared a public enemy, 245measures against, 246 his fidelity to the house of Macedon, 247 escapes from the blockade of Nora, 249his policy, 255 pursued by Antigonus, 256 forces serving under, 256 dissensions in his army, 258 his battle with Antigonus, 258 conspiracies against, 259 is betrayed, 260 is put to death, 260Eumenes co-operates with the Romans, 367 stirs up the Romans against Perseus,395Eurydice, influence of, 245Euphrates, the, crossed by the Greeks, 27 Euthydemus on the throne of Bactria, 422notices of, in classical authors, 423Gaugamela, battle of, 206 Gaza, taken by assault, by Alexander, 205 2 effects of the battery of, 267 Generals of the Greeks seized and other generals appointed, 18 Gordian knot, story of, 189 Greece, post- republican, 2Greek centres of civilization , 405Greek trader-his influences, 405Greek history, retrospective view of, 432 a political text-book, 433Greek army, despair of, 20 arrives within view of the sea, 28Greek military and moral notions, 30 Gryllus, son of Xenophon, death of, 40 Gythium, attempted relief of, 358Hannibal, his advice to Antiochus, 369 is defeated by the Rhodian fleet, 375INDEX. 459Hephæstion, death of, 220 Heliocles assumes the title of Dikæus, 426Heliodorus attempts to pillage the temple of Jerusalem; his treason to his sovereign, 380 Hellenic and Italic races; their regeneratinginfluences, 408Helots, enlisted by the Spartans, 101 Hermæus, treachery of, 298Hierax, defeat and captivity of, 296 Hippalus, voyage of, 407 Historians, Greek and Latin, discrepancies of, 87 Historical canon, 432Hostilius, expedition of, against Perseus, 397 Humboldt, his remarks on the policy of Alex- ander, 403 on imperfect evidence, 433 Hyperides, flight and death of, 243Indo-Macedonian empire, 400 Indo-Greek dynasties, paucity of historical in- formation of, 424 Indo-Greek dynasties, 420 decay of, 404 Indo-Greek archæology, value of, 409 Ipsus, battle of, 278 Isocrates, oration of, 149, 150 date of his oration, 151 Issus, battle of, 192Jason, his vast plans, 95Macedonia, affairs of, after the invasion ofthe Gauls, 286Macedonian ambassadors, their arrival at Athens, 147 phalanx, raised by Philip, 123 at the battle of Issus, 193 operations, in the time of Cleomenes ofSparta, 340 Machanidas, king of Sparta, 353 his defeat and death, 355Magnesia, decisive battle of, 377Manikyala, tope of, 402 Mantinæa, her senate re-established, 99 " the Lacedæmonian confederates at, 116battle of, 118, 119 second battle of, between Philopomon and Machanidas, 354 (see also " Epameinondas ")Marmareans destroy themselves, 186 Megalopolis, destruction of, 344 Memnon intrigues with the Lacedæmonians,187" death of, 188 Menander, victories of, 427 Messenia, revolt of, 104 Methone, reduction of, 136 Miletus, captured by Alexander, 184 Military discipline, republic ideas unfavourable to, 20 Mithridates receives a check from the Greeks,24Molon revolts from Antiochus, 298gains Polydamus over to his interest, 96 Molon and Alexander deserted by their troops,is murdered, 97Kanerkos dynasty (see Barbaric Kings)Laconia, second invasion of, 117 Lacedæmon negotiates with Persia, 67war renewed between, 68conduct of, after the Peace of Antalci- das, 72 -, congress at , 85 Lacedæmonian garrison at Thebes, 77 war against Thebes, 78 Lamian war, 241 Leonatus, defeat and death of, 422 Leontiades, death of, 76 Leuctra, battle of, 90effects produced by, 93, 94 Lysias, history and connections of, 47299Nabathæan chief addresses Demetrius, 270 Nabis, successor of Machanidas, 355 Nearchus, nautical skill of, 407Nechos, magnificent canal of, 408 Neoptolemus, death of, 321Nicocles, family of, 274 Nile, overflow of, 301 Nomadic races, their influence, 429 Numismatic chronology, 428 -, (see English and Mahomedan currency) ,432Oligarchy established, 44Olympian treasury seized by the Arcadians,113Olynthian confederacy, reduction of, 72guardian of Antiochus; Eupator put to Olynthus, capture of, 142 death at Antioch, 383 Lysimachus, cruelties of, 282 defeat and death of, 283Orontas, treachery of, his death, 11Pages, the band of, their conspiracy against Alexander, 214 Macedonia (see Philip and Alexander) Panius, battle of, 312settlement of, as a Roman Province, 388 Parmenio advances on Damascus, 199460 INDEX.Parmenio at the battle of Gaugamela, 206 and Philotas, execution of, 211 Parties, state of, in Greece, at the close of Peloponnesian war, 2Paulus Æmilius commands against Persius,397 Pausanias sent at the head of an army, 53 disbands his army, 54Peloponnesian war, its record disjointed and unsatisfactory, 3Pelopidas, character of, 88 heads the " sacred band, " at Leuctra, 91is slain in a battle against Alexander of Theræ, 112 Perdiccas named regent, 23intrigues of, 236 alliance against, 237his expedition into Egypt, 240 is defeated before Pelusium, 240 is assassinated, 241Pergamus, territory of, invaded by Seleucus,374Persepolis, destruction of, by fire, 209 Perseus, king of Macedon, vanquished at Cynocephale, 391 , his accession, 395wise measures, attempts to gain allies,395takes the field against the Romans, 396his success, 397 defeated at the battle of Pydna, and car- ried to Rome, 398 dies at Alba, 398 Phalesius, his interview with the Greeks, 13 Phoebidas, his seizure of Thebes, 73, 74 Philip of Macedon, 120""his origin and education, 120 his travels and studies; interview withOlympias, 121 ascends the throne of Macedon, 122 his warlike genius, 123 his victory over Bardyllis, 124 alliance with Athens, 126his war with the Athenians, 128 alliance with Olynthus, 131 -, generous conduct of, 132 founds the colony of Philippi, 133humanity of, towards the Methoneans,137is defeated by the Phocians, 137 his policy in the sacred war, 138 his high political position, 139 powerful marine of, 141 his reply to Demosthenes, 145 arbitrates between Thebes and Phocis,154, 155his expedition against Thrace, 156, 157 is dangerously wounded, 159Philip of Macedon is elected general of the Amphictyons, 159 his letter to the Athenians, 161occupies Elateia, 162 assassination of, 166 character of, by Diodorus, 166 Philip, nephew of Antiochus III. ,throne of Macedon, 329his jealousy, 332 decline of his power, 357on thePhilip, son of Demetrius, succeeds to thethrone, 287, 288Philip V., of Macedon, his subserviency to the Romans, 392 grand project of, 393 his schemes defeated by family discord,394dies of grief, 394 Philippus (Marcius), his campaign against Persius, 397Philometor and Euergetes agree to reign in common, 382 Philopomon, skilful generalship of, 346-350 life of, 350his family and education, 351 his hardihood and military talents , 352 reforms the Achæan discipline, 353 slays the Elean general, 353 his brilliant generalship and success, 359 prudence of, 360 Phocian war (see " Sacred War")preparations for concluding the, 149Phocians, defeated by Philip, 137, 138 sue for peace, 151 decree against the, 154 Phocis and Thebes, war between, 83condition of, in the time of Philip, 126 sources of its power, 140 Pisidian and Isaurian war, 235 Platæans send an embassy to Athens, 85Plutarch, his account of Philip, 356 Policy, Greek, towards Rome and Carthage,280Political government, Greek, reflections on,46-433Polybius of Megalopis, rallies the troops at the second battle of Mantinea, 354Polysperchon, flight of, 261 Porus, his engagement with Alexander, 215 his defeat and magnanimity, 216 Potidæa (see life of " Philip" and " Pydna")Prinsep's discoveries, 401Proxenus, in the service of Cyrus, 6Ptolemy Soter, receives the exiled Seleucus,263his victory at Gaza, 266 retreat from Syria, 268 defeats Demetrius, 274INDEX. 461Ptolemy Soter nominates his son Philadelphus to a share of the throne, 281 court of, 285Ptolemy Ceraunns; his treachery, 284 his crimes, 286Ptolemy Euergetes; his accession to the throne of Egypt, 293 his expedition to the Indus, 295 advances into Syria, 309Ptolemy Philopator defends Egypt against the invasion of Antiochus, 30022visits the temple of Jerusalem, 311 attempted assassination of, 302 death of, 305 Ptolemy Epiphanes, accession of, 305Ptolemy Philadelphus ascends the throne, 308 his war with Magas, governor of Cyrene,308Ptolemy Euergetes, his conquest of Abyssinia,310existing memorials of, 311 Pydna and Potidæ, capture of, 132 Pydna, battle of ( see Perseus), 398Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, assists Alexander,son of Thessalonica, 280 Python put to death, 262Sacred war, conclusion of, 152 Sacrifice to Zeus Soter, 22Salamis, siege of, 274 surrender of, 274 Sardis surrendered to Alexander, 183Scipios, the, observe the festival of Mars, 375 Scipio Africanus receives the deputy of An- tiochus, 376, 377 his son restored to him by Antiochus,377Seleucus, accession of, 271gives his wife Stratonice to his son,Antiochus Soter, 282 is assassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus, 284 his character, 284Seleucus Callinicus, accession of, 293 " his defeat, 295 second defeat, captivity, and death, 297 Seleucus Ceraunus on the throne, 297 is assassinated by Apaturius, 297 Seleucus Philopator, accession of, 380 murder of, 381Seleucus and Ptolemy, alliance of, 263 Seleucidæ, overland traffic of the, 406 Sellasia, battle of, 328 -, (see Cleomenes), 344, 345his treachery, and massacre of the Seres, the, and Serica, 418 Greeks, 234Raphia, battle of, 302 Rhodes, siege of, by Antigonus, 276Rhodians, in alliance with the Romans, 306 defeat the fleet of Antiochus, 375-, treaty with, 276 Roman resources, view of, 400Romans, their discussion with Antiochus, 307 policy of, 3669urged to warlike counsels, from the fearof Hannibal, 367 their resolution against Antiochus andthe Etolians, 368 professions of their ambassadors, 369 their vigilance against Antiochus, 371 they march into Thessaly, 371 visit Troy, as the cradle of their race, 376 their stipulations with regard to Han- nibal, 379 their ambitious views in the time ofPhilip V. of Macedon, 393 prepare for war with Perseus, 396gain the battle of Pydna, and reduce Macedon to a Roman province, 398,399Roxana captured by Alexander, 212 (see " Alexander")Sacred war, 135" third period of, 141Seuthes, the Cyrean troops enter his service, 35 he recovers his dominions, 36 his breach of faith, 36Sinope, reached by the retreating Greeks, 31 Skirmish between Mithridates and the retreating Greeks, 23 Slingers enrolled, 22 Social war, 129-288Socrates and the Thirty Tyrants, 48 his parentage and family, 55 his eager desire for knowledge, 56 his constitution, appearance, hardihood,and integrity, 56 his habits of teaching; disciples;" The Clouds; " his magnanimity, 57is accused by Melitus and Anytus, 58 declines the defence of Lysias, and dis- regards his own, 59 appears before his judges, 60 is condemned to drink the juice of hem- lock, 61 efforts to save him, and his death, 61Socratic philosophy, political tendencies of, 55 Sogdiana, colonies settled in, 416 Sosibius, intrigues of, against Cleomenes, 348 Sparta, its power in the time of Cleomenes, 326 unites with the Achæan League, 360 renounces the League, 361 Spartan policy, difficulties of, 89 Syria, after the murder of Seleucus, 290 Syria and Egypt, war between, 294462 INDEX.Syria reduced to a Roman province, by Pom- | Thrasybulus is joined by large numbers, 52 pey, 390 Tigranes, king of Amenia, called to rule overTarsus surrendered to Alexander, 190"Ten Thousand, " the, retreat of, begins, 14 Thebes, war against, 66 seizure of, by Phoebidas, 73 effects of, on Greece, 75 revolution of, 75Thebes and Athens, alliance of, 79 second invasion of, by Agesilaus, 80 distress of, 81tyranny of, 84 and Lacedæmon, renewal of the war between, 87Thebes applies to Jason for assistance, 95attempts to acquire supremacy through Persia, 106 revolt of, 173is taken by assault by Alexander, 175 decree for the demolition of, 176Theban confederacy, disunion of, 105 commissioner at the Congress of Tegea,114Thebans, physical and intellectual characterof, 88 massacre of, 176 Theodotus, or Diodotus, governor of Bactria,and founder of the Indo-Greek dynasty,420 Theramenes, character of, 43 opposition of, 45 conspiracy against, 49 death of, 50Thimbron, his army joined by Xenophon, 37 " Thirty Tyrants, " the, 42 tyranny of, 45 measures pursued by, 47 Thrace, conquest of, by Philip, 133 Thracian gold mines, 134 Thrasybulus seizes Phyle, 51Syria, 389 is vanquished by Lucullus, 389 Timocrates, his mission to Greece, 65Tissaphernes joins the Persian army, 17 his treachery, 18 obstructs the retreat of the Greeks,Turushka dynasty, 429Tryphon (see Diodotus)Tyre (see ' Alexander')Walls, the " Long," of Athens, rebuilt, 67Xenophon, life and early years of, 3adapted for an historian, 2his introduction to Socrates, 5consults the Pythian oracle, 6joins Cyrus, 6his first notice of himself, 11his answer to Phalesius, and reply to the Persian leaders , 19 is chosen leader, 21his vigorous policy, 25 his foresight, 29 restores the discipline of the army, 31 refuses to be general- in- chief, 32 his prudence, 33 plunders the castle of Asidates, 37 deposits his wealth in the temple of Ephesus, 38 in retirement, 39 his literary works, 40 death of his son Gryllus, 40 his character, 41 Xenias and Pasion, Greek generals in the army of Cyrus, 7they desert the army of Cyrus, 9Yuchi, or Gete, the, 429{{GFDL}}